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SIMON  BOLIVAR,  THE  WASHINGTON  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA 


Per  u y z>o/,  two 


IMUorlts’s  38cst  f^tstortes 


PERU 


BY 

WILLIAM  H.  PRESCOTT 


With  Frontispiece 


if 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES 

VOLUME  TWO 


NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 

THE  CO-OPERATIVE  PUBLICATION  SOCIETY 


CONTENTS 


OF 

THE  SECOND  VOLUME.1 


BOOK  III. 

CONQUEST  OF  PERU —Continued. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

SJEW  INCA  CROWNED. — MUNICIPAL  REGULATIONS. — TERRIBLE  MARCH  OF 
ALVARADO.— INTERVIEW  WITH  PIZARRO.  — FOUNDATION  OF  LIMA. — 
HERNANDO  PIZARRO  REACHES  SPAIN. — SENSATION  AT  COURT.— FEUDS 
OF  ALMAGRO  AND  THE  PIZARROS,  p.  15. 


PAGE 


Inca  Manco  crowned 15 

Spanish  Government  in  Cuzco.  16 
Christian  Churches  founded. . . 18 

Labors  of  the  Missionaries.  ...  18 

Sharp  Encounters  with  the  Na- 
tives   20 

Landing  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado.  20 

His  March  to  Quito 21 

Terrible  Passage  of  the  Puertos 

Nevados 21 

Sufferings  from  Cold  and  Star- 
vation   21 

Eruption  of  Cotopaxi 22 

Alvarado  reaches  the  Table- 
land   23 

Benalcazar’s  Expedition 24 

Almagro’s  Pursuit 25 

Agreement  between  Alvarado 

and  Almagro 26 

Pizarro  at  Xauxa 26 

His  Meeting  with  Alvarado. ...  27 


PAGE 

Site  for  a new  Capital 28 

Foundation  of  Lima. .........  29 

Almagro  goes  to  Cuzco  .......  30 

Hernando  Pizarro  sent  to  Spain.  30 
Admitted  to  an  Audience  by  the 

Emperor 31 

Royal  Grants  to  the  Conquerors  32 
Sensation  produced  by  his  Ac- 
counts   33 

Returns  with  a large  Arma- 
ment   33 

His  Sufferings  at  Nombre  de 

Dios 34 

Elation  of  Almagro 34 

Difficulty  between  him  and  Pi- 
zarro   35 

Reconciliation  effected 36 

Singular  Compact 37 

Almagro’s  Expedition  to  Chili . 37 

Pizarro  embellishes  his  Capital.  38 
His  tranquil  Occupations. .....  39 


6 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  X. 

B 9 CAFE  OF  THE  INCA.  — RETURN  OF  HERNANDO  PIZARRO. — RISING  OP 
THE  PERUVIANS. — SIEGE  AND  BURNING  OF  CUZCO. — DISTRESSES  OF 
THE  SPANIARDS.— STORMING  OF  THE  FORTRESS. — PIZARRO’S  DISMAY. 
— THE  INCA  RAISES  THE  SIEGE,  p.  39. 


Condition  of  the  conquered 

Country 40 

Inca  Manco 41 

Conspiracy  of  the  Peruvians. ..  41 

Escape  and  Recapture  of  the 

Inca 42 

Kindly  treated  by  Hernando 

Pizarro 43 

The  Inca’s  final  Escape 43 

Hotly  pursued  by  Juan  Pizarro.  44 

Defeated  on  the  Yucay 44 

Juan  Pizarro  entangled  in  the 

Mountains 46 

Summoned  back  to  Cuzco 46 

The  Indians  besiege  it 46 

Anxiety  of  the  Spaniards 47 

Firing  of  the  City 48 

Terrible  Conflagration 48 

Perilous  Condition  of  the  Span- 
iards   49 

Desperate  Combats 50 

Distress  of  the  Besieged 51 

Their  resolute  Determination. . 52 


PAGE 

Furious  Sally 53 

Discipline  of  the  Natives 53 

Terrible  Slaughter  of  them  ....  53 

The  Spaniards  storm  the  Cita- 
del  54 

Death  of  Juan  Pizarro 56 

Heroism  of  an  Inca  Noble 57 

The  Fortress  taken 57 

Scarcity  of  Provisions 58 

Reinforcements  cut  off 58 

Consternation  of  the  Spaniards.  60 
Pizarro  seeks  Supplies  from  the 

North 60 

The  Inca  withdraws  his  Forces.  61 

Chivalrous  Encounters 61 

Attempt  to  seize  the  Inca 62 

Attack  on  his  Quarters  at  Tam- 

bo 62 

The  Spaniards  compelled  to 

Retreat 63 

Biographical  Notice  of  Pedro 

Pizarro 64 

Notice  of  Montesinos 66 


BOOK  IV. 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS. 


CHAPTER  I. 


ALMAGRO’S  MARCH  TO  CHILI. — SUFFERINGS  OF  THE  TROOPS. — HE  RE- 
TURNS AND  SEIZES  CUZCO.  — ACTION  OF  ABANCAY.  — GASPAR  DE 
ESPINOSA. — ALMAGRO  LEAVES  CUZCO. — NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  PIZARRO, 
p.  68. 


Almagro  sets  out  for  Chili 68 

W’ld  Scenery  of  the  Andes. ...  69 

Numbers  perish  of  Cold  and 

Famine  69 

Horrible  Sufferings  of  his  Army  69 
Cruelty  toward  his  Indian  Al- 
lies  70 


Overtaken  by  Rodrigo  de  Or- 

gofiez 7® 

Receives  bad  Tidings  from  the 

South 71 

Returns  by  the  Desert  of  Ata- 
cama   72 

Many  perish  among  the  Sand* . 73 


CONTENTS. 


7 


PAOH 

Arrives  near  Cuzco 73 

Battle  with  the  Inca’s  Troops. . 73 

Claims  Jurisdiction  over  Cuzco.  73 
Takes  Possession  of  the  Place.  75 
Captures  Hernando  and  Gon- 

zalo  Pizarro 75 

Orgofiez  advises  their  Death. . . 76 

Marches  against  Alonzo  de  Al- 
varado  76 

Battle  of  Abancay 77 

Almagro  defeats  and  takes  him 

Prisoner 77 

Returns  to  Cuzco ...  78 

Pizarro  greatly  alarmed 78 


PAGET 

Sends  Espinosa  to  negotiate. . . 79 

Death  of  his  Emissary. .......  79 

Critical  Situation  of  the  Broth- 
ers Pizarro 80 

Almagro  leaves  Cuzco  for  the 

Coast 8l 

Stormy  Conference  with  Fran- 
cisco Pizarro 82 

Bitter  Feelings  of  Almagro  ....  82 

Political  Concessions  of  Pizarro  83 
Treaty  concluded  between 

them „ 83 

Hernando  set  at  Liberty 84 


CHAPTER  n. 

FIRST  CIVIL  WAR. — ALMAGRO  RETREATS  TO  CUZCO. — BATTLE  OF  LAS 
SALINAS. — CRUELTY  OF  THE  CONQUERORS. — TRIAL  AND  EXECUTION  OF 
ALMAGRO.— HIS  CHARACTER,  p.  85. 


Pizarro  prepares  for  War  .... . 85 

Perfidiously  breaks  the  Treaty.  85 
Almagro  disabled  by  Illness ...  86 

He  retreats  to  Cuzco 86 

Orgofiez  takes  Command  of  the 

Forces 87 

Hernando  Pizarro  marches 

against  him 87 

Composition  of  the  Army 89 

His  Order  of  Battle 89 

Attacks  Orgofiez 90 

Bloody  Battle  of  Las  Salinas. . 91 

Heroism  and  Death  of  Orgofiez  91 
Rout  of  the  Army 91 


Almagro  taken  Prisoner 92 

Assassination  of  Pedro  de  Ler- 

ma 93 

Hernando  occupies  Cuzco 94 

Illness  and  Distress  of  Almagro  94 

He  is  brought  to  Trial 95 

Sentenced  to  Death 96 

Earnestly  sues  for  Life 96 

Appoints  his  Son  his  Successor.  97 

Is  Strangled  in  Prison 98 

His  Character 99 

His  free  and  liberal  Temper. . 99 

Unfortunate  Connection  with 

Pizarro 101 


CHAPTER  III. 


PIZARRO  REVISITS  CUZCO. — HERNANDO  RETURNS  TO  CASTILE. — HIS  LONG 
IMPRISONMENT.— COMMISSIONER  SENT  TO  PERU. — HOSTILITIES  WITH 
THE  INCA. — PIZARRO’S  ACTIVE  ADMINISTRATION.  — GONZALQ  PIZARRO, 
p.  IOI. 


Pizarro  marches  toward  Cuzco. 
Learns  Almagro’s  Death  ...... 

His  own  Agency  in  it 

His  arrogant  Conduct. 

Gross  Partiality  to  his  Family.  . 
Hernando  returns  with  much 

Gold  to  Spain 

His  Warning  to  his  Brother. . . 


101 

102 
102 
lor 

103 

104 

105 


Coldly  received  at  Court 

Is  thrown  into  Prison 

Detained  there  for  many  Years. 

His  Character 

Disorderly  State  of  Peru 

Commissioners  sent  out  by  the 

Crown 

Vaca  de  Castro  arrives  in  Peru. 


106 

106 

106 

107 

108 

109 

110 


8 


CONTENTS. 


PAGB 


War  with  the  Inca  Manco no 

Cruelty  of  Pizarro  to  one  of  his 

Wives in 

Pizarro  establishes  Settlements 

in  Peru 1 12 


PAoa 


His  Journey  to  Lima 113 

His  efficient  Administration  ...  113 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  sent  to  Quito. , 1 13 
Character  of  that  Chief 114 


CHAPTER  IV. 

OONZALO  PIZARRO* S EXPEDITION. — PASSAGE  ACROSS  THE  MOUNTAINS.— 
DISCOVERS  THE  NAPO. — INCREDIBLE  SUFFERINGS. — ORELLANA  SAILS 
DOWN  THE  AMAZON. — DESPAIR  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. — THE  SURVIVORS 


RETURN  TO  QUITO,  p.  II5. 

Expedition  to  the  Land  of  Cin- 
namon   1 15 

Gonzalo  leads  it 115 

Tempestuous  Weather  on  the 

March 1 16 

Forests  of  enormous  Growth. . . 116 
Miseries  and  Sufferings  of  the 

Spaniards 116 

They  arrive  on  the  Borders  of 


Stupendous  Cataract 1 18 

Perilous  Passage  of  the  River.  . 119 
They  construct  a Brigantine.  . . 120 


Orellana  takes  Command  of  it.  120 
They  reach  the  Banks  of  the 

Amazon 121 

Orellana’s  Wonderful  Voyage. . 122 

His  subsequent  Fate 123 

Dismal  Situation  of  the  Span- 
iards   123 

Courageous  Spirit  of  Gonzalo . . 124 
Their  Return  through  the  Wil- 
derness   124 

Frightful  Mortality 125 

Survivors  re-enter  Quito 126 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  ALMAGRO  FACTION. — THEIR  DESPERATE  CONDITION. — CONSPIRACY 
AGAINST  FRANCISCO  PIZARRO.  — ASSASSINATION  OF  PIZARRO.  — ACTS 
OF  THE  CONSPIRATORS. — PIZARRO’S  CHARACTER,  p.  127. 


Pizarro’s  Policy  toward  the  Men 

of  Chili  127 

Their  destitute  Condition 128 

Pizarro’s  contemptuous  Treat- 
ment of  them 128 

Their  Disaffection 129 

Conspiracy  against  Pizarro  ....  130 

Betrayed  to  him 130 

His  strange  Insensibility 131 

Assaulted  in  his  Palace 132 

Is  deserted  by  his  Friends 134 

His  Coolness  and  Intrepidity. . 135 

His  desperate  Defence 135 

His  Death 136 


Proceedings  of  the  Conspirators  136 

Fate  of  Pizarro’s  Remains 137 

His  Family 138 

His  Personal  Appearance 139 

His  Liberality 140 

His  Want  of  Education 140 

His  Courage  and  Constancy. . . 142 

His  inflexible  Spirit 142 

Compared  with  Cortes  143 

His  Treatment  of  the  Indians.  . 145 

Want  of  Religion 145 

His  Avarice  and  Ambition  ....  145 
Extenuating  Circumstances. . . . 147 


CONTENTS. 


9 


CHAPTER  VL 

MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  CONSPIRATORS. — ADVANCE  OF  VACA  DE  CASTRO.— 
PROCEEDINGS  OF  ALMAGRO. — PROGRESS  OF  THE  GOVERNOR. — THE 
FORCES  APPROACH  EACH  OTHER. — BLOODY  PLAINS  OF  CHUPAS. — CON- 
DUCT OF  VACA  DE  CASTRO,  p.  I47. 


PACE 

Arrival  of  Vaca  de  Castro 148 

Difficulties  of  his  Situation  ....  149 
He  assumes  the  Government . . 149 
Almagro  strengthens  himself  at 

Lima 150 

Massacre  of  Bishop  Valverde  . . 15 1 

His  fanatical  Character 15 1 

Irresolution  of  Almagro 153 

Death  of  Juan  de  Rada 153 

Almagro  occupies  Cuzco 154 

Puts  to  Death  Garcia  de  Alva- 
rado  154 

His  energetic  Operations 155 

He  vainly  Attempts  to  Negotiate  156 
His  Address  to  his  Troops  ....  156 

Amount  of  his  Forces 157 

Marches  against  Vaca  de  Castro  157 

Progress  of  the  Governor 158 

His  politic  Management 159 

Reaches  Lima 159 

Musters  his  Army  at  Xauxa.  . . 160 
Declines  the  Aid  of  Gonzalo 

Pizarro 161 

Negotiates  with  Almagro 162 


PAGE 

His  Terms  rejected 163 

Occupies  the  Plains  of  Chupas.  163 

Advance  of  Almagro 163 

The  Governor  forms  in  Order 

of  Battle 164 

Addresses  the  Soldiers 164 

Dispositions  of  Almagro 165 

Francisco  de  Carbajal 165 

He  leads  the  Royal  Army 166 

Bloody  Conflict 167 

Bravery  of  Carbajal 168 

Night  overtakes  the  Combat- 
ants   168 

Aimagro’s  Army  give  way....  168 

His  heroic  Efforts 170 

He  is  made  Prisoner 171 

Number  of  the  Slain 171 

Execution  of  Almagro 172 

His  Character 173 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  at  Cuzco 173 

Laws  for  the  Government  of  the 

Colonies 174 

Wise  Conduct  of  Vaca  de  Cas- 
tro  175 


CHAPTER  VIL 

ABUSES  BY  THE  CONQUERORS.— CODE  FOR  THE  COLONIES. — GREAT  EX- 
CITEMENT IN  PERU.  — BLASCO  NUSEZ  THE  VICEROY.  — HIS  SEVERE 
POLICY. — OPPOSED  BY  GONZALO  PIZARRO,  p.  1 76. 


Forlorn  Condition  of  the  Na- 
tives   177 

Brutal  Conduct  of  the  Con- 
querors  177 

Their  riotous  Waste 179 

Remonstrances  of  Government.  180 
Humane  Efforts  of  Las  Casas. . 181 

Royal  Ordinances 182 

Viceroy  and  Audience  for  Peru.  183 
Great  Commotion  in  the  Colo- 
nies  184 

Anxiety  of  Vaca  de  Castro. . . . 185 


Colonists  apply  to  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro   185 

Blasco  Nunez  Vela,  the  Viceroy  186 
He  arrives  in  the  New  World. . 187 
His  high-handed  Measures  ....  188 
The  Country  thrown  into  Con- 
sternation   188 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  repairs  to  Cuz- 
co   190 

Assumes  the  Title  of  Procura- 
tor  190 

His  ambitious  Views 190 


JO 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

CHE  VICEROY  ARRIVES  AT  LIMA.— GONZALO  PIZARRO  MARCHES  FROM 
CUZCO.  — DEATH  OF  THE  INCA  MANCO.  — RASH  CONDUCT  OF  THE 
VICEROY. — SEIZED  AND  DEPOSED  BY  THE  AUDIENCE. — GONZALO  PRO- 
CLAIMED GOVERNOR  OF  PERU,  p.  191. 


filasco  Nufiez,  the  Viceroy,  en- 


ters Lima I91 

His  impolitic  Behavior 192 

Discontent  of  the  Colonists.  . . . 193 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  assembles  an 

An«y 193 

Marches  from  Cuzco 193 

Death  of  the  Inca  Manco 194 

Hesitation  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro . . 195 
Reassured  by  Popular  Favor. . . 196 
Suspicious  Temper  of  the  Vice- 
roy   196 

He  confines  Vaea  de  Castro  . . . 197 

He  prepares  for  War 197 

Audience  arrive  at  Lima 198 


FAGS 

Disapprove  the  Viceroy’s  Pro- 


ceedings   198 

Murder  of  Suarez  de  Carbajal. . 199 
Rash  Design  of  the  Viceroy  . . . 200 
Thwarted  by  the  Audience ....  201 
Made  Prisoner  in  his  Palace.  . . 201 

Sent  back  to  Spain 202 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  claims  the  Gov- 
ernment. . 202 

Cruelties  of  Carbajal 203 

Audience  grant  Pizarro’s  De- 
mands   204 

His  triumphant  Entry  into 

Lima 204 

Proclaimed  Governor 205 

Rejoicings  of  the  People 205 


CHAPTER  IX. 

MEASURES  OF  GONZALO  PIZARRO. — ESCAPE  OF  VACA  DE  CASTRO. — RE- 
APPEARANCE OF  THE  VICEROY. — HIS  DISASTROUS  RETREAT. — DEFEAT 
AND  DEATH  OF  THE  VICEROY.  — GONZALO  PIZARRO  LORD  OF  PERU, 

p.  205. 


Gonzalo  Pizarro  establishes  hjs 

Authority 206 

Vaca  de  Castro  escapes  to 

Spain 206 

Is  there  thrown  into  Confine- 
ment   207 

The  Viceroy  Blasco  Nunez  set 

on  Shore  208 

Musters  a Force  at  San  Miguel  209 
Gonzalo  Marches  against  him. . 209 

Surprises  him  by  Night 210 

Pursues  him  across  the  Moun- 
tains   210 

Terrible  Sufferings  of  the  Ar- 
mies   212 

Disaffection  among  the  Vice- 
roy’s Followers 212 

He  puts  several  Cavaliers  to 

Death  213 

Enters  Quito 214 


Driven  onward  to  Popayan. ...  215 

Reinforced  by  Benalcazar 215 

Stratagem  of  Pizarro 216 

Blasco  Nunez  approaches 

Quito 216 

Attempts  to  surprise  Gonzalo 

Pizarro 217 

Determines  to  give  him  Battle.  218 

Addresses  his  Troops 218 

Inferiority  of  his  Forces 219 

Battle  of  Anaquito 219 

The  Viceroy  defeated 220 

Slain  on  the  Field 221 

Great  Slaughter  of  his  Troops  . 222 
Character  of  Blasco  Nuffez  . . , 223 
Difficulty  of  his  Position  ....  223 

Moderation  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro .-  224 
His  Triumphant  Progress  to 

Lima 225 

Undisputed  Master  of  Peru 225 


CONTENTS. 


II 


M.GE 

Carbajal’s  Pursuit  of  Centeno. . 226 
He  works  the  Mines  of  Potosi . 227 


State  assumed  by  Pizarro 228 

Urged  to  shake  off  his  Alle- 
giance  228 


PASS 


His  Hesitation 228 

Critical  Notices  of  Herrera  and 

Gomara 230 

Life  and  Writings  of  Oviedo..  231 
And  of  Cieza  de  Leon 23a 


BOOK  V. 

SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 

CHAPTER  I. 

eREAT  SENSATION  IN  SPAIN. — PEDRO  DE  LA  GASCA. — HIS  EARLY  LIFE. 
— HIS  MISSION  TO  PERU. — HIS  POLITIC  CONDUCT. — HIS  OFFERS  TO 
PIZARRO. — GAINS  THE  FLEET,  p.  234. 


Consternation  produced  in 


Spain  

Embarrassments  of  the  Govern- 

ment 

Conciliatory  Measures  adopted.  236 

Pedro  de  la  Gasca 

Account  of  his  early  Life.. 

Selected  for  the  Peruvian  Mis- 

sion 

Receives  the  Instructions 

of 

Government 

•••  239 

Demands  unlimited  Powers. 

. . . 241 

Granted  by  the  Emperor. . . 

. . . 241 

Refuses  a Bishopric 

Sails  from  San  Lucar 

• ••  243 

State  of  Things  in  Peru .... 

•••  243 

Gasca  arrives  at  Nombre 

de 

Dios 

...244 

His  plain  and  unpretending  De- 

meanor 

He  gains  over  Mexia 245 

Cautious  Reception  of  him  by 

Hinojosa 246 

He  distributes  Letters  through 

the  Country 246 

Communicates  with.  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro   246 

His  Letters  to  him  and  Cepeda  248 

He  is  detained  at  Panama 249 

Refuses  to  employ  Violent 

Measures 249 

Secret  Anxiety  of  Pizarro 250 

He  sends  Aldana  to  Spain  ....  251 
Interview  of  Aldana  with 

Gasca 252 

He  embraces  the  Royal  Cause  . 253 
Hinojosa  surrenders  the  Fleet 

to  Gasca 253 

Gasca’s  temperate  Policy  suc- 
ceeds  254 


CHAPTER  II. 


OASCA  ASSEMBLES  HIS  FORCES.  — DEFECTION  OF  GONZALO  PIZARRO’S 
FOLLOWERS. — HE  MUSTERS  HIS  LEVIES. — AGITATION  IN  LIMA. — HE 
ABANDONS  THE  CITY. — GASCA  SAILS  FROM  PANAMA. — BLOODY  BATTLE 
OF  HUARINA,  p.  254. 


Gasca  seeks  Supplies  of  Men 

and  Money 254 

Aldana  sent  with  a Squadron  to 

Lima 255 


Influence  of  Gasca’s  Proclama- 
tions ....  255 

Change  of  Sentiment  in  the 
Country 256 


12 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


Letter  of  Gasca  to  Pizarro 256 

Different  Views  of  Carbajal  and 

Cepeda 256 

Centeno  seizes  Cuzco  for  the 

Crown 258 

Gonzalo’s  active  Measures. . . . 258 
Splendid  Equipment  of  his 

Army 259 

He  becomes  suspicious  and  vio- 
lent  260 

Solemn  Farce  of  Cepeda 261 

Aldana  arrives  off  Lima 261 

Gonzalo’s  Followers  desert  to 

him 262 

Perplexity  of  that  Chief 263 

He  marches  out  of  Lima 264 

Tempestuous  Voyage  of  Gasca.  265 

He  lands  at  Tumbez 266 

Encamps  at  Xauxa 267 


PACE 

Gonzalo  resolves  to  retire  to 

Chili 

Centeno  intercepts  him 

Pizarro  advances  to  Lake  Titi- 
caca  

The  two  Armies  approach  Hua- 

rina 

Inferiority  of  the  rebel  Army  . . 

Carbajal’s  Arquebusiers 

Battle  of  Huarina 

Centeno’s  Cavalry  bear  down 

all  before  them 

Critical  Situation  of  Pizarro  . . . 
Carbajal’s  Musketeers  retrieve 

the  Day 

Decisive  Victory  of  the  Rebels. 

Great  Loss  on  both  Sides 

Escape  of  Centeno 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  enters  Cuzco  in 
Triumph 


268 

268 

269 

269 

270 
270 

272 

273 
273 

273 

274 

275 

276 


277 


CHAPTER  III. 

DISMAY  IN  GASCA’S  CAMP.  — HIS  WINTER  QUARTERS. — RESUMES  HIS 
MARCH. — CROSSES  THE  APURIMAC. — PIZARRO’S  CONDUCT  IN  CUZCO.— 
HE  ENCAMPS  NEAR  THE  CITY. — ROUTE  OF  XAQUIXAGUANA,  p.  278. 


Consternation  in  the  Royal 

Camp 279 

Energetic  Measures  of  the  Presi- 
dent   279 

He  marches  to  Andaguaylas . . . 280 
Joined  by  Valdivia  from  Chili.  280 
Excellent  Condition  of  Gasca’s 

Troops 281 

He  sets  out  for  Cuzco 282 

Difficult  Passage  of  the  Andes.  282 
He  throws  a Bridge  over  the 

Apurimac 283 

Great  Hazard  in  crossing  the 

River  283 

Dangerous  Ascent  of  the  Si- 
erra  285 

He  encamps  on  the  Heights . . . 286 
Gonzalo  Pizarro’s  careless  In- 
difference   286 

Wise  Council  of  Carbajal 286 

Rejected  by  his  Commander . . . 287 
Acosta  detached  to  guard  the 
Passes 288 


Tardy  Movements  of  that  Of- 
ficer  288 

Valley  of  Xaquixaguana 288 

Selected  as  a Battle-ground  by 

Pizarro 290 

Gonzalo  takes  up  a position 

there 29® 

Approach  of  the  Royal  Army. . 291 

Skirmish  on  the  Heights 292 

The  President  fears  a Night- 

Attack 293 

The  Armies  drawn  up  in  Battle- 

array  293 

Chivalrous  Bearing  of  Gonzalo.  293 

Desertion  of  Cepeda 294 

His  example  followed  by  others  296 
A Panic  seizes  the  rebel  Troops  296 
They  break  up  and  disperse . . . 296 
Pizarro  surrenders  himself  Pris- 
oner   297 

Sternly  received  by  Gasca 298 

Capture  of  Carbajal 299 

Great  Booty  of  the  Victors. . . . 300 


C O NT  ENTS. 


13 


CHAPTER  IV. 

EXECUTION  OF  CARBAJAL. — GONZALO  PIZARRO  BEHEADED. — SPOILS  OF 
VICTORY. — WISE  REFORMS  BY  GASCA. — HE  RETURNS  TO  SPAIN. — HIS 


DEATH  AND  CHARACTER,  p.  3OI. 

PAGB 

Sentence  passed  on  the  Pris- 
oners   301 

Indifference  of  Carbajal 302 

His  Execution 303 

His  early  Life 303 

Atrocities  committed  by  him  in 

Peru 304 

His  caustic  Repartees 305 

His  Military  Science 305 

Execution  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro . , 307 
His  Conduct  on  the  Scaffold . . . 307 
Confiscation  of  his  Estates  ....  308 

His  early  History 308 

His  brilliant  Exterior 309 

His  Want  of  Education 310 

Fate  of  Cepeda 311 

And  of  Gonzalo’ s Officers 31 1 

Gasca  occupies  Cuzco. 31 1 

Gasca’s  Difficulty  in  apportion- 
ing Rewards. ...  - 312 

His  letter  to  the  Army 313 

Value  of  Repartimientos 314 

Murmurs  of  the  Soldiery 314 

The  President  goes  to  Lima . . . 315 
His  Care  for  the  Natives 316 


He  abolishes  Slavery  in  the 

Colonies 317 

Introduces  wholesome  Reforms  317 
Tranquillity  restored  to  the 

Country 318 

He  refuses  numerous  Presents.  320 

Embarks  for  Panam4 320 

His  narrow  Escape  there 321 

Sails  from  Nombre  de  Dios. . . . 321 
Arrives  with  his  Treasure  at  Se- 
ville  321 

Graciously  received  by  the  Em- 
peror  322 

Made  Bishop  of  Siguenza 322 

His  Death 322 

His  personal  Appearance  ....  323 

Admirable  Balance  of  his  Qual- 
ities   324 

His  Common  Sense 324 

His  Rectitude  and  Moral  Cour- 
age   324 

Concluding  Reflections 325 

Critical  Notice  of  Zarate 327 

Life  and  Writings  of  Fernan- 
dez   329 


APPENDIX. 

ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


Description  of  the  Inca’s  Prog- 
resses   331 

Account  of  the  great  Peruvian 

road 332 

Policy  of  the  Incas  in  their  Con- 
quests   . . . . 333 

Will  of  Mancio  Sierra  Lejese- 

ma. :.  335 

Interview  between  Pedrarias 

and  Almagro  337 

Contract  of  Pizarro  with  Al- 
magro and  Luque 339 

Capitulation  of  Pizarro  with  the 
Queen 342 

Index 


Accounts  of  Atahuallpa’s  Seiz- 
ure   34* 

Personal  Habits  of  Atahuallpa.  353 
Accounts  of  Atahuallpa’s  Exe- 
cution   355 

Contract  between  Pizarro  and 

Almagro... 35^ 

Letter  of  Almagro  the  Younger 

to  the  Audience . . 362 

Letter  of  the  Municipality  of 
Arequipa  to  Charles  the 

Fifth 364 

Sentence  passed  on  Gonzalo 
Pizarro 367 

369 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU 


BOOK  III. 

CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 

(continued.) 


CHAPTER  IX. 


New  Inca  Crowned. — Municipal  Regulations. — Terrible  March  of  Alva- 
rado.— Interview  with  Pizarro. — Foundation  of  Lima.  Hernando 
Pizarro  reaches  Spain. — Sensation  at  Court. — Feuds  of  Almagro  and 
the  Pizarros. 


1534 — 1535- 

The  first  care  of  the  Spanish  general,  after  the  division  of 
the  booty,  was  to  place  Manco  on  the  throne  and  to  obtain 
for  him  the  recognition  of  his  countrymen.  He,  accordingly, 
presented  the  young  prince  to  them  as  their  future  sovereign, 
the  legitimate  son  of  Huayna  Capac,  and  the  true  heir  of  the 
Peruvian  sceptre.  The  annunciation  was  received  with  enthu- 
siasm by  the  people,  attached  to  the  memory  of  his  illustrious 
father,  and  pleased  that  they  were  still  to  have  a monarch  rule 
over  them  of  the  ancient  line  of  Cuzco. 

Everything  was  done  to  maintain  the  illusion  with  the  In- 
dian population.  The  ceremonies  of  a coronation  were  stu- 
diously observed.  The  young  prince  kept  the  prescribed  fasts 
and  vigils  ; and  on  the  appointed  day  the  nobles  and  the  peo- 
ple, with  the  whole  Spanish  soldiery,  assembled  in  the  great 


i6 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  III. 


square  of  Cuzco  to  witness  the  concluding  ceremony.  Mass 
was  publicly  performed  by  Father  Valverde,  and  the  Inca 
Manco  received  the  fringed  diadem  of  Peru,  not  from  the  hand 
of  the  high-priest  of  his  nation,  but  from  his  Conqueror,  Pi- 
zarro.  The  Indian  lords  then  tendered  their  obeisance  in  the 
customary  fix  m ; after  which  the  royal  notary  read  aloud  the 
instrument  asserting  the  supremacy  of  the  Castilian  crown,  and 
requiring  the  homage  of  all  present  to  its  authority.  This  ad- 
dress was  explained  by  an  interpreter,  and  the  ceremony  of 
homage  was  performed  by  each  one  of  the  parties  waving  the 
royal  banner  of  Castile  twice  or  thrice  with  his  hands.  Manco 
then  pledged  the  Spanish  commander  in  a golden  goblet  of 
the  sparkling  chiclxa  ; and,  the  latter  having  cordially  embraced 
the  new  monarch,  the  trumpets  announced  the  conclusion  of 
the  ceremony.1  But  it  was  not  the  note  of  triumph,  but  of 
humiliation ; for  it  proclaimed  that  the  armed  foot  of  the 
stranger  was  in  the  halls  of  the  Peruvian  Incas ; that  the  cere- 
mony of  coronation  was  a miserable  pageant ; that  their  prince 
himself  was  but  a puppet  in  the  hands  of  his  conqueror ; and 
that  the  glory  of  the  Children  of  the  Sun  had  departed  for- 
ever ! 

Yet  the  people  readily  yielded  to  the  illusion,  and  seemed 
willing  to  accept  this  image  of  their  ancient  independence. 
The  accession  of  the  young  monarch  was  greeted  by  all  the 
usual  fetes  and  rejoicings.  The  mummies  of  his  royal  ances- 
tors, with  such  ornaments  as  were  still  left  to  them,  were 
paraded  in  the  great  square.  They  were  attended  each  by  his 
own  numerous  retinue,  who  performed  all  the  menial  offices, 
as  if  the  object  of  them  were  alive  and  could  feel  their  import. 
Each  ghostly  form  took  its  seat  at  the  banquet-table — now, 
alas ! stripped  of  the  magnificent  service  with  which  it  was 
wont  to  blaze  at  these  high  festivals — and  the  guests  drank 
deep  to  the  illustrious  dead.  Dancing  succeeded  the  carousal, 
and  the  festivities,  prolonged  to  a late  hour,  were  continued 
night  after  night  by  the  giddy  population,  as  if  their  conquer- 


1 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Ped.  Sancho,  Ret.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  iii.,  foL 


NEW  INCA  CROWNED. 


CHAP.  IX.J 


1 7 


ors  had  not  been  intrenched  in  the  capital ! 2 What  a con* 
trast  to  the  Aztecs  in  the  conquest  of  Mexico  ! 

Pizarro’s  next  concern  was  to  organize  a municipal  govern 
ment  for  Cuzco,  like  those  in  the  cities  of  the  parent  country. 
Two  alcaldes  were  appointed,  and  eight  regidores,  among 
which  last  functionaries  were  his  brothers  Gonzalo  and  Juan. 
The  oaths  of  office  were  administered  with  great  solemnity,  on 
the  twenty-fourth  of  March,  1534,  in  presence  both  of  Span- 
iards and  Peruvians,  in  the  public  square  ; as  if  the  general 
were  willing  by  this  ceremony  to  intimate  to  the  latter  that, 
while  they  retained  the  semblance  of  their  ancient  institutions, 
the  real  power  was  henceforth  vested  in  their  conquerors.3  He 
invited  Spaniards  to  settle  in  the  place  by  liberal  grants  of 
lands  and  houses,  for  which  means  were  afforded  by  the  numer- 
ous palaces  and  public  buildings  of  the  Incas;  and  many  a 
cavalier  who  had  been  too  poor  in  his  own  country  to  find  a 
place  to  rest  in  now  saw  himself  the  proprietor  of  a spacious 
mansion  that  might  have  entertained  the  retinue  of  a prince.4 
From  this  time,  says  an  old  chronicler,  Pizarro,  who  had  hither- 
to been  distinguished  by  his  military  title  of  “ Captain-Gen- 
eral,” was  addressed  by  that  of  “ Governor.”  5 Both  had  been 
bestowed  on  him  by  the  royal  grant. 

Nor  did  the  chief  neglect  the  interests  of  religion.  Father 
Valverde,  whose  nomination  as  Bishop  of  Cuzco  not  long  af- 
terward received  the  Papal  sanction,  prepared  to  enter  on  the 


3 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — “Luegopor  la  manana  iba  al  enterramiento 
donde  estaban  cada  uno  por  orden  embalsamados  como  es  dicho,  y asentados  en  sus  sillas,  y 
con  mucha  veneracion  y respeto,  todos  por  orden  los  sacaban  de  alii  y los  trahian  A la 
ciudad,  teniendo  cada  uno  su  litera,  y hombres  con  su  librea.  que  le  trujesen,  y ansi  desta 
manera  todo  el  servicio  y aderezos  como  si  estubiera  vivo.” — Relacion  del  primer  Descub., 
MS. 

* Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  iii.,  fol.  409. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio 
1534.—  Actto  de  la  fundacion  del  Cuzco,  MS. — This  instrument,  which  belongs  to  thecoU 
lection  of  Munoz,  records  not  only  the  names  of  the  magistrates,  but  of  the  vecinos  who 
formed  the  first  population  of  the  Christian  capital. 

4 Actto  de  la  fundacion  del  Cuzco,  MS.—  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.—  Gar* 
cilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  r,  lib.  7,  cap.  9 et  seq.  When  a building  was  of  immense  size, 
as  happened  with  some  of  the  temples  and  palaces,  it  was  assigned  to  two  or  even  three  of 
the  Conquerors,  who  each  took  his  share  of  it.  Garcilasso,  who  describes  the  city  as  it  was 
soon  after  the  Conquest,  commemorates  with  sufficient  prolixity  the  names  of  the  cavaliers 
among  whom  the  buildings  were  distributed* 

6 Montesinos,  Annales,  afio  1534. 


i8 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  III. 


duties  of  his  office.  A place  was  selected  for  the  cathedral  of  his 
diocese,  facing  the  plaza.  A spacious  monastery  subsequently 
rose  on  the  ruins  of  the  gorgeous  House  of  the  Sun  ; its  walls 
were  constructed  of  the  ancient  stones ; the  altar  was  raised 
on  the  spot  where  shone  the  bright  image  of  the  Peruvian 
deity,  and  the  cloisters  of  the  Indian  temple  were  trodden  by 
the  friars  of  St.  Dominic.6  To  make  the  metamorphosis  more 
complete,  the  House  of  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun  was  replaced  by 
a Roman  Catholic  nunnery.7  Christian  churches  and  monas- 
teries gradually  supplanted  the  ancient  edifices,  and  such  of  the 
latter  as  were  suffered  to  remain,  despoiled  of  their  heathen 
insignia,  were  placed  under  the  protection  of  the  Cross. 

The  Fathers  of  St.  Dominic,  the  Brethren  of  the  Order  of 
Mercy,  and  other  missionaries,  now  busied  themselves  in  the 
good  work  of  conversion.  We  have  seen  that  Pizarro  was  re- 
quired by  the  crown  to  bring  out  a certain  number  of  these 
holy  men  in  his  own  vessels  ; and  every  succeeding  vessel 
brought  an  additional  reinforcement  of  ecclesiastics.  They 
were  not  all  like  the  Bishop  of  Cuzco,  with  hearts  so  seared  by 
fanaticism  as  to  be  closed  against  sympathy  with  the  unfortu- 
nate natives.8  They  were,  many  of  them,  men  of  singular  hu- 
mility, who  followed  in  the  track  of  the  conqueror  to  scatter 
the  seeds  of  spiritual  truth,  and,  with  disinterested  zeal,  de- 
voted themselves  to  the  propagation  of  the  gospel.  Thus  did 
their  pious  labors  prove  them  the  true  soldiers  of  the  Cross, 
and  show  that  the  object  so  ostentatiously  avowed  of  carry- 

c Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  i,  lib.  3,  cap.  20;  lib.  6,  cap.  21. — Naharro,  Relacion 
su maria,  MS. 

7 Ulloa,  Voyage  to  South  America,  book  7,  ch.  12. — “The  Indian  nuns,”  says  the  author 
of  the  Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  “ lived  chastely  and  in  a holy  manner.” — “Their 
chastity  was  all  a feint,”  says  Pedro  Pizarro,  “for  they  had  constant  amours  with  the  at- 
tendants of  the  temple.”  (Descub.  y Conq..  MS.) — What  is  truth?  In  statements  so  con- 
tradictory, we  may  accept  the  most  favorable  to  the  Peruvians.  The  prejudices  of  the 
Conquerors  certainly  did  not  lie  on  that  side. 

8 Such,  however,  it  is  but  fair  to  Val verde  to  state,  is  not  the  language  applied  to  him  by 

the  rude  soldiers  of  the  Conquest.  The  municipality  of  Xauxa,  in  a communication  to  the 
Court,  extol  the  Dominican  as  an  exemplary  and  learned  divine,  who  had  afforded  much 
ierviceable  consolation  to  his  countrymen  : “ Es  persona  de  mucho  exemplo  i Doctrina 

icon  quien  todos  los  Espaholes  an  tenido  mucho  consuelo.”  f Carta  de  la  Just,  y Reg.  de 
Xauxa,  MS.)  And  yet  this  is  not  incompatible  with  a high  degree  of  insensibility  to  the 
Batural  right9  of  the  natives. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


MUNICIPAL  REGULATIONS. 


19 


ing  its  banner  among  the  heathen  nations  was  not  an  empty 
vaunt. 

The  effort  to  Christianize  the  heathen  is  an  honorable 
characteristic  of  the  Spanish  conquests.  The  Puritan,  with 
equal  religious  zeal,  did  comparatively  little  for  the  conversion 
of  the  Indian,  content,  as  it  would  seem,  with  having  secured 
to  himself  the  inestimable  privilege  of  worshipping  God  in  his 
own  way.  Other  adventurers  who  have  occupied  the  New 
World  have  often  had  too  little  regard  for  religion  themselves, 
to  be  very  solicitous  about  spreading  it  among  the  savages. 
But  the  Spanish  missionary,  from  first  to  last,  has  shown  a keen 
interest  in  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  natives.  Under  his 
auspices,  churches  on  a magnificent  scale  have  been  erected, 
schools  for  elementary  instruction  founded,  and  every  rational 
means  taken  to  spread  the  knowledge  of  religious  truth ; while 
he  has  carried  his  solitary  mission  into  remote  and  almost  in- 
accessible regions,  or  gathered  his  Indian  disciples  into  com- 
munities, like  the  good  Las  Casas  in  Cumana,  or  the  Jesuits  in 
California  and  Paraguay.  At  all  times,  the  courageous  eccle- 
siastic has  been  ready  to  lift  his  voice  against  the  cruelty  of 
the  conqueror  and  the  no  less  wasting  cupidity  of  the  colonist ; 
and  when  his  remonstrances,  as  was  too  often  the  case,  have 
proved  unavailing,  he  has  still  followed  to  bind  up  the  broken- 
hearted, to  teach  the  poor  Indian  resignation  under  his  lot, 
and  light  up  his  dark  intellect  with  the  revelation  of  a holier 
and  happier  existence.  In  reviewing  the  blood-stained  records 
of  Spanish  colonial  history,  it  is  but  fair,  and  at  the  same  time 
cheering,  to  reflect  that  the  same  nation  which  sent  forth  the 
hard-hearted  conqueror  from  its  bosom,  sent  forth  the  mission- 
ary to  do  the  work  of  beneficence  and  spread  the  light  of  Chris- 
tian civilization  over  the  farthest  regions  of  the  New  World. 

While  the  governor,  as  we  are  henceforth  to  style  him,  lay 
at  Cuzco,  he  received  repeated  accounts  of  a considerable  force 
in  the  neighborhood,  under  the  command  of  Atahuallpa’s 
officer,  Quizquiz.  He  accordingly  detached  Almagro,  with 
a small  body  of  horse  and  a large  native  force  under  the  Inca 
Manco,  to  disperse  the  enemy,  and,  if  possible,  to  capture  the 


20 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  II!. 


leader.  Manco  was  the  more  ready  to  take  part  in  the  expedi- 
tion, as  the  hostile  Indians  were  soldiers  of  Quito,  who,  with 
their  commander,  bore  no  good  will  to  himself.  > 

Almagro,  moving  with  characteristic  rapidity,  was  not  long 
in  coming  up  with  the  Indian  chieftain.  Several  sharp  en- 
counters followed,  as  the  army  of  Quito  fell  back  on  Xauxa, 
near  which  a general  engagement  decided  the  fate  of  the  war 
by  the  total  discomfiture  of  the  natives.  Quizquiz  fled  to  the 
elevated  plains  of  Quito,  where  he  still  held  out  with  undaunted 
spirit  against  a Spanish  force  in  that  quarter,  till  at  length  his 
own  soldiers,  wearied  by  these  long  and  ineffectual  hostilities, 
massacred  their  commander  in  cold  blood.9  Thus  fell  the  last 
of  the  two  great  officers  of  Atahuallpa,  who,  if  their  nation  had 
been  animated  by  a spirit  equal  to  their  own,  might  long  have 
successfully  maintained  their  soil  against  the  invader. 

Some  time  before  this  occurrence  the  Spanish  governor, 
while  in  Cuzco,  received  tidings  of  an  event  much  more  alarm- 
ing to  him  than  any  Indian  hostilities.  This  was  the  arrival 
on  the  coast  of  a strong  Spanish  force,  under  the  command  of 
Don  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  the  gallant  officer  who  had  served 
under  Cortes  with  such  renown  in  the  war  of  Mexico.  That 
cavalier,  after  forming  a brilliant  alliance  in  Spain,  to  which 
he  was  entitled  by  his  birth  and  military  rank,  had  returned  to 
his  government  of  Guatemala,  where  his  avarice  had  been 
roused  by  the  magnificent  reports  he  daily  received  of  Pizarro’s 
conquests.  These  conquests,  he  learned,  had  been  confined  to 
Peru  ; while  the  northern  kingdom  of  Quito,  the  ancient  resi- 
dence of  Atahuallpa,  and,  no  doubt,  the  principal  depository 
of  his  treasures,  yet  remained  untouched.  Affecting  to  con- 
sider this  country  as  falling  without  the  governor’s  jurisdiction, 
he  immediately  turned  a large  fleet,  which  he  had  intended  for 
the  Spice  Islands,  in  the  direction  of  South  America ; and  in 
March,  1534,  he  landed  in  the  Bay  of  Caraques  with  five 
hundred  followers,  of  whom  half  were  mounted,  and  all  ad- 

9 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.— Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS.— Oviedo, 
Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  20.— Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn, 
gi,,  fol.  408. — Relacion  del  primer  Descub-,  MS. 


CHAP,  ix.]  TERRIBLE  MARCH  OF  ALVARADO. 


21 


mirably  provided  with  arms  and  ammunition.  It  was  the  best 
equipped  and  most  formidable  array  that  had  yet  appeared  in 
the  Southern  seas.10 

Although  manifestly  an  invasion  of  the  territory  conceded 
to  Pizarro  by  the  crown,  the  reckless  cavalier  determined  to 
march  at  once  on  Quito.  With  the  assistance  of  an  Indian 
guide,  he  proposed  to  take  the  direct  route  across  the  moun- 
tains, a passage  of  exceeding  difficulty,  even  at  the  most  favor- 
able season. 

After  crossing  the  Rio  Dable,  Alvarado’s  guide  deserted  him, 
so  that  he  was  soon  entangled  in  the  intricate  mazes  of  the 
sierra  ; and,  as  he  rose  higher  and  higher  into  the  regions  of 
winter,  he  became  surrounded  with  ice  and  snow,  for  which 
his  men,  taken  from  the  warm  countries  of  Guatemala,  were 
but  ill-prepared.  As  the  cold  grew  more  intense,  many  of 
them  were  so  benumbed  that  it  was  with  difficulty  they  could 
proceed.  The  infantry,  compelled  to  make  exertions,  fared 
best.  Many  of  the  troopers  were  frozen  stiff  in  their  saddles. 
The  Indians,  still  more  sensible  to  the  cold,  perished  by  hun- 
dreds. As  the  Spaniards  huddled  round  their  wretched  biv- 
ouacs, with  such  scanty  fuel  as  they  could  glean,  and  almost 
without  food,  they  waited  in  gloomy  silence  the  approach  of 
morning.  Yet  the  morning  light,  which  gleamed  coldly  on 
the  cheerless  waste,  brought  no  joy  to  them.  It  only  revealed 
more  clearly  the  extent  of  their  wretchedness.  Still  struggling 
on  through  the  winding  Puertos  Nevados,  or  Snowy  Passes, 
their  track  was  dismally  marked  by  fragments  of  dress,  broken 
harness,  golden  ornaments,  and  other  valuables  plundered  on 
their  march — by  the  dead  bodies  of  men,  or  by  those,  less 
fortunate,  who  were  left  to  die  alone  in  the  wilderness.  As 
for  the  horses,  their  carcasses  were  not  suffered  long  to  cumber 
the  ground,  as  they  were  quickly  seized  and  devoured  half 
raw  by  the  starving  soldiers,  who,  like  the  famished  com 
dors,  now  hovering  in  troops  above  their  heads,  greedily  ban- 

The  number  is  variously  reported  by  historians.  But  from  a legal  investigation  made 
in  Guatemala  it  appears  that  the  whole  force  amounted  to  500,  of  which  *30  were  cavalry. 

Informacion  echa  en  Santiago,  Set,  15,  1536,  MS. 


22 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


IBOOK  III. 


queted  on  the  most  offensive  offal  to  satisfy  the  gnawings  of 
hunger. 

Alvarado,  anxious  to  secure  the  booty  which  had  fallen  into 
his  hands  at  an  earlier  part  of  his  march,  encouraged  every  man 
to  take  what  gold  he  wanted  from  the  common  heap,  reserving 
only  the  royal  fifth.  But  they  only  answered,  with  a ghastly 
smile  of  derision,  “that  food  was  the  only  gold  for  them.” 
Yet  in  this  extremity,  which  might  seem  to  have  dissolved  the 
very  ties  of  nature,  there  are  some  affecting  instances  recorded 
of  self-devotion — of  comrades  who  lost  their  lives  in  assisting 
others,  and  of  parents  and  husbands  (for  some  of  the  cavaliers 
were  accompanied  by  their  wives)  who,  instead  of  seeking 
their  own  safety,  chose  to  remain  and  perish  in  the  snows  with 
the  objects  of  their  love. 

To  add  to  their  distress,  the  air  was  filled  for  several  days 
with  thick  clouds  of  earthy  particles  and  cinders,  which  blinded 
the  men  and  made  respiration  exceedingly  difficult.11  This 
phenomenon,  it  seems  probable,  was  caused  by  an  eruption  of 
the  distant  Cotopaxi,  which,  about  twelve  leagues  southeast  of 
Quito,  rears  its  colossal  and  perfectly  symmetrical  cone  far 
above  the  limits  of  eternal  snow — the  most  beautiful  and  the 
most  terrible  of  the  American  volcanoes.12  At  the  time  of 
Alvarado’s  expedition  it  was  in  a state  of  eruption,  the  earliest 
instance  of  the  kind  on  record,  though  doubtless  not  the  earli- 
est.13 Since  that  period  it  has  been  in  frequent  commotion, 
sending  up  its  sheets  of  flame  to  the  height  of  half  a mile, 
spouting  forth  cataracts  of  lava  that  have  overwhelmed  towns 
and  villages  in  their  career,  and  shaking  the  earth  with 
subterraneous  thunders,  that,  at  the  distance  of  more  than  a 


11  41  It  began  to  rain  earthy  particles  from  the  heavens,”  says  Oviedo,  “ that  blinded  the 
men  and  horses,  so  that  the  trees  and  bushes  were  full  of  dirt.”  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap,  20. 

13  Garcilasso  says  the  shower  of  ashes  came  from  the  “ volcano  of  Quito.”  (Com.  ReaL, 
Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  2.)  Cieza  de  Leon  only  says  from  one  of  the  volcanoes  in  that  region. 
(Cronica,  cap.  41.)  Neither  of  them  specifies  the  name.  Humboldt  accepts  the  common 
opinion,  that  Cotopaxi  was  intended.  Researches,  i.,  123. 

11  A popular  tradition  among  the  natives  states  that  a large  fragment  of  porphyry  near 
the  fbase  of  the  cone  was  thrown  out  in  an  eruption  which  occurred  at  the  moment  of 
Atahuallpa’s  death.  But  such  tradition  will  hardly  pass  for  history. 


chap.  ix.  1 TERRIBLE  MARCH  OF  ALVARADO. 


23 


hundred  leagues,  sounded  like  the  reports  of  artillery  1 14  Al- 
varado’s followers,  unacquainted  with  the  cause  of  the  phe- 
nomenon, as  they  wandered  over  tracts  buried  in  snow — 
the  sight  of  which  was  strange  to  them — in  an  atmosphere 
laden  with  ashes,  became  bewildered  by  this  confusion  of  the 
elements,  which  Nature  seemed  to  have  contrived  purposely 
for  their  destruction.  Some  of  these  men  were  soldiers  of 
Cortes,  steeled  by  many  a painful  march  and  many  a sharp  en- 
counter with  the  Aztecs.  But  this  war  of  the  elements,  they 
now  confessed,  was  mightier  than  all. 

At  length,  Alvarado,  after  sufferings  which  even  the  most 
hardy,  probably,  could  have  endured  but  a few  days  longer, 
emerged  from  the  Snowy  Pass,  and  came  on  the  elevated  table- 
land, which  spreads  out,  at  the  height  of  more  than  nine  thou- 
sand feet  above  the  ocean,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Riobamba. 
But  one-fourth  of  his  gallant  army  had  been  left  to  feed  the 
condor  in  the  wilderness,  besides  the  greater  part,  at  least  two 
thousand,  of  his  Indian  auxiliaries.  A great  number  of  his 
horses,  too,  had  perished  ; and  the  men  and  horses  that  escaped 
were  all  of  them  more  or  less  injured  by  the  cold  and  the  ex- 
tremity of  suffering.  Such  was  the  terrible  passage  of  the 
Puertos  Nevados,  which  I have  only  briefly  noticed  as  an  epi- 
sode to  the  Peruvian  conquest,  but  the  account  of  which,  in 
all  its  details,  though  it  occupied  but  a few  weeks  in  duration, 
would  give  one  a better  idea  of  the  difficulties  encountered  by 
the  Spanish  cavaliers  than  volumes  of  ordinary  narrative.13 

As  Alvarado,  after  halting  some  time  to  restore  his  exhausted 

14  A minute  account  of  this  formidable  mountain  is  given  by  M.  de  Humboldt  (Re- 
searches, i.,  1 18  et  seq.),  and  more  circumstantially  by  Condamine.  (Voyage  k l’Jilquateur, 
pp.  48-56,  156-160.)  The  latter  philosopher  would  have  attempted  to  scale  the  almost  per- 
pendicular walls  of  the  volcano,  but  no  one  was  hardy  enough  to  second  him. 

16  By  far  the  most  spirited  and  thorough  record  of  Alvarado’s  march  is  given  by  Herrera, 
who  has  borrowed  the  pen  of  Livy  describing  the  Alpine  march  of  Hannibal.  (Hist,  gener- 
al, dec.  5,  lib.  6,  cap.  1,  2,  7,  8,  9.)  See  also  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS., — 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  20, — and  Carta  de  Pedro  de  Alva- 
rado al  Emperador,  San  Miguel,  15  de  Enero,  1535,  MS. — Alvarado,  in  theletter  above 
cited,  which  is  preserved  in  the  Munoz  collection,  explains  to  the  emperor  the  grounds  of 
his  expedition,  with  no  little  effrontery.  In  this  document  he  touches  very  briefly  on  the 
inarch,  being  chiefly  occupied  by  the  negotiations  with  Almagro,  and  accompanying  his  re- 
marks with  many  dark  suggestions  as  to  the  policy  pursued  by  the  Conquerors. 


24 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


{BOenc  <r 


troops,  began  his  march  across  the  broad  plateau,  he  was  aston. 
ished  by  seeing  the  prints  of  horses’  hoofs  on  the  soil.  Span, 
iards,  then,  had  been  there  before  him,  and,  after  all  his  toil 
and  suffering,  others  had  forestalled  him  in  the  enterprise 
against  Quito  ! It  is  necessary  to  say  a few  words  in  explana- 
tion of  this. 

When  Pizarro  quitted  Caxamalca,  being  sensible  of  the 
growing  importance  of  San  Miguel,  the  only  port  of  entry  then 
in  the  country,  he  despatched  a person  in  whom  he  had  great 
confidence  to  take  charge  of  it.  This  person  was  Sebastian 
Benalcazar,  a cavalier  who  afterward  placed  his  name  in  the 
first  rank  of  the  South  American  conquerors,  for  courage,  ca- 
pacity— and  cruelty.  But  this  cavalier  had  hardly  reached  his 
government  when,  like  Alvarado,  he  received  such  accounts  of 
the  riches  of  Quito  that  he  determined,  with  the  force  at  his 
command,  though  without  orders,  to  undertake  its  reduction. 

At  the  head  of  about  a hundred  and  forty  soldiers,  horse  and 
foot,  and  a stout  body  of  Indian  auxiliaries,  he  marched  up 
the  broad  range  of  the  Andes,  to  where  it  spreads  out  into  the 
table  land  of  Quito,  by  a road  safer  and  more  expeditious  than 
that  taken  by  Alvarado.  On  the  plains  of  Riobamba  he  en- 
countered the  Indian  general  Ruminavi.  Several  engagements 
followed,  with  doubtful  success,  when,  in  the  end,  science 
prevailed  where  courage  was  well  matched,  and  the  victorious 
Benalcazar  planted  the  standard  of  Castile  on  the  ancient 
towers  of  Atahuallpa.  The  city,  in  honor  of  his  general, 
Francis  Pizarro,  he  named  San  Francisco  del  Quito.  But 
great  was  his  mortification  on  finding  that  either  the  stories  of 
its  riches  had  been  fabricated,  or  that  these  riches  were  secret- 
ed by  the  natives.  The  city  was  all  that  he  gained  by  his 
victories — the  shell  without  the  pearl  of  price  which  gave  it 
its  value.  While  devouring  his  chagrin,  as  he  best  could,  the 
Spanish  captain  received  tidings  of  the  approach  of  his  superi- 
or, Almagro.16 

10  Pedro  Pizarro,  Desryib.  y Conq.,  MS.— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  4,  cap.  n, 
18  : lib.  6,  cap.  5,  6. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  19. — Carta  de 
Benalcazar,  MS. 


CHAP.  IX.]  TERRIBLE  MARCH  OF  ALVARADO. 


25 


No  sooner  had  the  news  of  Alvarado’s  expedition  reached 
Cuzco  than  Almagro  left  the  place  with  a small  force  for  San 
Miguel,  proposing  to  strengthen  himself  by  a reinforcement 
from  that  quarter,  and  to  march  at  once  against  the  invaders. 
Greatly  was  he  astonished,  on  his  arrival  in  that  city,  to  learn 
the  departure  of  its  commander.  Doubting  the  loyalty  of  his 
motives,  Almagro,  with  the  buoyancy  of  spirit  which  belongs 
to  youth,  though  in  truth  somewhat  enfeebled  by  the  infirmi- 
ties of  age,  did  not  hesitate  to  follow  Benalcazar  at  once  across 
the  mountains. 

With  his  wonted  energy,  the  intrepid  veteran,  overcoming 
all  the  difficulties  of  his  march,  in  a few  weeks  placed  himself 
and  his  little  company  on  the  lofty  plains  which  spread  around 
the  Indian  city  of  Riobamba ; though  in  his  progress  he  had 
more  than  one  hot  encounter  with  the  natives,  whose  courage 
and  perseverance  formed  a contrast  sufficiently  striking  to  the 
apathy  of  the  Peruvians.  But  the  fire  only  slumbered  in  the 
bosom  of  the  Peruvian.  His  hour  had  not  yet  come. 

At  Riobamba,  Almagro  was  soon  joined  by  the  commander 
of  San  Miguel,  who  disclaimed,  perhaps  sincerely,  any  disloyal 
intent  in  his  unauthorized  expedition.  Thus  reinforced,  the 
Spanish  captain  coolly  awaited  the  coming  of  Alvarado.  The 
forces  of  the  latter,  though  in  a less  serviceable  condition,  were 
much  superior  in  number  and  appointments  to  those  of  his 
rival.  As  they  confronted  each  other  on  the  broad  plains  of 
Riobamba,  it  seemed  probable  that  a fierce  struggle  must  im- 
mediately follow,  and  the  natives  of  the  country  have  the  satis- 
faction to  see  their  wrongs  avenged  by  the  very  hands  that  in- 
flicted them.  But  it  was  Almagro’s  policy  to  avoid  such  an 
issue. 

Negotiations  were  set  on  foot,  in  which  each  party  stated  his 
claims  to  the  country.  Meanwhile,  Alvarado’s  men  mingled 
freely  with  their  countrymen  in  the  opposite  army,  and  heard 
there  such  magnificent  reports  of  the  wealth  and  wonders  of 
Cuzco  that  many  of  them  were  inclined  to  change  their  pres- 
ent service  for  that  of  Pizarro.  Their  own  leader,  too,  satis- 
fied that  Quito  held  out  no  recompense  worth  the  sacrifices  he 

P 18 


VOL.  2i 


20 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


IBOOK  III. 


had  made,  and  was  like  to  make  by  insisting  on  his  claim,  be- 
came now  more  sensible  of  the  rashness  of  a course  which  must 
doubtless  incur  the  censure  of  his  sovereign.  In  this  temper, 
it  was  not  difficult  for  them  to  effect  an  adjustment  of  difficul- 
ties ; and  it  was  agreed,  as  the  basis  of  it,  that  the  governor 
should  pay  one  hundred  thousand  pesos  de  oro  to  Alvarado,  in 
consideration  of  which  the  latter  was  to  resign  to  him  his  fleet, 
his  forces,  and  all  his  stores  and  munitions.  His  vessels,  great 
and  small,  amounted  to  twelve  in  number,  and  the  sum  he  re- 
ceived, though  large,  did  not  cover  his  expenses.  This  treaty 
being  settled,  Alvarado  proposed,  before  leaving  the  country,  to 
have  an  interview  with  Pizarro.17 

The  governor,  meanwhile,  had  quitted  the  Peruvian  capital 
for  the  sea-coast,  from  his  desire  to  repel  any  invasion  that 
might  be  attempted  in  that  direction  by  Alvarado,  with  whose 
real  movements  he  was  still  unacquainted.  He  left  Cuzco  in 
charge  of  his  brother  Juan,  a cavalier  whose  manners  were 
such  as,  he  thought,  would  be  likely  to  gain  the  good  will  of 
the  native  population.  Pizarro  also  left  ninety  of  his  troops, 
as  the  garrison  of  the  capital  and  the  nucleus  of  his  future  col- 
ony. Then,  taking  the  Inca  Manco  with  him,  he  proceeded 
as  far  as  Xauxa.  At  this  place  he  was  entertained  by  the  In- 
dian prince  with  the  exhibition  of  a great  national  hunt — such 
as  has  been  already  described  in  these  pages — in  which  immense 
numbers  of  wild  animals  were  slaughtered,  and  the  vicunas,  and 
other  races  of  Peruvian  sheep,  which  roam  over  the  mountains, 
driven  into  enclosures  and  relieved  of  their  delicate  fleeces.18 


17  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Des- 
cub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  6,  cap.  8-10. —Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  20. — Carta  de  Benalcazar,  MS. — The  amount  of  the 
bonus  paid  to  Alvarado  is  stated  very  differently  by  writers.  But  both  that  cavalier  and 
Almagro,  in  their  letters  to  the  emperor,  which  have  hitherto  been  unknown  to  historians, 
agree  in  the  sum  given  in  the  text  Alvarado  complains  that  he  had  no  choice  but  to  take 
it,  although  it  was  greatly  to  his  own  loss,  and,  by  defeating  his  expedition,  as  he  modestly 
intimates,  to  the  loss  of  the  crown.  (Carta  de  Alvarado  al  Emperador,  MS.)  Almagro, 
however,  states  that  the  sum  paid  was  three  times  as  much  as  the  armament  was  worth  ; 
“a  sacrifice,”  he  adds,  “which  he  made  to  preserve  peace,  never  dear  at  any  price.”— 
Strange  sentiment  for  a Castilian  conqueror  ! Carta  de  Diego  de  Almagro  al  Emperador, 
MS.,  Oct.  15,  1534. 

18  Carta  de  la  Just,  y Reg.  de  Xauj'a,  MS. — Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. — Her- 
rera, Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  6,  cap.  16. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1534.  At 


CHAP.  IX.] 


INTERVIEW  WITH  PIZARRO. 


27 


The  Spanish  governor  then  proceeded  to  Pachacamac,  where 
he  received  the  grateful  intelligence  of  the  accommodation 
with  Alvarado  ; and  not  long  afterward  he  was  visited  by  that 
cavalier  himself,  previously  to  his  embarkation. 

The  meeting  was  conducted  with  courtesy  and  a show,  at 
least,  of  good  will  on  both  sides,  as  there  was  no  longer  real 
cause  for  jealousy  between  the  parties  ; and  each,  as  may  be 
imagined,  looked  on  the  other  with  no  little  interest,  as  having 
achieved  such  distinction  in  the  bold  path  of  adventure.  In 
the  comparison,  Alvarado  had  somewhat  the  advantage ; for 
Pizarro,  though  of  commanding  presence,  had  not  the  brilliant 
exterior,  the  free  and  joyous  manner,  which,  no  less  than  his 
fresh  complexion  and  sunny  locks,  had  won  for  the  conqueror 
of  Guatemala,  in  his  campaigns  against  the  Aztecs,  the  sobri- 
quet oi  Tonatiuh,  or  “ Child  of  the  Sun.” 

Blithe  were  the  revels  that  now  rang  through  the  ancient 
city  of  Pachacamac  ; where,  instead  of  songs,  and  of  the  sacri- 
fices so  often  seen  there  in  honor  of  the  Indian  deity,  the  walls 
echoed  to  the  noise  of  tourneys  and  Moorish  tilts  of  reeds,  with 
which  the  martial  adventurers  loved  to  recall  the  sports  of  their 
native  land.  When  these  were  concluded,  Alvarado  re-em- 
barked for  his  government  of  Guatemala,  where  his  restless 
spirit  soon  involved  him  in  other  enterprises  that  cut  short  his 
adventurous  career.  His  expedition  to  Peru  was  eminently 
characteristic  of  the  man.  It  was  founded  in  injustice,  con- 
ducted with  rashness,  and  ended  in  disaster.19 

this  place  the  author  of  the  Relacion  del  primer  Descubrimiento  del  Peru , the  MS.  so 
often  quoted  in  these  pages,  abruptly  terminates  his  labors.  He  is  a writer  of  sense  and 
observation  ; and,  though  he  has  his  share  of  the  national  tendency  to  exaggerate  and 
overcolor,  he  writes  like  one  who  means  to  be  honest  and  who  has  seen  what  he  describes. 
At  Xauxa,  also,  the  notary  Pedro  Sancho  ends  his  Relacion , which  embraces  a 
much  shorter  period  than  the  preceding  narrative,  but  which  is  equally  authentic.  Coming 
from  the  secretary  of  Pizarro,  and  countersigned  by  that  general  himself,  this  Relation,  in- 
deed, may  be  regarded  as  of  the  very  highest  authority.  And  yet  large  deductions  must 
obviously  be  made  for  the  source  whence  it  springs  ; for  it  may  be  taken  as  Pizarro’s  own 
account  of  his  doings,  some  of  which  stood  much  in  need  of  apology.  It  must  be  added, 
in  justice  both  to  the  general  and  to  his  secretary,  that  the  Relation  does  not  differ  substan- 
tially from  other  contemporary  accounts,  and  that  the  attempt  to  varnish  over  the  excep- 
tionable passages  in  the  conduct  of  the  Conquerors  is  not  obtrusive.  For  the  publication  <jf 
this  journal  we  are  indebted  to  Ramusio,  whose  enlightened  labors  have  preserved  to  ua 
more  than  one  contemporary  production  of  value,  though  in  the  form  of  translation. 

*9  Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS.— Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Carta  d© 


28 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  III, 


The  reduction  of  Peru  might  now  be  considered  as,  in  a 
manner,  accomplished.  Some  barbarous  tribes  in  the  interior, 
it  is  true,  still  held  out,  and  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  a prudent 
and  able  officer,  was  employed  to  bring  them  into  subjection. 
Benalcazar  was  still  at  Quito,  of  which  he  was  subsequently 
appointed  governor  by  the  crown.  There  he  was  laying  deeper 
the  foundation  of  Spanish  power,  while  he  advanced  the  line 
of  conquest  still  higher  toward  the  north.  But  Cuzco,  the 
ancient  capital  of  the  Indian  monarchy,  had  submitted.  The 
armies  of  Atahuallpa  had  been  beaten  and  scattered.  The  em- 
pire of  the  Incas  was  dissolved  ; and  the  prince  who  now  wore 
the  Peruvian  diadem  was  but  the  shadow  of  a king,  who  held 
his  commission  from  his  conqueror. 

The  first  act  of  the  governor  was  to  determine  on  the  site  of 
the  future  capital  of  this  vast  colonial  empire.  Cuzco,  with- 
drawn among  the  mountains,  was  altogether  too  far  removed 
from  the  sea-coast  for  a commercial  people.  The  little  settle- 
ment of  San  Miguel  lay  too  far  to  the  north.  It  was  desirable 
to  select  some  more  central  position,  which  could  be  easily 
found  in  one  of  the  fruitful  valleys  that  bordered  the  Pacific. 
Such  was  that  of  Pachacamac,  which  Pizarro  now  occupied. 
But,  on  further  examination,  he  preferred  the  neighboring  val- 
ley of  Rimac,  which  lay  to  the  north,  and  which  took  its 
name,  signifying  in  the  Quichua  tongue  “one  who  speaks,” 
from  a celebrated  idol,  whose  shrine  was  much  frequented  by 
the  Indians  for  the  oracles  it  delivered.  Through  the  valley 
flowed  a broad  stream,  which,  like  a great  artery,  was  made, 
as  usual  by  the  natives,  to  supply  a thousand  finer  veins  that 
meandered  through  the  beautiful  meadows. 

On  this  river  Pizarro  fixed  the  site  of  his  new  capital,  at 
somewhat  less  than  two  leagues’  distance  from  its  mouth, 
which  expanded  into  a commodious  haven  for  the  commerce 
that  the  prophetic  eye  of  the  founder  saw  would  one  day — and 

Francisco  Pizarro  al  Sefior  de  Molina,  MS. — Alvarado  died,  in  1541,  of  an  injury  received 
from  a horse  which  rolled  down  on  him  as  he  was  attempting  to  scale  a precipitous  hill  in 
New  Galicia.  In  the  same  year,  by  a singular  coincidence,  perished  his  beautiful  wife,  at 
her  own  residence  in  Guatemala*  which  was  overwhelmed  by  a torrent  from  the  adjacent 
mountains. 


CHAP.  IX] 


FOUNDATION  OF  LIMA. 


29 


no  very  distant  one — float  on  its  waters.  The  central  situation 
of  the  spot  recommended  it  as  a suitable  residence  for  the  Pe- 
ruvian viceroy,  whence  he  might  hold  easy  communication 
with  the  different  parts  of  the  country  and  keep  vigilant  watch 
over  his  Indian  vassals.  The  climate  was  delightful,  and, 
though  only  twelve  degrees  south  of  the  line,  was  so  far  tem- 
pered by  the  cool  breezes  that  generally  blow  from  the  Pacific, 
or  from  the  opposite  quarter  down  the  frozen  sides  of  the  Cor- 
dilleras, that  the  heat  was  less  than  in  corresponding  latitudes 
on  the  continent.  It  never  rained  on  the  coast ; but  this  dry- 
ness was  corrected  by  a vaporous  cloud,  which,  through  the 
summer  months,  hung  like  a curtain  over  the  valley,  sheltering 
it  from  the  rays  of  a tropical  sun,  and  imperceptibly  distilling 
a refreshing  moisture,  that  clothed  the  fields  in  the  brightest 
verdure. 

The  name  bestowed  on  the  infant  capital  was  Ciudad  de  los 
Reyes , or  City  of  the  Kings,  in  honor  of  the  day,  being  Jan- 
uary 6,  1535 — the  festival  of  Epiphany — when  it  was  said  to 
have  been  founded,  or  more  probably  when  its  site  was  deter- 
mined ; as  its  actual  foundation  seems  to  have  been  twelve 
days  later.20  But  the  Castilian  name  ceased  to  be  used  even 
within  the  first  generation,  and  was  supplanted  by  that  of 
Lima,  into  which  the  original  Indian  name  of  Rimac  was  cor- 
rupted by  the  Spaniards.21 

The  city  was  laid  out  on  a very  regular  plan.  The  streets 
were  to  be  much  wider  than  usual  in  Spanish  towns,  and  per- 
fectly straight,  crossing  one  another  at  right  angles,  and  so  far 
asunder  as  to  afford  ample  space  for  gardens  to  the  dwellings, 
and  for  public  squares.  It  was  arranged  in  a triangular  form, 
having  the  river  for  its  base,  the  waters  of  which  were  to  be 
carried,  by  means  of  stone  conduits,  through  all  the  principal 

30  So  says  Quintana,  who  follows  in  this  what  he  pronounces  a sure  authority,  Father 
Bemabe  Cobo,  in  his  book  entitled  Fundacion  de  Lima.  Espafioles  celebres,  tom.  ii.,  p. 
250.  nota. 

21  The  MSS.  of  the  old  Conquerors  show  how,  from  the  very  first,  the  name  of  Limr* 
superseded  the  original  Indian  title  : 44  Y el  marquez  se  passo  & Lima  yfundo  la  ciudad  de 
los  reyes  que  agora  es.*’  (Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.)  “ Asimismo  ordenaron 
que  se  pasasen  el  pueblo  qoe  tenian  enXauxa  poblado  £ este  Valle  de  Lima  donde  agora 
es  esta  ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  i aqui  se  poblo.”  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Pirn,  MS. 


{BOOK  III. 


30  CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 

streets,  affording  facilities  for  irrigating  the  grounds  around 
the  houses. 

No  sooner  had  the  governor  decided  on  the  site  and  on  the 
plan  of  the  city  than  he  commenced  operations  with  character- 
istic energy.  The  Indians  were  collected  from  a distance  of 
more  than  a hundred  miles  to  aid  in  the  work.  The  Spaniards 
applied  themselves  with  vigor  to  the  task,  under  the  eye  of 
their  chief.  The  sword  was  exchanged  for  the  tool  of  the  arti- 
san. The  camp  was  converted  into  a hive  of  diligent  labor- 
ers ; and  the  sounds  of  war  were  succeeded  by  the  peaceful 
hum  of  a busy  population.  The  plaza , which  was  extensive, 
was  to  be  surrounded  by  the  cathedral,  the  palace  of  the  vice- 
roy, that  of  the  municipality,  and  other  public  buildings  ; and 
their  foundations  were  laid  on  a scale  and  with  a solidity  which 
defied  the  assaults  of  time,  and,  in  some  instances,  even  the 
more  formidable  shock  of  earthquakes  that  at  different  periods 
have  laid  portions  of  the  fair  capital  in  ruins.32 

While  these  events  were  going  on,  Almagro,  the  Marshal, 
as  he  is  usually  termed  by  chroniclers  of  the  time,  had  gone  to 
Cuzco,  whither  he  was  sent  by  Pizarro  to  take  command  of 
that  capital.  He  received  Jso  instructions  to  undertake,  either 
by  himself  or  by  his  c ptains,  the  conquest  of  the  countries 
toward  the  south,  forming  part  of  Chili.  Almagro,  since  his 
arrival  at  Caxamalca,  had  seemed  willing  to  smother  his  an- 
cient feelings  of  resentment  toward  his  associate,  or,  at  least, 
to  conceal  the  expression  of  them,  and  had  consented  to  take 
command  under  him  in  obedience  to  the  royal  mandate.  He 
had  even,  in  his  despatches,  the  magnanimity  to  make  honor- 
able mention  of  Pizarro,  as  one  anxious  to  promote  the  inter- 
ests of  the  crown.  Yet  he  did  not  so  far  trust  his  companion 
as  to  neglect  the  precaution  of  sending  a confidential  agent  to 
represent  his  own  services,  when  Hernando  Pizarro  undertook 
his  mission  to  the  mother-country. 


Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1535. — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Pirn,  MS.— The  remains  of 
Pizarro’s  palace  may  still  be  discerned  in  the  Callejon  de  Petateros,  says  Stevenson,  who 
gives  the  best  account  of  Lima  to  be  found  in  any  modern  book  of  travels  which  I have  con* 
wilted.  Residence  in  South  America,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  8. 


rHAP.  ix.]  HERNANDO  P1ZARRO  REACHES  SPAIN.  31 

That  cavalier,  after  touching  at  St.  Domingo,  had  arrived 
without  accident  at  Seville  in  January,  1534.  Besides  the 
royal  fifth,  he  took  with  him  gold  to  the  value  of  half  a mill- 
ion of  pesos,  together  with  a large  quantity  of  silver,  the  prop- 
erty of  private  adventurers,  some  of  whom,  satisfied  with  their 
gains,  had  returned  to  Spain  in  the  same  vessel  with  himself. 
The  custom-house  was  filled  with  solid  ingots,  and  with  vases 
of  different  forms,  imitations  of  animals,  flowers,  fountains,  and 
other  objects,  executed  with  more  or  less  skill,  and  all  of  pure 
gold,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  spectators,  who  flocked  from 
the  neighboring  country  to  gaze  on  these  marvellous  produc- 
tions of  Indian  art.23  Most  of  the  manufactured  articles  were 
the  property  of  the  crown ; and  Hernando  Pizarro,  after  a 
short  stay  at  Seville,  selected  some  of  the  most  gorgeous  speci- 
mens, and  crossed  the  country  to  Calatayud,  where  the  em- 
peror was  holding  the  cortes  of  Aragon. 

Hernando  was  instantly  admitted  to  the  royal  presence,  and 
obtained  a gracious  audience.  He  was  more  conversant  with 
courts  than  either  of  his  brothers,  and  his  manners,  when  in 
situations  that  imposed  a restraint  on  the  natural  arrogance  of 
his  temper,  were  graceful  and  even  attractive.  In  a respectful 
tone,  he  now  recited  the  stirring  adventures  of  his  brother  and 
his  little  troop  of  followers,  the  fatigues  they  had  endured,  the 
difficulties  they  had  overcome,  their  capture  of  the  Peruvian 
Inca,  and  his  magnificent  ransom.  He  had  not  to  tell  of  the 
massacre  of  the  unfortunate  prince,  for  that  tragic  event,  which 
had  occurred  since  his  departure  from  the  country,  was  still 
unknown  to  him.  The  cavalier  expatiated  on  the  productive- 
ness of  the  soil,  and  on  the  civilization  of  the  people,  evinced 
by  their  proficiency  in  various  mechanic  arts  ; in  proof  of 
which  he  displayed  the  manufactures  of  wool  and  cotton  and 
the  rich  ornaments  of  gold  and  silver.  The  monarch’s  eyes 
sparkled  with  delight  as  he  gazed  on  these  last.  He  was  too 
sagacious  not  to  appreciate  the  advantages  of  a conquest  which 
secured  to  him  a country  so  rich  in  agricultural  resources. 

28  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  6,  cap.  13. — Lista  de  todo  lo  quo  Hernando 
Pizarro  trajo  del  Peru,  ap.  MSS.  de  Muaoz. 


32 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


(book  III. 


But  the  returns  from  these  must  necessarily  be  gradual  and 
long-deferred  ; and  he  may  be  excused  for  listening  with  still 
greater  satisfaction  to  Pizarro’s  tales  of  its  mineral  stores  ; for 
his  ambitious  projects  had  drained  the  imperial  treasury,  and 
he  saw  in  the  golden  tide  thus  unexpectedly  poured  in  upon 
him  the  immediate  means  of  replenishing  it. 

Charles  made  no  difficulty,  therefore,  in  granting  the  peti- 
tions of  the  fortunate  adventurer.  All  the  previous  grants  to 
Francisco  Pizarro  and  his  associates  were  confirmed  in  the 
fullest  manner  ; and  the  boundaries  of  the  governor’s  jurisdic- 
tion were  extended  seventy  leagues  farther  toward  the  south. 
Nor  did  Almagro’s  services,  this  time,  go  unrequited.  He 
was  empowered  to  discover  and  occupy  the  country  for  the 
distance  of  two  hundred  leagues,  beginning  at  the  southern 
limit  of  Pizarro’s  territory.24  Charles,  in  still  further  proof  of 
his  satisfaction,  was  graciously  pleased  to  address  a letter  to 
the  two  commanders,  in  which  he  complimented  them  on 
their  prowess  and  thanked  them  for  their  services.  This  act 
of  justice  to  Almagro  would  have  been  highly  honorable  to 
Hernando  Pizarro,  considering  the  unfriendly  relations  in 
which  they  stood  to  each  other,  had  it  not  been  made  neces- 
sary by  the  presence  of  the  marshal’s  own  agents  at  court,  who, 
as  already  noticed,  stood  ready  to  supply  any  deficiency  in  the 
statements  of  the  emissary. 

In  this  display  of  the  royal  bounty,  the  envoy,  as  will  read- 
ily be  believed,  did  not  go  without  his  reward.  He  was 
lodged  as  an  attendant  of  the  court ; was  made  a knight  of 
Santiago,  the  most  prized  of  the  chivalric  orders  in  Spain  ; 
was  empowered  to  equip  an  armament  and  to  take  command 
of  it ; and  the  royal  officers  at  Seville  were  required  to  aid  him 
in  his  views  and  facilitate  his  embarkation  for  the  Indies.25 

The  arrival  of  Hernando  Pizarro  in  the  country,  and  the 


34  The  country  to  be  occupied  received  the  name  of  New  Toledo  in  the  royal  grant,  as 
the  conquests  of  Pizarro  had  been  designated  by  that  of  New  Castile.  But  the  present  at- 
tempt to  change  the  Indian  name  was  as  ineffectual  as  the  former,  and  the  ancient  title  of 
Chili  still  designates  that  narrow  strip  of  fruitful  land  between  the  Andes  and  the  ocean 
which  stretches  to  the  southern  extremity  of  the  continent. 

96  Herrera*  Hist,  general,  loc.  cit. 


CHAP.  IX.  J 


SENSATION  AT  COURT. 


33 


reports  spread  by  him  and  his  followers,  created  a sensation 
among  the  Spaniards  such  as  had  not  been  felt  since  the  first 
voyage  of  Columbus.  The  discovery  of  the  New  World  had 
filled  the  minds  of  men  with  indefinite  expectations  of  wealth, 
of  which  almost  every  succeeding  expedition  had  proved  the 
fallacy.  The  conquest  of  Mexico,  though  calling  forth  gen- 
eral admiration  as  a brilliant  and  wonderful  exploit,  had  as  yet 
failed  to  produce  those  golden  results  which  had  been  so  fondly 
anticipated.  The  splendid  promises  held  out  by  Francisco 
Pizarro  on  his  recent  visit  to  Spain  had  not  revived  the  con- 
fidence of  his  countrymen,  made  incredulous  by  repeated  dis- 
appointment. All  that  they  were  assured  of  was  the  difficulties 
of  the  enterprise  ; and  their  distrust  of  its  results  was  suffi- 
ciently shown  by  the  small  number  of  followers,  and  those 
only  of  the  most  desperate  stamp,  who  were  willing  to  take 
their  chance  in  the  adventure. 

But  now  these  promises  were  realized.  It  was  no  longer 
the  golden  reports  that  they  were  to  trust,  but  the  gold  itself, 
which  was  displayed  in  such  profusion  before  them.  All  eyes 
were  now  turned  toward  the  West.  The  broken  spendthrift 
saw  in  it  the  quarter  where  he  was  to  repair  his  fortunes  as 
speedily  as  he  had  ruined  them.  The  merchant,  instead  of 
seeking  the  precious  commodities  of  the  East,  looked  in  the 
opposite  direction,  and  counted  on  far  higher  gains,  where  the 
most  common  articles  of  life  commanded  so  exorbitant  prices. 
The  cavalier,  eager  to  win  both  gold  and  glory  at  the  point  of 
his  lance,  thought  to  find  a fair  field  for  his  prowess  on  the 
mountain-plains  of  the  Andes.  Hernando  Pizarro  found  that 
his  brother  had  judged  rightly  in  allowing  as  many  of  his  com- 
pany as  chose  to  return  home,  confident  that  the  display  of 
their  wealth  would  draw  ten  to  his  banner  for  every  one  that 
quitted  it. 

In  a short  time  that  cavalier  saw  himself  at  the  head  of  one 
of  the  most  numerous  and  well-appointed  armaments,  probably, 
that  had  left  the  shores  of  Spain  since  the  great  fleet  of  Ovando, 
in  the  time  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  It  was  scarcely  more 
fortunate  than  this.  Hardly  had  Hernando  put  to  sea  when  a 


34 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


(BOOK  III 


violent  tempest  fell  on  the  squadron  and  compelled  him  to  re- 
turn to  port  and  refit.  At  length  he  crossed  the  ocean.,  and 
reached  the  little  harbor  of  Nombre  de  Dios  in  safety.  But 
no  preparations  had  been  made  for  his  coming,  and,  as  he  was 
detained  here  some  time  before  he  could  pass  the  mountains, 
his  company  suffered  greatly  from  scarcity  of  food.  In  their 
extremity,  the  most  unwholesome  articles  were  greedily  de- 
voured, and  many  a cavalier  spent  his  little  savings  to  procure 
himself  a miserable  subsistence.  Disease,  as  usual,  trod  closely 
in  the  track  of  famine,  and  numbers  of  the  unfortunate  advent- 
urers, sinking  under  the  unaccustomed  heats  of  the  climate, 
perished  on  the  very  threshold  of  discovery. 

It  was  the  tale  so  often  repeated  in  the  history  of  Spanish 
enterprise.  A few,  more  lucky  than  the  rest,  stumbled  on 
some  unexpected  prize,  and  hundreds,  attracted  by  their  suc- 
cess, pressed  forward  in  the  same  path.  But  the  rich  spoil 
which  lay  on  the  surface  had  been  already  swept  away  by  the 
first  comers,  and  those  who  followed  were  to  win  their  treas- 
ure by  long-protracted  and  painful  exertion.  Broken  in  spir- 
it and  in  fortune,  many  returned  in  disgust  to  their  native 
shores,  while  others  remained  where  they  were,  to  die  in  de- 
spair. They  thought  to  dig  for  gold  ; but  they  dug  only  their 
graves. 

Yet  it  fared  not  thus  with  all  Pizarro’s  company.  Many  of 
them,  crossing  the  Isthmus  with  him  to  Panama,  came  in  time 
to  Peru,  where,  in  the  desperate  chances  of  its  revolutionary 
struggles,  some  few  arrived  at  posts  of  profit  and  distinction. 
Among  those  who  first  reached  the  Peruvian  shore  was  an 
emissary  sent  by  Almagro’s  agent  to  inform  him  of  the  impor- 
tant grant  made  to  him  by  the  crown.  The  tidings  reached 
him  just  as  he  was  making  his  entry  into  Cuzco,  where  he  was 
received  with  all  respect  by  Juan  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  who,  in 
obedience  to  their  brother’s  commands,  instantly  resigned  the 
government  of  the  capital  into  the  marshal’s  hands.  But  Al- 
magro  was  greatly  elated  on  finding  himself  now  placed  by  his 
sovereign  in  a command  that  made  him  independent  of  the  man 
who  had  so  deeply  wronged  him  ; and  he  intimated  that  in  the 


CHAP.  t£.j 


D/S  A PP  OINTMENTS. 


3 % 


exercise  of  his  present  authority  he  acknowledged  no  superior. 
In  this  lordly  humor  he  was  confirmed  by  several  of  his  fob 
lowers,  who  insisted  that  Cuzco  fell  to  the  south  of  the  terri- 
tory ceded  to  Pizarro,  and  consequently  came  within  that  now 
granted  to  the  marshal.  Among  these  followers  were  several 
of  Alvarado’s  men,  who,  though  of  better  condition  than  the 
soldiers  of  Pizarro,  were  under  much  worse  discipline,  and  had 
acquired,  indeed,  a spirit  of  unbridled  license  under  that  un- 
scrupulous chief.26  They  now  evinced  little  concern  for  the 
native  population  of  Cuzco,  and,  not  content  with  the  public 
edifices,  seized  on  the  dwellings  of  individuals,  where  it  suited 
their  convenience,  appropriating  their  contents  without  cere- 
mony— showing  as  little  respect,  in  short,  for  person  or  prop- 
erty as  if  the  place  had  been  taken  by  storm. 27 

While  these  events  were  passing  in  the  ancient  Peruvian  cap- 
ital, the  governor  was  still  at  Lima,  where  he  was  greatly  dis- 
turbed by  the  accounts  he  received  of  the  new  honors  conferred 
on  his  associate.  He  did  not  know  that  his  own  jurisdiction 
had  been  extended  seventy  leagues  farther  to  the  south,  and  he 
entertained  the  same  suspicion  with  Almagro,  that  the  capital 
of  the  Incas  did  not  rightfully  come  within  his  present  limits. 
He  saw  all  the  mischief  likely  to  result  from  this  opulent  city 
falling  into  the  hands  of  his  rival,  who  would  thus  have  an 
almost  indefinite  means  of  gratifying  his  own  cupidity  and  that 
of  his  followers.  He  felt  that,  under  the  present  circumstances, 
it  was  not  safe  to  allow  Almagro  to  anticipate  the  possession  of 
power  to  which,  as  yet,  he  had  no  legitimate  right ; for  the  de- 
spatches containing  the  warrant  for  it  still  remained  with  Her- 

36  In  point  of  discipline  they  presented  a remarkable  contrast  to  the  Conquerors  of  Peru, 
if  we  may  take  the  word  of  Pedro  Pizarro,  who  assures  us  that  his  comrades  would  not 
have  plucked  so  much  as  an  ear  of  corn  without  leave  from  their  commander:  <k  Que 

los  que  pasamos  con  el  Marquez  d la  conquista  no  ovo  hombre  que  osase  tomar  vna  mazorca 
de  mahiz  sin  licencia.”  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

27  “ Se  entraron  de  paz  en  la  ciudad  del  Cuzco  i los  salieron  todos  los  naturales  A rescibir 
i les  tomaron  la  Ciudad  con  todo  quanto  havia  de  dentro  llenas  las  casas  de  mucha  ropa  i 
algunas  oro  i plata  i otras  muchas  cosas,  i las  que  no  estaban  bien  llenas  las  enchian  de  lo 
que  tomaban  de  las  demas  casas  de  la  dicha  ciudad,  sin  pensar  que  en  ello  hacian  ofensa 
alguna  Divina  ni  humana,  i porquesta  es  una  cosa  larga  i casi  incomprehensible,  la  dexase 
al  juicio  de  quien  mas  entiende  aunque  en  el  dano  rescebido  por  parte  de  los  naturales  cerca 
deste  articulo  yo  s 6 harto  por  ibis  pccados  que  no  quisiera  saber  ni  haver  visto.’'  Conq.  i 
Fob.  del  Pirn,  MS. 


36 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


_ [BOOK  III. 


nando  Pizarro,  at  Panama,  and  all  that  had  reached  Peru  was 
a copy  of  a garbled  extract. 

Without  loss  of  time,  therefore,  he  sent  instructions  to  Cuz- 
co for  his  brothers  to  resume  the  government,  while  he  defend- 
ed the  measure  to  Almagro  on  the  ground  that  when  he  should 
hereafter  receive  his  credentials  it  would  be  unbecoming  to  be 
found  already  in  possession  of  the  post.  He  concluded  by  urg- 
ing him  to  go  forward  without  delay  in  his  expedition  to  the 
south. 

But  neither  the  marshal  nor  his  friends  were  pleased  with  the 
idea  of  so  soon  relinquishing  the  authority  which  they  now  con- 
sidered as  his  right.  The  Pizarros,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
pertinacious  in  reclaiming  it.  The  dispute  grew  warmer  and 
warmer.  Each  party  had  its  supporters  ; the  city  was  split 
into  factions  ; and  the  municipality,  the  soldiers,  and  even 
the  Indian  population  took  sides  in  the  struggle  for  power. 
Matters  were  proceeding  to  extremity,  menacing  the  capital 
with  violence  and  bloodshed,  when  Pizarro  himself  appeared 
among  them.28 

On  receiving  tidings  of  the  fatal  consequences  of  his  man- 
dates, he  had  posted  in  all  haste  to  Cuzco,  where  he  was 
greeted  with  undisguised  joy  by  the  natives,  as  well  as  by  the 
more  temperate  Spaniards,  anxious  to  avert  the  impending 
storm.  The  governor’s  first  interview  was  with  Almagro, 
whom  he  embraced  with  a seeming  cordiality  in  his  manner, 
and,  without  any  show  of  resentment,  inquired  into  the  cause 
of  the  present  disturbances.  To  this  the  marshal  replied  by 
throwing  the  blame  on  Pizarro’s  brothers  ; but,  although  the 
governor  reprimanded  them  with  some  asperity  for  their  vio- 
lence, it  was  soon  evident  that  his  sympathies  were  on  their 
side,  and  the  dangers  of  a feud  between  the  two  associates 
seemed  greater  than  ever.  Happily,  it  was  postponed  by  the 
intervention  of  some  common  friends,  who  showed  more  dis- 
cretion than  their  leaders.  With  their  aid  a reconciliation  was 
at  length  effected,  on  the  grounds  substantially  of  their  ancient 

*§  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  7,  cap.  6- 
—^onq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 


chap.  ix. J FEUDS  OF  ALMA  GRO  AND  THE  PIZARROS.  37 


compact.  It  was  agreed  that  their  friendship  should  be  main- 
tained inviolate ; and,  by  a stipulation  that  reflects  no  great 
credit  on  the  parties,  it  was  provided  that  neither  should  ma- 
lign nor  disparage  the  other,  especially  in  their  despatches  to  the 
emperor,  and  that  neither  should  hold  communication  with  the 
government  without  the  knowledge  of  his  confederate ; lastly, 
that  both  the  expenditures  and  the  profits  of  future  discovery 
should  be  shared  equally  by  the  associates.  The  wrath  of 
Heaven  was  invoked  by  the  most  solemn  imprecations  on  the 
head  of  whichever  should  violate  this  compact,  and  the  Al- 
mighty was  implored  to  visit  the  offender  wi  th  loss  of  property 
and  of  life  in  this  world,  and  with  eternal  perdition  in  that  to 
come  ! 29  The  parties  further  bound  themselves  to  the  ob- 
servance of  this  contract  by  a solemn  oath  taken  on  the  sacra- 
ment, as  it  was  held  in  the  hands  of  Father  Bartolom6  de  Sego- 
via, who  concluded  the  ceremony  by  performing  mass.  The 
whole  proceeding,  and  the  articles  of  agreement,  were  care- 
fully recorded  by  the  notary,  in  an  instrument  bearing  date 
June  12,  1535,  and  attested  by  a long  list  of  witnesses.30 

Thus  did  these  two  ancient  comrades,  after  trampling  on  the 
ties  of  friendship  and  honor,  hope  to  knit  themselves  to  each 
other  by  the  holy  bands  of  religion.  That  it  should  have  been 
necessary  to  resort  to  so  extraordinary  a measure  might  have 
furnished  them  with  the  best  proof  of  its  inefficacy. 

Not  long  after  this  accommodation  of  their  differences,  the 
marshal  raised  his  standard  for  Chili ; and  numbers,  won  by 
his  popular  manners  and  by  his  liberal  largesses — liberal  to 
prodigality — eagerly  joined  in  the  enterprise,  which  they  fondly 
trusted  would  lead  even  to  greater  riches  than  they  had  found 
in  Peru.  Two  Indians,  Paullo  Topa,  a brother  of  the  Inca 
Manco,  and  Villac  Umu,  the  high-priest  of  the  nation,  were 
sent  in  advance,  with  three  Spaniards,  to  prepare  the  way  for 

50  44  E suplicamos  & su  infinite  bondad  que  i qualquier  de  nos  que  fuere  en  contrario  de 
lo  asi  convenido,  con  todo  rigor  de  justicia  permita  la  perdicion  de  su  anima,  fin  y mal 
acavamiento  de  su  vida,  destruicion  y perdimiento  de  su  familia,  honrras,  y hacienda.” 
Capitulacion  entre  Pizarro  y Amalgro,  12  de  Junio,  1535,  MS. 

80  This  remarkable  document,  the  original  of  which  is  preserved  In  the  archive#  of  Si- 
mancas,  may  be  found  entire,  in  the  Castilian*  in  Appendix  No.  zz» 


38 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  III. 


the  little  army.  A detachment  of  a hundred  and  fifty  men, 
under  an  officer  named  Saavedra,  next  followed.  Almagro 
remained  behind  to  collect  further  recruits  ; but  before  his 
levies  were  completed  he  began  his  march,  feeling  himself  in- 
secure, with  his  diminished  strength,  in  the  neighborhood  ot 
Pizarro  ! 31  The  remainder  of  his  forces,  when  mustered,  were 
to  follow  him. 

Thus  relieved  of  the  presence  of  his  rival,  the  governor  re- 
turned without  further  delay  to  the  coast,  to  resume  his  labors 
in  the  settlement  of  the  country.  . Besides  the  principal  city  of 
“The  Kings,”  he  established  others  along  the  Pacific,  des- 
tined to  become  hereafter  the  flourishing  marts  of  commerce. 
The  most  important  of  these,  in  honor  of  his  birthplace,  he 
named  Truxillo,  planting  it  on  a site  already  indicated  by  Al- 
magro.32 He  made  also  numerous  repartimientos  both  of  lands 
and  Indians  among  his  followers,  in  the  usual  manner  of  the 
Spanish  Conquerors ; 33  though  here  the  ignorance  of  the  real 
resources  of  the  country  led  to  very  different  results  from  what 
he  had  intended,  as  the  territory  smallest  in  extent  not  infre- 
quently, from  the  hidden  treasures  in  its  bosom,  turned  out 
greatest  in  value.34 

But  nothing  claimed  so  much  of  Pizarro’s  care  as  the  rising 
metropolis  of  Lima ; and  so  eagerly  did  he  press  forward  the 
work,  and  so  well  was  he  seconded  by  the  multitude  of  laborers 
at  his  command,  that  he  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  his  young 

81  “ El  Adelantado  Almagro  despues  que  se  vido  en  el  Cuzco  descarnado  de  su  jento 
temio  al  Marquez  no  le  prendiese  por  las  alteraciones  pasadas  que  havia  tenido  con  sus 
hermanos  como  ya  hemos  dicho,  i dicen  que  por  ser  avisado  dello  tom6  la  posta  i se  fue  al 
pueblo  de  Paria  donde  estava  su  Capitan  Saavedra.”  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

32  Carta  de  F.  Pizarro  a Molina,  MS. 

33  I have  before  me  copies  of  two  grants  of  encomiendas  by  Pizarro,  the  one  dated  at 
Xauxa,  1534,  the  other  at  Cuzco,  1539.  They  emphatically  enjoin  on  the  colonist  the  re- 
ligious instruction  of  the  natives  under  his  care,  as  well  as  kind  and  considerate  usage. 
How  ineffectual  were  the  recommendations  may  be  inferred  from  the  lament  of  the  anony- 
mous contemporary  often  cited,  that  “ from  this  time  forth  the  pest  of  personal  servitude 
was  established  among  the  Indians,  equally  disastrous  to  body  and  soul  of  both  the  master 
and  the  slave.*’  (Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.)  This  honest  burst  of  indignation,  not  to  have 
been  expected  in  the  rude  Conqueror,  came  probably  from  an  ecclesiastic. 

84  “ El  Marques  hizo  encomiendas  en  los  Espafioles,  las  quales  fueron  por  noticias  que  ni 
®]  aabia  lo  que  dava  ni  nadie  lo  que  rescebia  sino  a tiento  ya  poco  mas  6 menos,  y as? 
muchos  que  pensaron  que  se  les  dava  pocos  ae  hallaron  con  mucho  y al  contrano.*'  Unde* 
gftrdo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


ESCAPE  OF  THE  INCA. 


39 


capital,  with  its  stately  edifices  and  its  pomp  of  gardens,  rap- 
idly advancing  toward  completion.  It  is  pleasing  to  contem- 
plate the  softer  features  in  the  character  of  the  rude  soldier,  as 
he  was  thus  occupied  with  healing  up  the  ravages  of  war  and 
laying  broad  the  foundations  of  an  empire  more  civilized  than 
that  which  he  had  overthrown.  This  peaceful  occupation 
formed  a contrast  to  the  life  of  incessant  turmoil  in  which  he 
had  been  hitherto  engaged.  It  seemed,  too,  better  suited  to 
his  own  advancing  age,  which  naturally  invited  to  repose. 
And,  if  we  may  trust  his  chroniclers,  there  was  no  part  of  his 
career  in  which  he  took  greater  satisfaction.  It  is  certain  there 
is  no  part  which  has  been  viewed  with  greater  satisfaction  by 
posterity ; and,  amid  the  woe  and  desolation  which  Pizarro 
and  his  followers  brought  on  the  devoted  land  of  the  Incas, 
Lima,  the  beautiful  City  of  the  Kings,  still  survives  as  the  most 
glorious  work  of  his  creation,  the  fairest  gem  on  the  shores  of 
the  Pacific. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Escape  of  the  Inca. — Return  of  Hernando  Pizarro. — Rising  of  the  Peru- 
vians.— Siege  and  Burning  of  Cuzco. — Distresses  of  the  Spaniards. — 
Storming  of  the  Fortress. — Pizarro’s  Dismay. — The  Inca  raises  the 
Siege. 

1535— r536- 

While  the  absence  of  his  rival,  Almagro,  relieved  Pizarro 
from  all  immediate  disquietude  from  that  quarter,  his  authority 
was  menaced  in  another,  where  he  had  least  expected  it.  This 
was  from  the  native  population  of  the  country.  Hitherto  the 
Peruvians  had  shown  only  a tame  and  submissive  temper,  that 
inspired  their  conquerors  with  too  much  contempt  to  leave 
room  for  apprehension.  They  had  passively  acquiesced  in  the 
usurpation  of  the  invaders — had  seen  one  monarch  butchered, 
another  placed  on  the  vacant  throne,  their  temples  despoiled 
of  their  treasures,  their  capital  and  country  appropriated  and 
parcelled  out  among  the  Spaniards ; but,  with  the  exception  of 


40 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[book  m. 


an  occasional  skirmish  in  the  mountain-passes,  not  a blow  had 
been  struck  in  defence  of  their  rights.  Yet  this  was  the  war- 
like nation  which  had  spread  its  conquests  over  so  large  a part 
of  the  continent  ! 

In  his  career,  Pizarro,  though  he  scrupled  at  nothing  to  ef- 
fect his  object,  had  not  usually  countenanced  such  superfluous 
acts  of  cruelty  as  had  too  often  stained  the  arms  of  his  coun- 
trymen in  other  parts  of  the  continent,  and  which  in  the 
course  of  a few  years  had  exterminated  nearly  a whole  popula- 
tion in  Hispaniola.  He  had  struck  one  astounding  blow,  by 
the  seizure  of  Atahuallpa ; and  he  seemed  willing  to  rely  on 
this  to  strike  terror  into  the  natives.  He  even  affected  some 
respect  for  the  institutions  of  the  country,  and  had  replaced 
the  monarch  he  had  murdered  by  another  of  the  legitimate 
line.  Yet  this  was  but  a pretext.  The  kingdom  had  experi- 
enced a revolution  of  the  most  decisive  kind.  Its  ancient  in- 
stitutions were  subverted.  Its  heaven-descended  aristocracy 
was  levelled  almost  to  the  condition  of  the  peasant.  The  peo- 
ple became  the  serfs  of  the  Conquerors.  Their  dwellings  in  the 
capital — at  least,  after  the  arrival  of  Alvarado’s  officers — were 
seized  and  appropriated.  The  temples  were  turned  into  sta- 
bles ; the  royal  residences  into  barracks  for  the  troops.  The 
sanctity  of  the  religious  houses  was  violated.  Thousands  of 
matrons  and  maidens,  who,  however  erroneous  their  faith, 
lived  in  chaste  seclusion  in  the  conventual  establishments,  were 
now  turned  abroad  and  became  the  prey  of  a licentious  sol- 
diery.1 A favorite  wife  of  the  young  Inca  was  debauched  by 

1 So  says  the  author  of  the  Conquista  i Poblacion  del  Piru,  a contemporary  writer,  who 
describes  what  he  saw  himself,  as  well  as  what  he  gathered  from  others.  Several  circum- 
stances, especially  the  honest  indignation  he  expresses  at  the  excesses  of  the  Conquerors, 
lead  one  to  suppose  he  may  have  been  an  ecclesiastic,  one  of  the  good  men  who  attended 
the  cruel  expedition  on  an  errand  of  love  and  mercy.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  his  credulity 
leads  him  to  exaggerate  the  misdeeds  of  his  countrymen.  According  to  him,  there  were 
full  six  thousand  women  of  rank  living  in  the  convents  at  Cuzco,  served  each  by  fifteen  or 
twenty  female  attendants,  most  of  whom  that  did  not  perish  in  the  war  suffered  a more 
melancholy  fate,  as  the  victims  of  prostitution.  The  passage  is  so  remarkable,  and  the  MS. 
so  rare,  that  I will  cite  it  in  the  original  : “ De  estas  senoras  del  Cuzco  es  cierto  de  tener 
grande  sentimiento  el  que  tuviese  alguna  humanidad  en  el  pecho,  que  en  tiempo  de  la  pros- 
peridad  del  Cuzco  quando  los  Espafioles  entraron  en  el  havia  grand  cantidad  de  senoras 
que  tenian  sus  casas  i sus  asientos  mui  quietas  i sosegadas  i vivian  mui  politicamente  i como 
mui  buenas  mugeres,  cada  seftora  acompanada  con  quince  o veinte  mugeres  que  tenia  de 


CHAP.  X.  j 


ESCAPE  OF  THE  INCA. 


41 


the  Castilian  officers.  The  Inca  himself,  treated  with  con- 
temptuous indifference,  found  that  he  was  a poor  dependent,  if 
not  a tool,  in  the  hands  of  his  conquerors.2 

Yet  the  Inca  Manco  was  a man  of  a lofty  spirit  and  a cour- 
ageous heart : such  a one  as  might  have  challenged  comparison 
with  the  bravest  of  his  ancestors  in  the  prouder  days  of  the  em- 
pire. Stung  to  the  quick  by  the  humiliations  to  which  he  was 
exposed,  he  repeatedly  urged  Pizarro  to  restore  him  to  the  real 
exercise  of  power,  as  well  as  to  the  show  of  it.  But  Pizarro 
evaded  a request  so  incompatible  with  his  own  ambitious 
schemes,  or,  indeed,  with  the  policy  of  Spain,  and  the  young 
Inca  and  his  nobles  were  left  to  brood  over  their  injuries  in 
secret,  and  await  patiently  the  hour  of  vengeance. 

The  dissensions  among  the  Spaniards  themselves  seemed  to 
afford  a favorable  opportunity  for  this.  The  Peruvian  chiefs 
held  many  conferences  together  on  the  subject,  and  the  high- 
priest,  Villac  Umu,  urged  the  necessity  of  a rising  so  soon  as 
Almagro  had  withdrawn  his  forces  from  the  city.  It  would 
then  be  comparatively  easy,  by  assaulting  the  invaders  on  their 
several  posts,  scattered  as  they  were  over  the  country,  to  over- 
power them  by  superior  numbers,  and  shake  off  their  detested 
yoke  before  the  arrival  of  fresh  reinforcements  should  rivet  it 
forever  on  the  necks  of  his  countrymen.  A plan  for  a general 
rising  was  formed,  and  it  was  in  conformity  to  it  that  the 
priest  was  selected  by  the  Inca  to  bear  Almagro  company  on 
the  march,  that  he  might  secure  the  co-operation  of  the  natives 
in  the  country,  and  then  secretly  return — as  in  fact  he  did — to 
take  a part  in  the  insurrection. 

To  carry  their  plans  into  effect,  it  became  necessary  that  the 
Inca  Manco  should  leave  the  city  and  present  himself  among 
his  people.  He  found  no  difficulty  in  withdrawing  from  Cuz- 

servicio  en  su  casa  bien  traidas  i aderezadas,  i no  salian  menos  desto  i con  grand  onestidadi 
gravedad  i atavio  a su  usanza,  i es  a la  cantidad  destas  senoras  principales  creo  yo  que  en  el 
. . . qui  avia  mas  de  seis  mil  sin  las  de  servicio  que  creo  yo  que  eran  mas  de  veinte  mil 

mugeres  sin  las  de  servicio  i mamaconas  que  eran  las  que  andavan  como  beatas,  i dende  A 
dos  anos  casi  no  se  allava  en  el  Cuzco  i su  tierra  sino  cada  qual  i qual  porque  muchas  muri- 
eron  en  la  guerra  que  huvo  i las  otras  vinieron  las  mas  A ser  malas  mugeres.  Senor  perdone 
^quien  file  la  causa  desto  i aquien  no  lo  remedia  pudiendo.'  * Conq.  i Pob.  del  Pirn,  MS. 

9 Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


42 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  III 


cou  where  his  presence  was  scarcely  heeded  by  the  Spaniards, 
as  his  nominal  power  was  held  in  little  deference  by  the 
haughty  and  confident  Conquerors.  But  in  the  capital  there 
was  a body  of  Indian  allies  more  jealous  of  his  movements. 
These  were  from  the  tribe  of  the  Canaris,  a warlike  race  of  the 
north,  too  recently  reduced  by  the  Incas  to  have  much  sym- 
pathy with  them  or  their  institutions.  There  were  about  a 
thousand  of  this  people  in  the  place,  and,  as  they  had  con- 
ceived some  suspicion  of  the  Inca’s  purposes,  they  kept  an  eye 
on  his  movements,  and  speedily  reported  his  absence  to  Juan 
Pizarro. 

That  cavalier,  at  the  head  of  a small  body  of  horse,  instantly 
marched  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitive,  whom  he  was  so  fortunate 
as  to  discover  in  a thicket  of  reeds,  in  which  he  had  sought  to 
conceal  himself,  at  no  great  distance  from  the  city.  Manco 
was  arrested,  brought  back  a prisoner  to  Cuzco,  and  placed 
under  a strong  guard  in  the  fortress.  The  conspiracy  seemed 
now  at  an  end ; and  nothing  was  left  to  the  unfortunate  Peru- 
vians but  to  bewail  their  ruined  hopes,  and  to  give  utterance 
to  their  disappointment  in  doleful  ballads,  which  rehearsed  the 
captivity  of  their  Inca  and  the  downfall  of  his  royal  house.3 

While  these  things  were  in  progress,  Hernando  Pizarro  re- 
turned to  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  bearing  with  him  the  royal 
commission  for  the  extension  of  his  brother’s  powers,  as  well  as 
of  those  conceded  to  Almagro.  The  envoy  also  brought  the 
royal  patent  conferring  on  Francisco  Pizarro  the  title  of  Mar- 
ques de  los  Atavillos — a province  in  Peru.  Thus  was  the 
fortunate  adventurer  placed  in  the  ranks  of  the  proud  aristoc- 
racy of  Castile,  few  of  whose  members  could  boast — if  they 
had  the  courage  to  boast — their  elevation  from  so  humble  an 
origin,  as  still  fewer  could  justify  it  by  a show  of  greater  ser- 
vices to  the  crown. 

The  new  marquis  resolved  not  to  forward  the  commission 
at  present  to  the  marshal,  whom  he  designed  to  engage  still 
deeper  in  the  conquest  of  Chili,  that  his  attention  might  be 

* Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  1, 
a. — Cooq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.— Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  3. 


chap,  x.]  RETURN  OF  HERNANDO  PIZARRO. 


43 


diverted  from  Cuzco,  which,  however,  his  brother  assured  him, 
now  fell,  without  doubt,  within  the  newly  extended  limits  of 
his  own  territory.  To  make  more  sure  of  this  important  prize, 
he  despatched  Hernando  to  take  the  government  of  the  capital 
into  his  own  hands,  as  the  one  of  his  brothers  on  whose  talents 
and  practical  experience  he  placed  greatest  reliance. 

Hernando,  notwithstanding  his  arrogant  bearing  toward  his 
countrymen,  had  ever  manifested  a more  than  ordinary  sym- 
pathy with  the  Indians.  He  had  been  the  friend  of  Atahu- 
allpa  — to  such  a degree,  indeed,  that  it  was  said,  if  he  had 
been  in  the  camp  at  the  time,  the  fate  of  that  unhappy  monarch 
would  probably  have  been  averted.  He  now  showed  a similar 
friendly  disposition  toward  his  successor,  Manco.  He  caused 
the  Peruvian  prince  to  be  liberated  from  confinement,  and 
gradually  admitted  him  to  some  intimacy  with  himself.  The 
crafty  Indian  availed  himself  of  his  freedom  to  mature  his  plans 
for  the  rising,  but  with  so  much  caution  that  no  suspicion  of 
them  crossed  the  mind  of  Hernando.  Secrecy  and  silence  are 
characteristic  of  the  American,  almost  as  invariably  as  the 
peculiar  color  of  his  skin.  Manco  disclosed  to  his  conqueror 
the  existence  of  several  heaps  of  treasure,  and  the  places  where 
they  had  been  secreted  ; and  when  he  had  thus  won  his  confi- 
dence, he  stimulated  his  cupidity  still  further  by  an  account  of 
a statue  of  pure  gold  of  his  father,  Huayna  Capac,  which  the 
wily  Peruvian  requested  leave  to  bring  from  a secret  cave  in 
which  it  was  deposited,  among  the  neighboring  Andes.  Her- 
nando, blinded  by  his  avarice,  consented  to  the  Inca’s  depart- 
ure. 

He  sent  with  him  two  Spanish  soldiers,  less  as  a guard  than 
to  aid  him  in  the  object  of  his  expedition.  A week  elapsed, 
and  yet  he  did  not  return,  nor  were  there  any  tidings  to  be 
gathered  of  him.  Hernando  now  saw  his  error,  especially  as 
his  own  suspicions  were  confirmed  by  the  unfavorable  reports 
of  his  Indian  allies.  Without  further  delay  he  despatched  his 
brother  Juan,  at  the  head  of  sixty  horse,  in  quest  of  the  Peru- 
vian prince,  with  orders  to  bring  him  back  once  more  a pris* 
oner  to  his  capital. 


44 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  III. 


That  cavalier,  with  his  well-armed  troops,  soon  traversed  the 
environs  of  Cuzco,  without  discovering  any  vestige  of  the 
fugitive.  The  country  was  remarkably  silent  and  deserted, 
until,  as  he  approached  the  mountain-range  that  hems  in  the 
valley  of  Yucay,  about  six  leagues  from  the  city,  he  was  met  by 
the  two  Spaniards  who  had  accompanied  Manco.  They  in- 
formed Pizarro  that  it  was  only  at  the  point  of  the  sword  he 
could  recover  the  Inca,  for  the  country  was  all  in  arms,  and 
the  Peruvian  chief  at  its  head  was  preparing  to  march  on  the 
capital.  Yet  he  had  offered  no  violence  to  their  persons,  but 
had  allowed  them  to  return  in  safety. 

The  Spanish  captain  found  this  story  fully  confirmed  when 
he  arrived  at  the  river  Yucay,  on  the  opposite  bank  of  which 
were  drawn  up  the  Indian  battalions  to  the  number  of  many 
thousand  men,  who,  with  their  young  monarch  at  their  head, 
prepared  to  dispute  his  passage.  It  seemed  that  they  could  not 
feel  their  position  sufficiently  strong  without  placing  a river,  as 
usual,  between  them  and  their  enemy.  The  Spaniards  were 
not  checked  by  this  obstacle.  The  stream,  though  deep,  was 
narrow ; and,  plunging  in,  they  swam  their  horses  boldly 
across,  amid  a tempest  of  stones  and  arrows  that  rattled  thick 
as  hail  on  their  harness,  finding  occasionally  some  crevice  or 
vulnerable  point — although  the  wounds  thus  received  only 
goaded  them  to  more  desperate  efforts.  The  barbarians  fell 
back  as  the  cavaliers  made  good  their  landing ; but,  without 
allowing  the  latter  time  to  form,  they  returned  with  a spirit 
which  they  had  hitherto  seldom  displayed,  and  enveloped  them 
on  all  sides  with  their  greatly  superior  numbers.  The  fight 
now  raged  fiercely.  Many  of  the  Indians  were  armed  with 
lances  headed  with  copper  tempered  almost  to  the  hardness  of 
steel,  and  with  huge  maces  and  battle-axes  of  the  same  metal. 
Their  defensive  armor,  also,  was  in  many  respects  excellent, 
consisting  of  stout  doublets  of  quilted  cotton,  shields  covered 
with  skins,  and  casques  richly  ornamented  with  gold  and 
jewels,  or  sometimes  made  like  those  of  the  Mexicans,  in  the 
fantastic  shape  of  the  heads  of  wild  animals,  garnished  with 
rows  of  teeth  that  grinned  horribly  above  the  visage  of  the 


CHAP.  X.] 


RISING  OF  THE  PERUVIANS. 


45 


warrior.4  The  whole  army  wore  an  aspect  of  martial  ferocity, 
under  the  control  of  much  higher  military  discipline  than  the 
Spaniards  had  before  seen  in  the  country. 

The  little  band  of  cavaliers,  shaken  by  the  fury  of  the  Indian 
assault,  were  thrown  at  first  into  some  disorder,  but  at  length, 
cheering  on  one  another  with  the  old  war-cry  of  “St.  Jago,” 
they  formed  in  solid  column  and  charged  boldly  into  the  thick 
of  the  enemy.  The  latter,  incapable  of  withstanding  the  shock, 
gave  way,  or  were  trampled  down  under  the  feet  of  the  horses 
or  pierced  by  the  lances  of  the  riders.  Yet  their  flight  was 
conducted  with  some  order ; and  they  turned  at  intervals,  to 
let  off  a volley  of  arrows  or  to  deal  furious  blows  with  their 
pole-axes  and  war-clubs.  They  fought  as  if  conscious  that  they 
were  under  the  eye  of  their  Inca. 

It  was  evening  before  they  had  entirely  quitted  the  level 
ground  and  withdrawn  into  the  fastnesses  of  the  lofty  range  of 
hills  which  belt  round  the  beautiful  valley  of  Yucay.  Juan 
Pizarro  and  his  little  troop  encamped  on  the  level  at  the  base 
of  the  mountains.  He  had  gained  a victory,  as  usual,  over 
immense  odds  ; but  he  had  never  seen  a field  so  well  disputed, 
and  his  victory  had  cost  him  the  lives  of  several  men  and 
horses,  while  many  more  had  been  wounded,  and  were  nearly 
disabled  by  the  fatigues  of  the  day.  But  he  trusted  the  severe 
lesson  he  had  inflicted  on  the  enemy,  whose  slaughter  was 
great,  would  crush  the  spirit  of  resistance.  He  was  deceived. 

The  following  morning,  great  was  his  dismay  to  see  the 
passes  of  the  mountains  filled  up  with  dark  lines  of  warriors, 
stretching  as  far  as  the  eye  could  penetrate  into  the  depths  of 
the  sierra,  while  dense  masses  of  the  enemy  were  gathered  like 
thunder-clouds  along  the  slopes  and  summits,  as  if  ready  to 
pour  down  in  fury  on  the  assailants.  The  ground,  altogether 
unfavorable  to  the  manoeuvres  of  cavalry,  gave  every  advan- 

4 “ Es  gente,”  says  Oviedo,  “ muy  belicosa  e muy  diestra  ; sus  armas  son  picas,  e ondas, 
porras  e Alabardas  de  Plata  e oro  e cobre.”  (Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8, 
cap.  17.)  Xerez  has  made  a good  enumeration  of  the  native  Peruvian  arms.  (Conq.  del 
Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  iii. , p.  200.)  Father  Velasco  has  added  considerably  to  this  cata- 
logue. According  to  him,  they  used  copper  swords,  poniards,  and  other  European  weap- 
ons. (Hist,  de  Quito,  tom.  i.,  pp.  178-180.)  He  does  not  insist  on  their  knowledge  of  fire- 
arms before  the  conquest  ! 


46 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


IBOOK  III 


tage  to  the  Peruvians,  who  rolled  down  huge  rocks  from  their 
elevated  position  and  sent  off  incessant  showers  of  missiles  on 
the  heads  of  the  Spaniards.  Juan  Pizarro  did  not  care  to  en- 
tangle himself  farther  in  the  perilous  defile  ; and,  though  he 
repeatedly  charged  the  enemy  and  drove  them  back  with  con- 
siderable loss,  the  second  night  found  him  with  men  and 
horses  wearied  and  wounded,  and  as  little  advanced  in  the  ob- 
ject of  his  expedition  as  on  the  preceding  evening.  From  this 
embarrassing  position,  after  a day  or  two  more  spent  in  un- 
profitable hostilities,  he  was  surprised  by  a summons  from  his 
brother  to  return  with  all  expedition  to  Cuzco,  which  was  now 
besieged  by  the  enemy  ! 

Without  delay  he  began  his  retreat,  recrossed  the  valley,  the 
recent  scene  of  slaughter,  swam  the  river  Yucay,  and,  by  a 
rapid  countermarch,  closely  followed  by  the  victorious  Indians, 
who  celebrated  their  success  with  songs  or  rather  yells  of  tri- 
umph, he  arrived  before  nightfall  in  sight  of  the  capital. 

But  very  different  was  the  sight  which  there  met  his  eyes 
from  what  he  had  beheld  on  leaving  it  a few  days  before.  The 
extensive  environs,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  were  occu- 
pied by  a mighty  host,  which  an  indefinite  computation 
swelled  to  the  number  of  two  hundred  thousand  warriors.5 
The  dusky  lines  of  the  Indian  battalions  stretched  out  to  the 
very  verge  of  the  mountains  ; while,  all  around,  the  eye  saw 
only  the  crests  and  waving  banners  of  chieftains,  mingled  with 
rich  panoplies  of  feather-work,  which  reminded  some  few  who 
had  served  under  Cortes  of  the  military  costume  of  the  Aztecs. 
Above  all  rose  a forest  of  long  lances  and  battle-axes  edged 
with  copper,  which,  tossed  to  and  fro  in  wild  confusion,  glit- 
tered in  the  rays  of  the  setting  sun,  like  light  playing  on  the 
surface  of  a dark  and  troubled  ocean.  It  was  the  first  time 
that  the  Spaniards  had  beheld  an  Indian  army  in  all  its  terrors 
— such  an  army  as  the  Incas  led  to  battle,  when  the  banner  of 
the  Sun  was  borne  triumphant  over  the  land. 

• “ Pues  junta  toda  la  gente  quel  ynga  avia  embiado  & juntar  que  & lo  que  se  entendio  V 
los  indios  dixeron  fueron  dozientos  mil  indios  de  guerra  los  que  vinieron  d poner  este  cerco.” 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


chap,  x.]  SIEGE  AND  BURNING  OF  CUZCO. 


47 


Yet  the  bold  hearts  of  the  cavaliers,  if  for  a moment  dis- 
mayed by  the  sight,  soon  gathered  courage  as  they  closed  up 
their  files  and  prepared  to  open  a way  for  themselves  through 
the  beleaguering  host.  But  the  enemy  seemed  to  shun  the  en- 
counter, and,  falling  back  at  their  approach,  left  a free  entrance 
into  the  capital.  The  Peruvians  were  probably  not  unwilling 
to  draw  as  many  victims  as  they  could  into  the  toils,  conscious 
that  the  greater  the  number  the  sooner  they  would  become 
sensible  to  the  approaches  of  famine.6 

Hernando  Pizarro  greeted  his  brother  with  no  little  satisfac- 
tion ; for  he  brought  an  important  addition  to  his  force,  which 
now,  when  all  were  united,  did  not  exceed  two  hundred,  horse 
and  foot,7  besides  a thousand  Indian  auxiliaries ; an  insignifi- 
cant number  in  comparison  with  the  countless  npiltitudes  that 
were  swarming  at  the  gates.  That  night  was  passed:  by  the 
Spaniards  with  feelings  of  the  deepest  anxiety,  as  they  looked 
forward  with  natural  apprehension  to  the  morrow.  It  was 
early  in  February,  1536,  when  the  siege  of_Cuzco  commenced 
— a siege  memorable  as  calling  out  the  most  heroic  displays  of 
Indian  and  European  valor,  and  bringing  the  two  races  into 
deadlier  conflict  with  each  other  than  had  yet  occurred  in  the 
conquest  of  Peru. 

The  numbers  of  the  enemy  seemed  no  less  formidable  during 
the  night  than  by  the  light  of  day  : far  and  wide  their  watch- 
fires  were  to  be  seen  gleaming  over  valley  and  hill-top,  as 
thickly  scattered,  says  an  eye-witness,  as  “the  stars  of  heav- 
en in  a cloudless  night.”  8 Before  these  fires  had  become  pale 
in  the  light  of  the  morning,  the  Spaniards  were  roused  by 
the  hideous  clamor  of  conch,  trumpet,  and  atabal,  mingled 
with  the  fierce  war-cries  of  the  barbarians,  as  they  let  off"  vol- 
leys of  missiles  of  every  description,  most  of  which  fell  harm- 
less within  the  city.  But  others  did  more  serious  execution. 

* Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.— Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  4, — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  133. 

7“Y  los  pocos  Espanoles  que  heramos  aun  no  dozientos  todos/*  Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

p “Plies  de  noche  heran  tantos  los  fuegos  que  no  parecia  sino  vn  cielo  muy  sereno  Ileno 
de  estrellas,”  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS,  ^ 


48 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[book  hi. 


These  were  burning  arrows,  and  red-hot  stones  wrapped  in  cot- 
ton that  had  been  steeped  in  some  bituminous  substance,  which, 
scattering  long  trains  of  light  through  the  air,  fell  on  the  roofs 
of  the  buildings  and  speedily  set  them  on  fire.9  These  roofs, 
even  of  the  better  sort  of  edifices,  were  uniformly  of  thatch, 
and  were  ignited  as  easily  as  tinder.  In  a moment  the  flames 
burst  forth  from  the  most  opposite  quarters  of  the  city.  They 
quickly  communicated  to  the  wood-work  in  the  interior  of  the 
buildings,  and  broad  sheets  of  flame  mingled  with  smoke  rose 
up  toward  the  heavens,  throwing  a fearful  glare  over  every  ob- 
ject. The  rarefied  atmosphere  heightened  the  previous  impet- 
uosity of  the  wind,  which  fanning  the  rising  flames,  they 
rapidly  spread  from  dwelling  to  dwelling,  till  the  whole  fiery 
mass,  swayed  to  and  fro  by  the  tempest,  surged  and  roared 
with  the  fury  of  a volcano.  The  heat  became  intense,  and 
clouds  of  smoke,  gathering  in  a dark  pall  over  the  city,  pro- 
duced a sense  of  suffocation  and  almost  blindness  in  those  quar- 
ters where  it  was  driven  by  the  winds.10 

The  Spaniards  were  encamped  in  the  great  square,  partly 
under  awnings,  and  partly  in  the  hall  of  the  Inca  Viracocha, 
on  the  ground  since  covered  by  the  cathedral.  Three  times  in 
the  course  of  that  dreadful  day  the  roof  of  the  building  was  on 
fire  ; but,  although  no  efforts  were  made  to  extinguish  it,  the 
flames  went  out  without  doing  much  injury.  This  miracle  was 
ascribed  to  the  Blessed  Virgin,  who  was  distinctly  seen,  by  sev- 
eral of  the  Christian  combatants,  hovering  over  the  spot  on 
which  was  to  be  raised  the  temple  dedicated  to  her  worship.11 

9 “ Unas  piedras  rredondas  y hechallas  en  el  fuego  y hazellas  asqua  embolvianlas  en 
▼nos  algodones  y poniendolas  en  hondas  las  tiravan  a las  cassas  donde  no  alcanzavan  £ 
poner  fuego  con  las  manos,  y ansi  nos  quemavan  las  cassas  sin  entendello.  Otras  veces 
conflechas  encendidas  tirandolas  A las  casas  que  como  heran  de  paja  luego  se  encendian.” 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

i°  " I era  tan  to  el  humo  que  casi  los  oviera  de  aogar  i pasaron  grand  travajo  por  esta 
causa  i sino  fuera  porque  de  la  una  parte  de  la  plaza  no  havia  casas  i estava  desconorado  no 
pudieran  escapar  porque  si  por  todas  partes  les  diera  el  humo  i el  calor  siendo  tan  grande 
pasaron  travajo,  pero  la  divina  providencia  lo  estorvd.”  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

11  The  temple  was  dedicated  to  Our  Blessed  Lady  of  the  Assumption.  The  apparition  of 
the  Virgin  was  manifest  not  only  to  Christian  but  to  Indian  warriors,  many  of  whom  re- 
ported it  to  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  in  whose  hands  the  marvellous  rarely  loses  any  of  its 
gloss.  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  25.)  It  is  further  attested  by  Father  Acosta,  who 
came  into  the  country  forty  years  after  the  event  (lib.  7,  cap.  27).  Both  writers  testify  to 


chap,  x]  DISTRESSES  OF  THE  SEA  HI  ARDS. 


49 


Fortunately,  the  open  space  around  Hernando’s  little  com- 
pany separated  them  from  the  immediate  scene  of  conflagra- 
tion. It  afforded  a means  of  preservation  similar  to  that  em- 
ployed by  the  American  hunter,  who  endeavors  to  surround 
himself  with  a belt  of  wasted  land  when  overtaken  by  a confla- 
gration in  the  prairies.  All  day  the  fire  continued  to  rage, 
and  at  night  the  effect  was  even  more  appalling  ; for  by  the 
lurid  flames  the  unfortunate  Spaniards  could  read  the  conster- 
nation depicted  in  each  other’s  ghastly  countenances,  while  in 
the  suburbs,  along  the  slopes  of  the  surrounding  hills,  might 
be  seen  the  throng  of  besiegers,  gazing  with  fiendish  exultation 
on  the  work  of  destruction.  High  above  the  town,  to  the 
north,  rose  the  gray  fortress,  which  now  showed  ruddy  in  the 
glare,  looking  grimly  down  on  the  ruins  of  the  fair  city  which 
it  was  no  longer  able  to  protect ; and  in  the  distance  were  to 
be  discerned  the  shadowy  forms  of  the  Andes,  soaring  up  in 
solitary  grandeur  into  the  regions  of  eternal  silence,  far  beyond 
the  wild  tumult  that  raged  so  fearfully  at  their  base. 

Such  was  the  extent  of  the  city  that  it  was  several  days  be- 
fore the  fury  of  the  fire  was  spent.  Tower  and  temple,  hut, 
palace,  and  hall,  went  down  before  it.  Fortunately,  among 
the  buildings  that  escaped  were  the  magnificent  House  of  the 
Sun  and  the  neighboring  Convent  of  the  Virgins.  Their  in- 
sulated position  afforded  the  means,  of  which  the  Indians  from 
motives  of  piety  were  willing  to  avail  themselves,  for  their 
preservation.12  Full  one-half  of  the  capital,  so  long  the  chosen 


the  seasonable  aid  rendered  by  St.  James,  who  with  his  buckler,  displaying  the  device  of 
his  Military  Order,  and  armed  with  his  flaming  sword,  rode  his  white  charger  into  the 
thick  of  the  enemy.  The  patron  Saint  oi  Spain  might  always  be  relied  on  when  his  pres- 
ence was  needed  : dignus  vindice  nodus . 

15  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  24. — Father  Valverde,  Bishop  of  Cuzco,  who 
took  so  signal  a part  in  the  seizure  of  Atahuallpa,  was  absent  from  the  country  at  this  period, 
but  returned  the  following  year.  In  a letter  to  the  emperor,  he  contrasts  the  flourishing  con- 
dition of  the  capital  when  he  left  it  and  that  in  which  he  now  found  it,  despoiled,  as  well  as 
its  beautiful  suburbs,  of  its  ancient  glories.  “ If  I had  not  known  the  site  of  the  city,”  he 
says,  “ I should  not  have  recognized  it  as  the  same.”  The  passage  is  too  remarkable  to  be 
omitted.  The  original  letter' exists  in  the  archives  of  Simancas  : “ Certifico  & V.  M.  que 
si  no  me  acordara  del  sitio  desta  Ciudad  yo  no  la  conosciera,  & lo  menos  por  los  edificios 
y Pueblos  della  : porque  quando  el  Gobemador  D.  Franzisco  Pizarro  entrd  aqui  y entre  yo 
con  £1  estava  este  valle  tan  hermoso  en  edificios  y poblazion  que  en  torno  tenia  que  eracosa 
de  admiracion  vello,  porque  aunque  la  Ciudad  en  si  no  temia  mas.de  3 o 4,000  casas,  temia 

Pl9 


VOL.  2 


50 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  iil 


seat  of  Western  civilization,  the  pride  of  the  Incas,  and  the 
bright  abode  of  their  tutelar  deity,  was  laid  in  ashes  by  the 
hands  of  his  own  children.  It  was  some  consolation  for  them 
to  reflect  that  it  burned  over  the  heads  of  its  conquerors — their 
trophy  and  their  tomb  ! 

During  the  long  period  of  the  conflagration  the  Spaniards 
made  no  attempt  to  extinguish  the  flames.  Such  an  attempt 
would  have  availed  nothing.  Yet  they  did  not  tamely  submit 
to  the  assaults  of  the  enemy,  and  they  sallied  forth  from  time 
to  time  to  repel  them.  But  the  fallen  timbers  and  scattered 
rubbish  of  the  houses  presented  serious  impediments  to  the 
movements  of  horse ; and  when  these  were  partially  cleared 
away  by  the  efforts  of  the  infantry  and  the  Indian  allies,  the 
Peruvians  planted  stakes  and  threw  barricades  across  the  path, 
which  proved  equally  embarrassing.13  To  remove  them  was  a 
work  of  time  and  no  little  danger,  as  the  pioneers  were  exposed 
to  the  whole  brunt  of  the  enemy’s  archery,  and  the  aim  of  the 
Peruvian  was  sure.  When  at  length  the  obstacles  were  cleared 
away  and  a free  course  was  opened  to  the  cavalry,  they  rushed 
with  irresistible  impetuosity  on  their  foes,  who,  falling  back  in 
confusion,  were  cut  to  pieces  by  the  riders  or  pierced  through 
with  their  lances.  The  slaughter  on  these  occasions  was  great ; 
but  the  Indians,  nothing  disheartened,  usually  returned  with 
renewed  courage  to  the  attack,  and,  while  fresh  reinforcements 
met  the  Spaniards  in  front,  others,  lying  in  ambush  among  the 
ruins,  threw  the  troops  into  disorder  by  assailing  them  on  the 
flanks.  The  Peruvians  were  expert  both  with  bow  and  sling  ; 
and  these  encounters,  notwithstanding  the  superiority  of  their 
arms,  cost  the  Spaniards  more  lives  than  in  their  crippled  con- 

en  torno  quasi  d vista  19  o 20,000  ; la  fortaleza  que  estava  sobre  la  Ciudad  parescia  desde  d 
parte  una  mui  gran  fortaleza  de  las  de  Espana  : agora  la  mayor  parte  de  la  Ciudad  esta 
toda  derivada  y quemada  ; la  fortaleza  no  tiene  quasi  nada  enhiesso  ; todos  los  pueblos  de 
alderredor  no  tienS  sino  las  paredes  que  por  maravilla  ai  casa  cubierta  ! La  cosa  que  mas 
contentamiento  me  dio  en  esta  Ciudad  fue  la  Iglesia,  que  para  en  Indias  es  harto  buena 
cosa,  aunque  segun  la  riqueza  a havido  en  esta  tierra  pudiera  ser  mas  semejante  al  Templo 
de  Salomon/’  Carta  del  Obispo  F.  Vicente  de  Valverde  al  Emperador,  MS.,  20  de  Marzo, 
*539- 

13  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — “Los  Indios  ganaron  el  Cuzco  casi  todo  aes* 
ta  manera  que  enganando  la  calle  hivan  haciendo  una  pared  para  que  los  cavallos  ni  ios 
Espanoles  no  los  pudiesen  romper.”  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Pirn,  MS. 


chap.  X.]  DISTRESSES  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  5 1 

dition  they  could  afford  to  spare — a loss  poorly  compensated 
by  that  of  tenfold  the  number  of  the  enemy.  One  weapon, 
peculiar  to  South  American  warfare,  was  used  with  some  effect 
by  the  Peruvians.  This  was  the  lasso — a long  rope  with  a 
noose  at  the  end,  which  they  adroitly  threw  over  the  rider,  or 
entangled  with  it  the  legs  of  his  horse,  so  as  to  bring  them 
both  to  the  ground.  More  than  one  Spaniard  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy  by  this  expedient.14 

Thus  harassed,  sleeping  on  their  arms,  with  their  horses 
picketed  by  their  side,  ready  for  action  at  any  and  every  hour, 
the  Spaniards  had  no  rest  by  night  or  by  day.  To  add  to 
their  troubles,  the  fortress  which  overlooked  the  city,  and 
completely  commanded  the  great  square  in  which  they  were 
quartered,  had  been  so  feebly  garrisoned  in  their  false  sense  of 
security,  that  on  the  approach  of  the  Peruvians  it  had  been 
abandoned  without  a blow  in  its  defence.  It  was  now  occu- 
pied by  a strong  body  of  the  enemy,  who  from  his  elevated 
position  sent  down  showers  of  missiles,  from  time  to  time, 
which  added  greatly  to  the  annoyance  of  the  besieged.  Bit- 
terly did  their  captain  now  repent  the  improvident  security 
which  had  led  him  to  neglect  a post  so  important. 

Their  distresses  were  still  further  aggravated  by  the  rumors 
which  continually  reached  their  ears  of  the  state  of  the  coun- 
try. The  rising,  it  was  said,  was  general  throughout  the  land  ; 
the  Spaniards  living  on  their  insulated  plantations  had  all  been 
massacred ; Lima  and  Truxillo  and  the  principal  cities  were 
besieged,  and  must  soon  fall  into  the  enemy’s  hands  ; the  Pe- 
ruvians were  in  possession  of  the  passes,  and  all  communica- 
tions were  cut  off,  so  that  no  relief  was  to  be  expected  from 
their  countrymen  on  the  coast.  Such  were  the  dismal  stories 
(which,  however  exaggerated,  had  too  much  foundation  in 
fact)  that  now  found  their  way  into  the  city  from  the  camp  of 
the  besiegers.  And,  to  give  greater  credit  to  the  rumors, 
eight  or  ten  human  heads  were  rolled  into  the  plaza , in  whose 
blood-stained  visages  the  Spaniards  recognized  with  horror  the 


14  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8.  cap,  4 


52 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[book  hi. 


lineaments  of  their  companions  who  they  knew  had  been  dwell- 
ing in  solitude  on  their  estates  ! 15 

Overcome  by  these  horrors,  many  were  for  abandoning  the 
place  at  once,  as  no  longer  tenable,  and  for  opening  a passage 
for  themselves  to  the  coast  with  their  own  good  swords. 
There  was  a daring  in  the  enterprise  which  had  a charm  for 
the  adventurous  spirit  of  the  Castilian.  Better,  they  said,  to 
perish  in  a manly  struggle  for  life  than  to  die  thus  ignomini- 
ously,  pent  up  like  foxes  in  their  holes  to  be  suffocated  by  the 
hunter  ! 

But  the  Pizarros,  De  Rojas,  and  some  others  of  the  principal 
cavaliers,  refused  to  acquiesce  in  a measure  which,  they  said, 
must  cover  them  with  dishonor.16  Cuzco  had  been  the  great 
prize  for  which  they  had  contended;  it  was  the  ancient  seat 
ot  empire,  and,  though  now  in  ashes,  would  again  rise  from 
its  ruins  as  glorious  as  before.  All  eyes  would  be  turned  on 
them,  as  its  defenders,  and  their  failure,  by  giving  confidence 
to  the  enemy,  might  decide  the  fate  of  their  countrymen 
throughout  the  land.  They  were  placed  in  that  post  as  the  post 
of  honor,  and  better  would  it  be  to  die  there  than  to  desert  it. 

There  seemed,  indeed,  no  alternative ; for  every  avenue  to 
escape  was  cut  off  by  an  enemy  who  had  perfect  knowledge  of 
the  country  and  possession  of  all  its  passes.  But  this  state  of 
things  could  not  last  long.  The  Indian  could  not,  in  the  long 
run,  contend  with  the  white  man.  The  spirit  of  insurrection 
would  die  out  of  itself.  The  great  army  would  melt  away,  un- 
accustomed as  the  natives  were  to  the  privations  incident  to  a 
protracted  campaign.  Reinforcements  would  be  daily  coming 
in  from  the  colonies ; and,  if  the  Castilians  would  be  but  true 
to  themselves  for  a season,  they  would  be  relieved  by  their 
own  countrymen,  who  would  never  suffer  them  to  die  like 
outcasts  among  the  mountains. 

The  cheering  words  and  courageous  bearing  of  the  cavaliers 

18  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  4. — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Pirn,  MS.  , 
is  tt  Pues  Hernando  Pi£arro  nunca  estuvo  en  ello  y les  respondia  que  todos  aviamos  de 
morir  y no  desamparar  el  Cuzco.  Juntavanse  A estas  consultas  Hernando  Pi^arro  y sus 
hermanos,  Graviel  de  Rojas,  Hernan  Ponce  de  Leon,  el  Thesorero  Riquelme.”  Pedre 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


chap,  x.]  STORMING  OF  THE  FORTRESS.  53 

went  to  the  hearts  of  their  followers  ; for  the  soul  of  the  Span- 
iard readily  responded  to  the  call  of  honor,  if  not  of  humanity. 
All  now  agreed  to  stand  by  their  leader  to  the  last.  But,  if 
they  would  remain  longer  in  their  present  position,  it  was  ab- 
solutely necessary  to  dislodge  the  enemy  from  the  fortress ; 
and,  before  venturing  on  this  dangerous  service,  Hernando 
Pizarro  resolved  to  strike  such  a blow  as  should  intimidate  the 
besiegers  from  further  attempts  to  molest  his  present  quarters. 

He  communicated  his  plan  of  attack  to  his  officers ; and, 
forming  his  little  troop  into  three  divisions,  he  placed  them 
under  command  of  his  brother  Gonzalo,  of  Gabriel  de  Rojas, 
an  officer  in  whom  he  reposed  great  confidence,  and  of  Hernan 
Ponce  de  Leon.  The  Indian  pioneers  were  sent  forward  to 
clear  away  the  rubbish,  and  the  several  divisions  moved  simul- 
taneously up  the  principal  avenues  toward  the  camp  of  the 
besiegers.  Such  stragglers  as  they  met  in  their  way  were  easily 
cut  to  pieces,  and  the  three  bodies,  bursting  impetuously  on 
the  disordered  lines  of  the  Peruvians,  took  them  completely 
by  surprise.  For  some  moments  there  was  little  resistance, 
and  the  slaughter  was  terrible.  But  the  Indians  gradually 
rallied,  and,  coming  into  something  like  order,  returned  to  the 
fight  with  the  courage  of  men  who  had  long  been  familiar  with 
danger.  They  fought  hand  to  hand  with  their  copper-headed 
war-clubs  and  pole-axes,  while  a storm  of  darts,  stones,  and  ar- 
rows rained  on  the  well-defended  todies  of  the  Christians. 

The  barbarians  showed  more  discipline  than  was  to  have 
been  expected  ; for  which,  it  is  said,  they  were  indebted  to 
some  Spanish  prisoners,  from  several  of  whom  the  Inca,  having 
generously  spared  their  lives,  took  occasional  lessons  in  the  art 
of  war.  The  Peruvians  had  also  learned  to  manage  with  some 
degree  of  skill  the  weapons  of  their  conquerors  ; and  they  were 
seen  armed  with  bucklers,  helmets,  and  swords  of  European 
workmanship,  and  even,  in  a few  instances,  mounted  on  the 
horses  which  they  had  taken  from  the  white  men.17  The  young 

17  Herrera  assures  us  that  the  Peruvians  even  turned  the  firearms  of  their  Conquerors 
against  them,  compelling  their  prisoners  to  put  the  muskets  in  order  and  manufacture  pow* 
der  for  them.  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  5,  6. 


54 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  III. 


Inca,  in  particular,  accoutred  in  the  European  fashion,  rode  .a 
war-horse  which  he  managed  with  considerable  address,  and, 
with  a long  lance  in  his  hand,  led  on  his  followers  to  the  at- 
tack. This  readiness  to  adopt  the  superior  arms  and  tactics 
of  the  Conquerors  intimates  a higher  civilization  than  that 
which  belonged  to  the  Aztec,  who,  in  his  long  collision  with 
the  Spaniards,  was  never  so  far  divested  of  his  terror  of  the 
horse  as  to  venture  to  mount  him. 

But  a few  days  or  weeks  of  training  were  not  enough  to  give 
familiarity  with  weapons,  still  less  with  tactics,  so  unlike  those 
to  which  the  Peruvians  had  been  hitherto  accustomed.  The 
fight  on  the  present  occasion,  though  hotly  contested,  was  not 
of  long  duration.  After  a gallant  struggle,  in  which  the  na- 
tives threw  themselves  fearlessly  on  the  horsemen,  endeavoring 
to  tear  them  from  their  saddles,  they  were  obliged  to  give  way 
before  the  repeated  shock  of  their  charges.  Many  were  tram- 
pled under  foot,  others  cut  down  by  the  Spanish  broadswords, 
while  the  arquebusiers,  supporting  the  cavalry,  kept  up  a run- 
ning fire  that  did  terrible  execution  on  the  flanks  and  rear  of 
the  fugitives.  At  length,  sated  with  slaughter,  and  trusting 
that  the  chastisement  he  had  inflicted  on  the  enemy  would  se- 
cure him  from  further  annoyance  for  the  present,  the  Castilian 
general  drew  back  his  forces  to  their  quarters  in  the  capital.18 

His  next  step  was  the  recovery  of  the  citadel.  It  was  an 
enterprise  of  danger.  The  fortress,  which  overlooked  the 
northern  section  of  the  city,  stood  high  on  a rocky  eminence, 
so  steep  as  to  be  inaccessible  on  this  quarter,  where  it  was  de- 
fended only  by  a single  wall.  Toward  the  open  country  it 
was  more  easy  of  approach ; but  there  it  was  protected  by  two 
semicircular  walls,  each  about  twelve  hundred  feet  in  length, 
and  of  great  thickness.  They  were  built  of  massive  stones,  or 
rather  rocks,  put  together  without  cement,  so  as  to  form  a kind 
of  rustic  work.  The  level  of  the  ground  between  these  lines 
of  defence  was  raised  up  so  as  to  enable  the  garrison  to  dis- 
charge their  arrows  at  the  assailants  while  their  own  persons 

10  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Herrera,  Hilt* 
general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  4*  5. 


CHAP.  X.] 


STORMING  OF  THE  FORTRESS. 


55 


were  protected  by  the  parapet.  Within  the  interior  wall  was 
the  fortress,  consisting  of  three  strong  towers,  one  of  great 
height,  which,  with  a smaller  one,  was  now  held  by  the  enemy, 
under  the  command  of  an  Inca  noble,  a warrior  of  well-tried 
valor,  prepared  to  defend  it  to  the  last  extremity. 

The  perilous  enterprise  was  intrusted  by  Hernando  Pizarro 
to  his  brother  Juan,  a cavalier  in  whose  bosom  burned  the  ad- 
venturous spirit  of  a knight  errant  of  romance.  As  the  fortress 
was  to  be  approached  through  the  mountain  passes,  it  became 
necessary  to  divert  the  enemy’s  attention  to  another  quarter. 
A little  while  before  sunset,  Juan  Pizarro  left  the  city  with  a 
picked  corps  of  horsemen,  and  took  a direction  opposite  to  that 
of  the  fortress,  that  the  besieging  army  might  suppose  the  ob- 
ject was  a foraging  expedition.  But,  secretly  countermarching 
in  the  night,  he  fortunately  found  the  passes  undefended,  and 
arrived  before  the  outer  wall  of  the  fortress  without  giving  the 
alarm  to  the  garrison.19 

The  entrance  was  through  a narrow  opening  in  the  centre 
of  the  rampart ; but  this  was  now  closed  up  with  heavy  stones, 
that  seemed  to  form  one  solid  work  with  the  rest  of  the  ma- 
sonry. It  was  an  affair  of  time  to  dislodge  these  huge  masses 
in  such  a manner  as  not  to  rouse  the  garrison.  The  Indian 
nations,  who  rarely  attacked  in  the  night,  were  not  sufficiently 
acquainted  with  the  art  of  war  even  to  provide  against  surprise 
by  posting  sentinels.  When  the  task  was  accomplished,  Juan 
Pizarro  and  his  gallant  troop  rode  through  the  gateway  and 
advanced  toward  the  second  parapet. 

But  their  movements  had  not  been  conducted  so  secretly  as 
to  escape  notice,  and  they  now  found  the  interior  court  swarm- 
ing with  warriors,  who,  as  the  Spaniards  drew  near,  let  off 
clouds  of  missiles  that  compelled  them  to  come  to  a halt.  Tuan 
Pizarro,  aware  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost,  ordered  one-half  of 
his  corps  to  dismount,  and,  putting  himself  at  their  head,  pre- 
pared to  make  a breach  as  before  in  the  fortifications.  He 
had  been  wounded  some  days  previously  in  the  jaw,  so  that, 
finding  his  helmet  caused  him  pain,  he  rashly  dispensed  with 

19  Conq.  i Pcfc.  del  Piru,  MS. 


56 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  III. 


it,  and  trusted  for  protection  to  his  buckler.20  Leading  on  his 
men,  he  encouraged  them  in  the  work  of  demolition,  in  the 
face  of  such  a storm  of  stones,  javelins,  and  arrows  as  might 
have  made  the  stoutest  heart  shrink  from  encountering  it.  The 
good  mail  of  the  Spaniards  did  not  always  protect  them  ; but 
others  took  the  place  of  such  as  fell,  until  a breach  was  made, 
and  the  cavalry  pouring  in,  rode  down  all  who  opposed  them. 

The  parapet  was  now  abandoned,  and  the  Indians,  hurrying 
with  disorderly  flight  across  the  enclosure,  took  refuge  on  a 
kind  of  platform  or  terrace,  commanded  by  the  principal 
tower.  Here,  rallying,  they  shot  off  fresh  volleys  of  missiles 
against  the  Spaniards,  while  the  garrison  in  the  fortress  hurled 
down  fragments  of  rock  and  timber  on  their  heads.  Juan 
Pizarro,  still  among  the  foremost,  sprang  forward  on  the  ter- 
race, cheering  on  his  men  by  his  voice  and  example  ; but  at 
this  moment  he  was  struck  by  a large  stone  on  the  head,  not 
then  protected  by  his  buckler,  and  was  stretched  on  the 
ground.  The  dauntless  chief  still  continued  to  animate  his 
followers  by  his  voice,  till  the  terrace  was  carried  and  its  mis- 
erable defenders  were  put  to  the  sword.  His  sufferings  were 
then  too  much  for  him,  and  he  was  removed  to  the  town  be- 
low, where,  notwithstanding  every  exertion  to  save  him,  he 
survived  the  injury  but  a fortnight,  and  died  in  great  agony.21 
To  say  that  he  was  a Pizarro  is  enough  to  attest  his  claim  to 
valor.  But  it  is  his  praise  that  his  valor  was  tempered  by 
courtesy.  His  own  nature  appeared  mild  by  contrast  with  the 
haughty  temper  of  his  brothers,  and  his  manners  made  him  a 
favorite  of  the  army.  He  had  served  in  the  conquest  of  Peru 
from  the  first,  and  no  name  on  the  roll  of  its  conquerors  is  less 
tarnished  by  the  reproach  of  cruelty,  or  stands  higher  in  all  the 
attributes  of  a true  and  valiant  knight.22 

20  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

21  “Y  estando  batallando  con  ellos  para  echallos  de  alii  Joan  Pi?arro  se  descuido  des- 
cubrirse  la  cabega  con  la  adarga  y con  las  muchas  pedradas  que  tiravan  le  acertaron  vna 
*n  la  cave^a  que  le  quebraron  los  cascos  y dende  d quince  dias  murio  desta  herida  y 
ansi  herido  estuvo  forcej'ando  con  los  yndios  y espanoles  hasta  que  se  gano  este  terrado 
y ganado  le  abaxaron  al  Cuzco.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

22  “Hera  valiente,”  says  Pedro  Pizarro,  “y  muy  animoso,  gentil  hombre,  magnani- 
mo  y afable.”  (Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.)  Zarate  dismisses  him  with  this  brief  panegyric; 


chap.  x.J  STORMING  OF  THE  FORTRESS.  57 

Though  deeply  sensible  to  his  brother’s  disaster,  Hernando 
Pizarro  saw  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost  in  profiting  by  the  ad- 
vantages already  gained.  Committing  the  charge  of  the  town 
to  Gonzalo,  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  assailants  and 
laid  vigorous  siege  to  the  fortresses.  One  surrendered  after  a 
short  resistance.  The  other  and  more  formidable  of  the  two 
still  held  out  under  the  brave  Inca  noble  who  commanded  it. 
He  was  a man  of  an  athletic  frame,  and  might  be  seen  striding 
along  the  battlements,  armed  with  a Spanish  buckler  and  cui- 
rass, and  in  his  hand  wielding  a formidable  mace,  garnished 
with  points  or  knobs  of  copper.  With  this  terrible  weapon  he 
struck  down  all  who  attempted  to  force  a passage  into  the  for- 
tress. Some  of  his  own  followers  who  proposed  a surrender  he 
is  said  to  have  slain  with  his  own  hand.  Hernando  prepared 
to  carry  the  place  by  escalade.  Ladders  were  planted  against 
the  walls  ; but  no  sooner  did  a Spaniard  gain  the  topmost 
round  than  he  was  hurled  to  the  ground  by  the  strong  arm  of 
the  Indian  warrior.  His  activity  was  equal  to  his  strength  ; 
and  he  seemed  to  be  at  every  point  the  moment  that  his  pres- 
ence was  needed. 

The  Spanish  commander  was  filled  with  admiration  at  this 
display  of  valor  ; for  he  could  admire  valor  even  in  an  enemy. 
He  gave  orders  that  the  chief  should  not  be  injured,  but  be 
taken  alive,  if  possible.23  This  was  not  easy.  At  length, 
numerous  ladders  having  been  planted  against  the  tower,  the 
Spaniards  scaled  it  on  several  quarters  at  the  same  time,  and, 
leaping  into  the  place,  overpowered  the  few  combatants  who 
still  made  a show  of  resistance.  But  the  Inca  chieftain  was 
not  to  be  taken  ; and,  finding  further  resistance  ineffectual,  he 
sprang  to  the  edge  of  the  battlements,  and,  casting  away  his 
war-club,  wrapped  his  mantle  around  him  and  threw  himself 
headlong  from  the  summit.24  He  died  like  an  ancient  Roman. 

“ Fue  gran  perdida  en  la  Tierra,  porque  era  Juan  Pizarro  mui  valiente,  i experimen- 
tado  en  las  Guerras  de  los  Indios,  i bien  quisto,  i amado  de  todos.”  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib. 
3.  cap.  3, 

33  “ Y mando  Hernando  Pifarro  4 los  Espanoles  que  subian  que  no  matasen  4 este 
yndio  sino  que  se  lo  tomasen  4 vida,  jurando  de  no  matalle  si  lo  avia  bivo."  Pedro  Pi- 
»rro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

J1  “ Visto  este  orejon  que  se  lo  avian  ganado  y 1*  avian  tornado  por  dos  6 tres  partes 


58 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[book  III. 


He  had  struck  his  last  stroke  for  the  freedom  of  his  country, 
and  he  scorned  to  survive  her  dishonor.  The  Castilian  com- 
mander left  a small  force  in  garrison  to  secure  his  conquest, 
and  returned  in  triumph  to  his  quarters. 

Week  after  week  rolled  away,  and  no  relief  came  to  the  be- 
leaguered Spaniards.  They  had  long  since  begun  to  feel  the 
approaches  of  famine.  Fortunately,  they  were  provided  with 
water  from  the  streams  which  flowed  through  the  city.  But, 
though  they  had  well  husbanded  their  resources,  their  provi- 
sions were  exhausted,  and  they  had  for  some  time  depended 
on  such  scanty  supplies  of  grain  as  they  could  gather  from  the 
ruined  magazines  and  dwellings,  mostly  consumed  by  the  fire, 
or  from  the  produce  of  some  successful  foray.23  This  latter  re- 
source was  attended  with  no  little  difficulty  ; for  every  expedi- 
tion led  to  a fierce  encounter  with  the  enemy,  which  usually 
cost  the  lives  of  several  Spaniards  and  inflicted  a much  heavier 
injury  on  the  Indian  allies.  Yet  it  was  at  least  one  good  re- 
sult of  such  loss  that  it  left  fewer  to  provide  for.  But  the 
whole  number  of  the  besieged  was  so  small  that  any  loss  greatly 
increased  the  difficulties  of  defence  by  the  remainder. 

As  months  passed  away  without  bringing  any  tidings  of 
their  countrymen,  their  minds  were  haunted  with  still  gloomier 
apprehensions  as  to  their  fate.  They  well  knew  that  the  gov- 
ernor would  make  every  effort  to  rescue  them  from  their  des- 
perate condition.  That  he  had  not  succeeded  in  this  made  it 
probable  that  his  own  situation  was  no  better  than  theirs,  or 
perhaps  he  and  his  followers  had  already  fallen  victims  to  the 
fury  of  the  insurgents.  It  was  a dismal  thought  that  they 
alone  were  left  in  the  land,  far  from  all  human  succor,  to  per- 
ish miserably  by  the  hands  of  the  barbarians  among  the  moun- 
tains. 

Yet  the  actual  state  of  things,  though  gloomy  in  the  extreme, 
was  not  quite  so  desperate  as  their  imaginations  had  painted  it. 
The  insurrection,  it  is  true,  had  been  general  throughout  the 

cl  fuerte,  arrojando  las  armas  se  tapo  la  cavega  y el  rrostro  con  la  manta  y se  arrojo 
del  cubo  abajo  mas  de  cien  estados,  y ansi  se  hizo  pedazos.  A Hernando  Pigarro  le 
peso  mucho  por  no  tomalle  d vida.”  Ibid.,  MS. 

*a  Garcilasso,  Cora.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  24. 


CHAP.  X.] 


PIZARRO'S  DISMAY. 


59 


country,  at  least  that  portion  of  it  occupied  by  the  Spaniards. 
It  had  been  so  well  concerted  that  it  broke  out  almost  simulta- 
neously, and  the  Conquerors,  who  were  living  in  careless  secur- 
ity on  their  estates,  had  been  massacred  to  the  number  of  sev- 
eral hundreds.  An  Indian  force  had  sat  down  before  Xauxa, 
and  a considerable  army  had  occupied  the  valley  of  Rimac 
and  laid  siege  to  Lima.  But  the  country  around  that  capital 
was  of  an  open,  level  character,  very  favorable  to  the  action 
of  cavalry.  Pizarro  no  sooner  saw  himself  menaced  by  the 
hostile  array  than  he  sent  such  a force  against  the  Peruvians  as 
speedily  put  them  to  flight ; and,  following  up  his  advantage, 
he  inflicted  on  them  such  a severe  chastisement  that,  although 
they  still  continued  to  hover  in  the  distance  and  cut  off  his 
communications  with  the  interior,  they  did  not  care  to  trust 
themselves  on  the  other  side  of  the  Rimac. 

The  accounts  that  the  Spanish  commander  now  received  of 
the  state  of  the  country  filled  him  with  the  most  serious  alarm. 
He  was  particularly  solicitous  for  the  fate  of  the  garrison  at 
Cuzco,  and  he  made  repeated  efforts  to  relieve  that  capital. 
Four  several  detachments,  amounting  to  more  than  four  hundred 
men  in  all,  half  of  them  cavalry,  were  sent  by  him  at  different 
times,  under  some  of  his  bravest  officers.  But  none  of  them 
reached  their  place  of  destination.  The  wily  natives  permitted 
them  to  march  into  the  interior  of  the  country  until  they  were 
fairly  entangled  in  the  passes  of  the  Cordilleras.  They  then  en- 
veloped them  with  greatly  superior  numbers,  and,  occupying 
the  heights,  showered  down  their  fatal  missiles  on  the  heads  of 
the  Spaniards,  or  crushed  them  under  the  weight  of  fragments 
of  rock  which  they  rolled  on  them  from  the  mountains.  In 
some  instances  the  whole  detachment  was  cut  off  to  a man.  In 
others,  a few  stragglers  only  survived  to  return  and  tell  the 
bloody  tale  to  their  countrymen  at  Lima.28 

26  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  i,  cap.  5. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap. 
5. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  28. — According  to  the  historian  of  the  In- 
cas, there  fell  in  these  expeditions  four  hundred  and  seventy  Spaniards.  Cieza  de  Leon 
computes  the  whole  number  of  Christians  who  perished  in  this  insurrection  at  seven 
hundred,  many  of  them*  he  adds,  under  circumstances  of  great  cruelty.  (Cronica,  cap. 
82.)  The  estimate,  considering  the  spread  and  spirit  of  the  insurrection,  does  not  sccjr 
extravagant. 


6o 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  III 


Pizarro  was  now  filled  with  consternation.  He  had  the 
most  dismal  forebodings  of  the  fate  of  the  Spaniards  dispersed 
throughout  the  country,  and  even  doubted  the  possibility  of 
maintaining  his  own  foothold  in  it  without  assistance  from 
abroad.  He  despatched  a vessel  to  the  neighboring  colonists 
at  Truxillo,  urging  them  to  abandon  the  place,  with  all  their 
effects,  and  to  repair  to  him  at  Lima.  The  measure  was,  for- 
tunately, not  adopted.  Many  of  his  men  were  for  availing 
themselves  of  the  vessels  which  rode  at  anchor  in  the  port  to 
make  their  escape  from  the  country  at  once  and  take  refuge  in 
Panama.  Pizarro  would  not  hearken  to  so  dastardly  a coun- 
sel, which  involved  the  desertion  of  the  brave  men  in  the  inte- 
rior who  still  looked  to  him  for  protection.  He  cut  off  the 
hopes  of  these  timid  spirits  by  despatching  all  the  vessels  then 
in  port  on  a very  different  mission.  He  sent  letters  by  them 
to  the  governors  of  Panama,  Nicaragua,  Guatemala,  and  Mex- 
ico, representing  the  gloomy  state  of  his  affairs,  and  invoking 
their  aid.  His  epistle  to  Alvarado,  then  established  at  Guate- 
mala, has  been  preserved.  He  conjures  him  by  every  senti- 
ment of  honor  and  patriotism  to  come  to  his  assistance,  and 
this  before  it  is  too  late.  Without  assistance  the  Spaniards  can 
no  longer  maintain  their  footing  in  Peru,  and  that  great 
empire  will  be  lost  to  the  Castilian  crown.  He  finally  en- 
gages to  share  with  him  such  conquests  as  they  may  make 
with  their  united  arms.27  Such  concessions  to  the  very  man 
whose  absence  from  the  country,  but  a few  months  before, 
Pizarro  would  have  been  willing  to  secure  at  almost  any  price, 
are  sufficient  evidence  of  the  extremity  of  his  distress.  The 
succors  thus  earnestly  solicited  arrived  in  time,  not  to  quell  the 
Indian  insurrection,  but  to  aid  him  in  a struggle  quite  as  for- 
midable with  his  own  countrymen. 

It  was  now  August.  More  than  five  months  had  elapsed 
since  the  commencement  of  the  siege  of  Cuzco,  yet  the  Peru- 

77  k crea  V.  Sa  sino  somos  socorridos  se  perderi  el  Cusco,  ques  la  cosa  mas  sefia- 
lada  e de  mas  importancia  que  se  puede  descubrir,  e luego  nos  perderemos  todos ; por- 
que  somos  pocos  e tenemos  pocas  armas,  6 los  Indios  estan  atrevidos.”  Carta  do 
Francisco  Pizarro  A D.  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  desde  la  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  *9  do  Juli®,, 
2536,  MS. 


CHAP,  x.]  THE  INCA  RAISES  THE  SIEGE.  6 1 

vian  legions  still  lay  encamped  around  the  city.  The  siege 
had  been  protracted  much  beyond  what  was  usual  in  Indian 
warfare,  and  showed  the  resolution  of  the  natives  to  extermi- 
nate the  white  men.  But  the  Peruvians  themselves  had  for  some 
time  been  straitened  by  the  want  of  provisions.  It  was  no 
easy  matter  to  feed  so  numerous  a host ; and  the  obvious  re- 
source of  the  magazines  of  grain,  so  providently  prepared  by 
the  Incas,  did  them  but  little  service,  since  their  contents  had 
been  most  prodigally  used,  and  even  dissipated,  by  the  Span- 
iards, on  their  first  occupation  of  the  country.28  The  season 
for  planting  had  now  arrived,  and  the  Inca  well  knew  that  if 
his  followers  were  to  neglect  it  they  would  be  visited  by  a 
scourge  even  more  formidable  than  their  invaders.  Disband- 
ing the  greater  part  of  his  forces,  therefore,  he  ordered  them  to 
withdraw  to  their  homes,  and,  after  the  labors  of  the  field  were 
over,  to  return  and  resume  the  blockade  of  the  capital.  The 
Inca  reserved  a considerable  force  to  attend  on  his  own  per- 
son, with  which  he  retired  to  Tambo,  a strongly  fortified  place 
south  of  the  valley  of  Yucay,  the  favorite  residence  of  his  an- 
cestors. He  also  posted  a large  body  as  a corps  of  observation 
in  the  environs  of  Cuzco,  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  ene- 
my and  to  intercept  supplies. 

The  Spaniards  beheld  with  joy  the  mighty  host  which  had 
so  long  encompassed  the  city  now  melting  away.  They  were 
not  slow  in  profiting  by  the  circumstance,  and  Hernando  Pi- 
zarro  took  advantage  of  the  temporary  absence  to  send  out  for- 
aging parties  to  scour  the  country  and  bring  back  supplies  to 
his  famishing  soldiers.  In  this  he  was  so  successful  that  on 
one  occasion  no  less  than  two  thousand  head  of  cattle — the 
Peruvian  sheep — were  swept  away  from  the  Indian  plantations 
and  brought  safely  to  Cuzco.29  This  placed  the  army  above 
all  apprehensions  on  the  score  of  want  for  the  present. 

Yet  these  forays  were  made  with  the  point  of  the  lance,  and 
many  a desperate  contest  ensued,  in  which  the  best  blood  of 

,8  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim,  y Seg.,  MS. 

39  “ Recoximos  hasta  dos  mil  cavezas  de  ganado.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Qotsq*. 
MS. 


62 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[book  III. 


the  Spanish  chivalry  was  shed.  The  contests,  indeed,  were 
not  confined  to  large  bodies  of  troops,  but  skirmishes  took 
place  between  smaller  parties,  which  sometimes  took  the  form 
of  personal  combats.  Nor  were  the  parties  so  unequally 
matched  as  might  have  been  supposed  in  these  single  rencon- 
tres ; and  the  Peruvian  warrior,  with  his  sling,  his  bow,  and 
his  lasso,  proved  no  contemptible  antagonist  for  the  mailed 
horseman,  whom  he  sometimes  even  ventured  to  encounter, 
hand  to  hand,  with  his  formidable  battle-axe.  The  ground 
around  Cuzco  became  a battle-field,  like  the  vega  of  Granada, 
in  which  Christian  and  Pagan  displayed  the  characteristics  of 
their  peculiar  warfare  ; and  many  a deed  of  heroism  was  per- 
formed, which  wanted  only  the  song  of  the  minstrel  to  shed 
around  it  a glory  like  that  % hich  rested  on  the  last  days  of  the 
Moslem  of  Spain.30 

But  Hernando  Pizarro  was  not  content  to  act  wholly  on  the 
defensive ; and  he  meditated  a bold  stroke  by  which  at  once 
to  put  an  end  to  the  war.  This  was  the  capture  of  the  Inca 
Manco,  whom  he  hoped  to  surprise  in  his  quarters  at  Tambo. 

For  this  service  he  selected  about  eighty  of  his  best-mounted 
cavalry,  with  a small  body  of  foot,  and,  making  a large  detour 
through  the  less  frequented  mountain  defiles,  he  arrived  before 
Tambo  without  alarm  to  the  enemy.  He  found  the  place 
more  strongly  fortified  than  he  had  imagined.  The  palace,  or 
rather  fortress,  of  the  Incas  stood  on  a lofty  eminence,  the 
steep  sides  of  which,  on  the  quarter  where  the  Spaniards  ap- 
proached, were  cut  into  terraces,  defended  by  strong  walls  of 
stone  and  sunburnt  brick.31  The  place  was  impregnable  on 
this  side.  On  the  opposite  it  looked  toward  the  Yucay,  and 
the  ground  descended  by  a gradual  declivity  toward  the  plain 

30  Pedro  Pizarro  recounts  several  of  these  deeds  of  arms,  in  some  of  which  his  own 
prowess  is  made  quite  apparent.  One  piece  of  cruelty  recorded  by  him  is  little  to  the 
credit  of  his  commander,  Hernando  Pizarro,  who,  he  says,  after  a desperate  rencontre, 
caused  the  right  hands  of  his  prisoners  to  be  struck  off,  and  sent  them  in  this  mutilated 
condition  back  to  their  countrymen.  (Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.)  Such  atrocities  are  not 
often  noticed  by  the  chroniclers  ; and  we  may  hope  they  were  exceptions  to  the  general 
policy  of  the  Conquerors  in  this  invasion. 

31  “Tambo  tan  fortalescido  que  hera  cosa  de  grima,  porquel  assiento  donde  Tambo  esta 
es  muy  fuerte,  de  andenes  muy  altos  y de  muy  gran  canterias  fortalescidos.”  Pedro  P* 
sarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


chap,  x.]  THE  INCA  RAISES  THE  SIEGE.  03 

through  which  rolled  its  deep  but  narrow  current.®  This  was 
the  quarter  on  which  to  make  the  assault. 

Crossing  the  stream  without  much  difficulty,  the  Spanish 
commander  advanced  up  the  smooth  glacis  with  as  little  noise 
as  possible.  The  morning  light  had  hardly  broken  on  the 
mountains  ; and  Pizarro,  as  he  drew  near  the  outer  defences, 
which,  as  in  the  fortress  of  Cuzco,  consisted  of  a stone  parapet 
of  great  strength  drawn  round  the  enclosure,  moved  quickly 
forward,  confident  that  the  garrison  were  still  buried  in  sleep. 
But  thousands  of  eyes  were  upon  him ; and  as  the  Spaniards 
came  within  bow-shot,  a multitude  of  dark  forms  suddenly  rose 
above  the  rampart,  while  the  Inca,  with  his  lance  in  hand,  was 
seen  on  horseback  in  the  enclosure,  directing  the  operations  of 
his  troops.33  At  the  same  moment  the  air  was  darkened  with 
innumerable  missiles,  stones,  javelins,  and  arrows,  which  fell 
like  a hurricane  on  the  troops,  and  the  mountains  rang  to  the 
wild  war-whoop  of  the  enemy.  The  Spaniards,  taken  by  sur- 
prise, and  many  of  them  sorely  wounded,  were  staggered ; and, 
though  they  quickly  rallied,  and  made  two  attempts  to  renew 
the  assault,  they  were  at  length  obliged  to  fall  back,  unable  to 
endure  the  violence  of  the  storm.  To  add  to  their  confusion, 
the  lower  level  in  their  rear  was  flooded  by  the  waters,  which 
the  natives,  by  opening  the  sluices,  had  diverted  from  the  bed 
of  the  river,  so  that  their  position  was  no  longer  tenable.34  A 
council  of  war  was  then  held,  and  it  was  decided  to  abandon 
the  attack  as  desperate,  and  to  retreat  in  as  good  order  as  pos- 
sible. 

The  day  had  been  consumed  in  these  ineffectual  operations ; 
and  Hernando,  under  cover  of  the  friendly  darkness,  sent  for- 
ward his  infantry  and  baggage,  taking  command  of  the  centre 
himself,  and  trusting  the  rear  to  his  brother  Gonzalo.  The 

83  “ El  rio  de  Yucay  ques  grande  por  aquella  parte  va  muy  angosto  y hondo.”  Ibid,, 
MS. 

83  “ Parecia  el  Inga  k caballo  entre  su  gente,  eon  su  lan^a  en  la  mano.”  Herrera,  Hist 
general,  dee.  5,  lib.  8,  eap.  7. 

84  M Puss  hechos  doc  6 tres  acometimientos  k tomar  este  pueblo  tantas  vezes  nos  hi» 
aeron  bolver  dando  de  manos.  Ansi  estuvimos  todo  este  dia  hasta  puesta  de  sol  ; loi 
indios  sin  entendello  nos  hechavan  el  rrio  en  el  llano  donde  estavamos,  y aguardar  mas 
pvescieramos  aqui  todos.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


64 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  III. 


river  was  happily  recrossed  without  accident,  although  the  In- 
dians, now  confident  in  their  strength,  rushed  out  of  their  de- 
fences and  followed  up  the  retreating  Spaniards,  whom  they 
annoyed  with  repeated  discharges  of  arrows.  More  than  once 
they  pressed  so  closely  on  the  fugitives  that  Gonzalo  and  his 
chivalry  were  compelled  to  turn  and  make  one  of  those  desper- 
ate charges  that  effectually  punished  their  audacity  and  stayed 
the  tide  of  pursuit.  Yet  the  victorious  foe  still  hung  on  the 
rear  of  the  discomfited  cavaliers,  till  they  had  emerged  from 
the  mountain-passes  and  come  within  sight  of  the  blackened 
walls  of  the  capital.  It  was  the  last  triumph  of  the  Inca.35 


Among  the  manuscripts  for  which  I am  indebted  to  the  liberality  of  that 
illustrious  Spanish  scholar,  the  lamented  Navarrete,  the  most  remarkable, 
in  connection  with  this  history,  is  the  work  of  Pedro  Pizarro  : Relaciones  del 
Descubrimiento  y Conquista  de  los  Reynos  del  Peru.  But  a single  copy  of 
this  important  document  appears  to  have  been  preserved,  the  existence  of 
which  was  but  little  known  till  it  came  into  the  hands  of  Sefior  de  Navar- 
rete ; though  it  did  not  escape  the  indefatigable  researches  of  Herrera,  as 
is  evident  from  the  mention  of  several  incidents,  some  of  them  having 
personal  relation  to  Pedro  Pizarro  himself,  which  the  historian  of  the  In- 
dies could  have  derived  through  no  other  channel.  The  manuscript  has 
lately  been  given  to  the  public  as  part  of  the  inestimable  collection  of  his- 
torical documents  now  in  process  of  publication  at  Madrid,  under  aus- 
pices which,  we  may  trust,  will  insure  its  success.  As  the  printed  work 
did  not  reach  me  till  my  present  labors  were  far  advanced,  1 have  preferred 
to  rely  on  the  manuscript  copy  for  the  brief  remainder  of  my  narrative,  as 
I had  been  compelled  to  do  for  the  previous  portion  of  it. 

Nothing,  that  I am  aware  of,  is  known  respecting  the  author  but  what  is 
to  be  gleaned  from  incidental  notices  of  himself  in  his  own  history.  He 
was  born  at  Toledo,  in  Estremadura,  the  fruitful  province  of  adventurers 
to  the  new  world,  whence  the  family  of  Francisco  Pizarro,  to  which  Pedro 
was  allied,  also  emigrated.  When  that  chief  came  over  to  undertake  the 
conquest  of  Peru,  after  receiving  his  commission  from  the  emperor,  in 
1529,  Pedro  Pizarro,  then  only  fifteen  years  of  age,  accompanied  him  in 
quality  of  page.  For  three  years  he  remained  attached  to  the  household 
of  his  commander,  and  afterward  continued  to  follow  his  banner  as  a sol- 
dier of  fortune.  He  was  present  at  most  of  the  memorable  events  of  the 
Conquest,  and  seems  to  have  possessed  in  a great  degree  the  confidence  of 

3®  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.— Herrera,  Hist  general,  dee.  5,  lib.  8, 
cap.  1. 


CHAP.  X.] 


PEDRO  PIZARRO. 


©5 


his  leader,  who  employed  him  on  some  difficult  missions,  in  which  he  dis- 
played coolness  and  gallantry.  It  is  true,  we  must  take  the  author’s  own 
word  for  all  this.  But  he  tells  his  exploits  with  an  air  of  honesty  and 
without  any  extraordinary  effort  to  set  them  off  in  undue  relief.  He 
speaks  of  himself  in  the  third  person,  and,  as  his  manuscript  was  not  in- 
tended solely  for  posterity,  he  would  hardly  have  ventured  on  great  mis- 
representation, where  fraud  could  so  easily  have  been  exposed. 

After  the  Conquest,  our  author  still  remained  attached  to  the  fortunes 
of  his  commander,  and  stood  by  him  through  all  the  troubles  which  en- 
sued ; and  on  the  assassination  of  that  chief  he  withdrew  to  Arequipa  to 
enjoy  in  quiet  the  repartimiento  of  lands  and  Indians  which  had  been  be- 
stowed on  him  as  the  recompense  of  his  services.  He  was  there  on  the 
breaking  out  of  the  great  rebellion  under  Gonzalo  Pizarro.  But  he  was 
true  to  his  allegiance,  and  chose  rather,  as  he  tells  us,  to  be  false  to  his 
name  and  his  lineage  than  to  his  loyalty.  Gonzalo,  in  retaliation,  seized 
his  estates,  and  would  have  proceeded  to  still  further  extremities  against 
him,  when  Pedro  Pizarro  had  fallen  into  his  hands  at  Lima,  but  for  the 
interposition  of  his  lieutenant,  the  famous  Francisco  de  Carbajal,  to  whom 
the  chronicler  had  once  the  good  fortune  to  render  an  important  service. 
This  Carbajal  requited  by  sparing  his  life  on  two  occasions,  but  on  the 
second  coolly  remarked,  “ No  man  has  a right  to  a brace  of  lives  ; and  if 
you  fall  into  my  hands  a third  time,  God  only  can  grant  you  another.” 
Happily,  Pizarro  did  not  find  occasion  to  put  this  menace  to  the  test. 
After  the  pacification  of  the  country,  he  again  retired  to  Arequipa  ; but, 
from  the  querulous  tone  of  his  remarks,  it  would  seem  he  was  not  fully  re- 
instated in  the  possessions  he  had  sacrificed  by  his  loyal  devotion  to  the 
government.  The  last  we  hear  of  him  is  in  1571,  the  date  which  he  as- 
signs as  that  of  the  completion  of  his  history. 

Pedro  Pizarro’s  narrative  covers  the  whole  ground  of  the  Conquest, 
from  the  date  of  the  first  expedition  that  sallied  out  from  Panama  to  the 
troubles  that  ensued  on  the  departure  of  President  Gasca.  The  first  part 
of  the  work  was  gathered  from  the  testimony  of  others,  and,  of  course, 
cannot  claim  the  distinction  of  rising  to  the  highest  class  of  evidence.  But 
all  that  follows  the  return  of  Francisco  Pizarro  from  Castile,  all,  in  short, 
which  constitutes  the  conquest  of  the  country,  may  be  said  to  be  reported 
on  his  own  observation  as  an  eye-witness  and  an  actor.  This  gives  to  his 
narrative  a value  to  which  it  could  have  no  pretensions  on  the  score  of  its 
literary  execution.  Pizarro  was  a soldier,  with  as  little  education,  probably, 
as  usually  falls  to  those  who  have  been  trained  from  youth  in  this  rough 
school — the  most  unpropitious  in  the  world  to  both  mental  e.nd  moral 
progress.  He  had  the  good  sense,  moreover,  not  to  aspire  to  an  excellence 
which  he  could  not  reach.  There  is  no  ambition  of  fine  writing  in  his 
chronicle  ; there  are  none  of  those  affectations  of  ornament  which  only 
make  more  glaring  the  beggarly  condition  of  him  who  assumes  them.  His 
object  was  simply  to  tell  the  story  of  the  Conquest,  as  he  had  seen  it. 


66 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[BOOK  III. 


He  was  to  deal  with  facts,  not  with  words,  which  he  wisely  left  to  those 
who  came  into  the  field  after  the  laborers  had  quitted  it,  to  garner  up  what 
they  could  at  second  hand. 

Pizarro’s  situation  may  be  thought  to  have  necessarily  exposed  him  to 
party  influences  and  thus  given  an  undue  bias  to  his  narrative.  It  is  not 
difficult,  indeed,  to  determine  under  whose  banner  he  had  enlisted.  He 
writes  like  a partisan,  and  yet  like  an  honest  one,  who  is  no  further 
warped  from  a correct  judgment  of  passing  affairs  than  must  necessarily 
come  from  preconceived  opinions.  There  is  no  management  to  work  a 
conviction  in  his  reader  on  this  side  or  the  other,  still  less  any  obvious  per- 
version of  fact.  He  evidently  believes  what  he  says,  and  this  is  the  great 
point  to  be  desired.  We  can  make  allowance  for  the  natural  influences  of 
his  position.  Were  he  more  impartial  than  this,  the  critic  of  the  present 
day,  by  making  allowance  for  a greater  amount  of  prejudice  and  partiality, 
might  only  be  led  into  error. 

Pizarro  is  not  only  independent,  but  occasionally  caustic  in  his  condem- 
nation of  those  under  whom  he  acted.  This  is  particularly  the  case  where 
their  measures  bear  too  unfavorably  on  his  own  interests,  or  those  of  the 
army.  As  to  the  unfortunate  natives,  he  no  more  regards  their  sufferings 
than  the  Jews  of  old  did  those  of  the  Philistines,  whom  they  considered 
as  delivered  up  to  their  swords,  and  whose  lands  they  regarded  as  their 
lawful  heritage.  There  is  no  mercy  shown  by  the  hard  Conqueror  in  his 
treatment  of  the  infidel. 

Pizarro  was  the  representative  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  Yet  it  is 
too  much  to  cast  such  obloquy  on  the  age.  He  represented  more  truly 
the  spirit  of  the  fierce  warriors  who  overturned  the  dynasty  of  the  Incas. 
He  was  not  merely  a crusader,  fighting  to  extend  the  empire  of  the  Cross 
over  the  darkened  heathen.  Gold  was  his  great  object — the  estimate  by 
which  he  judged  of  the  value  of  the  Conquest,  the  recompense  that  he 
asked  for  a life  of  toil  and  danger.  It  was  with  these  golden  visions,  far 
more  than  with  visions  of  glory,  above  all,  of  celestial  glory,  that  the 
Peruvian  adventurer  fed  his  gross  and  worldly  imagination.  Pizarro  did 
not  rise  above  his  caste.  Neither  did  he  rise  above  it  in  a mental  view, 
any  more  than  in  a moral.  His  history  displays  no  great  penetration,  or 
vigor  and  comprehension  of  thought.  It  is  the  work  of  a soldier,  telling 
simply  his  tale  of  blood.  Its  value  is  that  it  is  told  by  him  who  acted  it. 
And  this,  to  the  modem  compiler,  renders  it  of  higher  worth  than  far  abler 
productions  at  second  hand.  It  is  the  rude  ore,  which,  submitted  to  the 
regular  process  of  purification  and  refinement,  may  receive  the  current 
stamp  that  fits  it  for  general  circulation. 

Another  authority,  to  whom  I have  occasionally  referred,  and  whose 
writings  still  slumber  in  manuscript,  is  the  Licentiate  Hernando  Monte- 
sinos.  He  is  in  every  respect  the  opposite  of  the  military  chronicler  who 
has  just  come  under  our  notice.  He  flourished  about  a century  after  the 
Conquest.  Of  course  the  value  of  his  writings  as  an  authority  for  histori- 


CHAP.  X-J 


MONTESINOS. 


67 


cal  facts  must  depend  on  his  superior  opportunities  for  consulting  original 
documents.  For  this  his  advantages  were  great.  He  was  twice  sent  in  an 
official  capacity  to  Peru,  which  required  him  to  visit  the  different  parts  of 
the  country.  These  two  missions  occupied  fifteen  years  ; so  that,  while 
his  position  gave  him  access  to  the  colonial  archives  and  literary  reposi- 
tories, he  was  enabled  to  verify  his  researches,  to  some  extent,  by  actual 
observation  of  the  country. 

The  result  was  his  two  historical  works,  Memorias  antiguas  historiales 
del  Peru,  and  his  Annales,  sometimes  cited  in  these  pages.  The  former 
is  taken  up  with  the  early  history  of  the  country — very  early,  it  must  be 
admitted,  since  it  goes  back  to  the  Deluge.  The  first  part  of  this  treatise 
is  chiefly  occupied  with  an  argument  to  show  the  identity  of  Peru  with  the 
golden  Ophir  of  Solomon’s  time  ! This  hypothesis,  by  no  means  original 
with  the  author,  may  give  no  unfair  notion  of  the  character  of  his  mind. 
In  the  progress  of  his  work  he  follows  down  the  line  of  Inca  princes, 
whose  exploits,  and  names  even,  by  no  means  coincide  with  Garcilasso’s 
catalogue — a circumstance,  however,  far  from  establishing  their  inaccuracy. 
But  one  will  have  little  doubt  that  the  writer  merits  this  reproach,  after 
reading  the  absurd  legends  told  in  a grave  tone  of  reliance  by  Montesinos, 
who  shared  largely  in  the  credulity  and  the  love  of  the  marvellous  which 
belong  to  an  earlier  and  less  enlightened  age. 

These  same  traits  are  visible  in  his  Annals,  which  are  devoted  exclu- 
sively to  the  Conquest.  Here,  indeed,  the  author,  after  his  cloudy  flight, 
has  descended  on  firm  ground,  where  gross  violations  of  truth,  or  at  least 
of  probability,  are  not  to  be  expected.  But  anyone  who  has  occasion  to 
compare  his  narrative  with  that  of  contemporary  writers  will  find  frequent 
cause  to  distrust  it.  Yet  Montesinos  has  one  merit.  In  his  extensive  re- 
searches he  became  acquainted  with  original  instruments,  which  he  has 
occasionally  transferred  to  his  own  pages,  and  which  it  would  now  be  dif- 
ficult to  meet  with  elsewhere. 

His  writings  have  been  commended  by  some  of  his  learned  countrymen, 
as  showing  diligent  research  and  information.  My  own  experience  would 
not  assign  them  a high  rank  as  historical  vouchers.  They  seem  to  me  en- 
titled to  little  praise,  either  for  the  accuracy  of  their  statements  or  the 
sagacity  of  their  reflections.  The  spirit  of  cold  indifference  which  they 
manifest  to  the  sufferings  of  the  natives  is  an  odious  feature,  for  which 
there  is  less  apology  in  a writer  of  the  seventeenth  century  than  in  one  of 
the  primitive  Conquerors,  whose  passions  had  been  inflamed  by  long-pro- 
tracted hostility.  M.  Ternaux-Compans  has  translated  the  Memorias  anti- 
guas with  his  usual  elegance  and  precision,  for  his  collection  of  original 
documents  relating  to  the  New  World.  He  speaks  in  the  Preface  of  do- 
ing the  same  kind  office  to  the  Annales  at  a future  time.  I am  not  aware 
that  he  has  done  this  ; and  I cannot  but  think  that  the  excellent  transla- 
tor may  find  a better  subject  for  his  labors  in  some  of  the  rich  collections 
of  the  Mufloz  manuscripts  in  his  possession. 


BOOK  IV. 

CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Almagro’s  March  to  Chili. — Sufferings  of  the  Troops -He  Returns  and 

Seizes  Cuzco. — Action  of  Abancay. — Gaspar  De  Espinosa. — Almagro 
leaves  Cuzco. — Negotiations  with  Pizarro. 

1535—1537- 

While  the  events  recorded  in  the  preceding  chapter  were 
passing,  the  Marshal  Almagro  was  engaged  in  his  memorable 
expedition  to  Chili.  He  had  set  out,  as  we  have  seen,  with 
only  part  of  his  forces,  leaving  his  lieutenant  to  follow  him 
with  the  remainder.  During  the  first  part  of  the  way  he  pro- 
fited by  the  great  military  road  of  the  Incas,  which  stretched 
across  the  table-land  far  toward  the  south.  But  as  he  drew 
near  to  Chili  the  Spanish  commander  became  entangled  in  the 
defiles  of  the  mountains,  where  no  vestige  of  a road  was  to  be 
discerned.  Here  his  progress  was  impeded  by  all  the  obstacles 
which  belong  to  the  wild  scenery  of  the  Cordilleras  : deep 
and  ragged  ravines,  round  whose  sides  a slender  sheep-path 
wound  up  to  a dizzy  height  over  the  precipices  below  j rivers 
rushing  in  fury  down  the  slopes  of  the  mountains  and  throwing 
themselves  in  stupendous  cataracts  into  the  yawning  abyss  ; 
dark  forests  of  pine  that  seemed  to  have  no  end,  and  then  again 
long  reaches  of  desolate  table-land,  without  so  much  as  a bush 
or  shrub  to  shelter  the  shivering  traveller  from  the  blast  that 
swept  down  from  the  frozen  summits  of  the  sierra. 


CHAP.  I.J 


ALMAGRO'S  MARCH  TO  CHILI. 


69 


The  cold  was  so  intense  that  many  lost  the  nails  of  their 
fingers,  their  fingers  themselves,  and  sometimes  their  limbs. 
Others  were  blinded  by  the  dazzling  waste  of  snow,  reflecting 
the  rays  of  a sun  made  intolerably  brilliant  in  the  thin  atmos- 
phere of  these  elevated  regions.  Hunger  came,  as  usual,  in 
the  train  of  woes  ; for  in  these  dismal  solitudes  no  vegetation 
that  would  suffice  for  the  food  of  man  was  visible,  and  no  liv- 
ing thing,  except  only  the  great  bird  of  the  Andes  hovering 
over  their  heads  in  expectation  of  his  banquet.  This  was  too 
frequently  afforded  by  the  number  of  wretched  Indians  who, 
unable,  from  the  scantiness  of  their  clothing,  to  encounter  the 
severity  of  the  climate,  perished  by  the  way.  Such  was  the 
pressure  of  hunger  that  the  miserable  survivors  fed  on  the  dead 
bodies  of  their  countrymen,  and  the  Spaniards  forced  a similar 
sustenance  from  the  carcases  of  their  horses,  literally  frozen  to 
death  in  the  mountain-passes.1  Such  were  the  terrible  penal- 
ties which  Nature  imposed  on  those  who  rashly  intruded  on 
these  her  solitary  and  most  savage  haunts. 

Yet  their  own  sufferings  do  not  seem  to  have  touched  the 
hearts  of  the  Spaniards  with  any  feeling  of  compassion  for  the 
weaker  natives.  Their  path  was  everywhere  marked  by  burnt 
and  desolated  hamlets,  the  inhabitants  of  which  were  com- 
pelled to  do  them  service  as  beasts  of  burden.  They  were 
chained  together  in  gangs  of  ten  or  twelve,  and  no  infirmity 
or  feebleness  of  body  excused  the  unfortunate  captive  from  his 
full  share  of  the  common  toil,  till  he  sometimes  dropped  dead, 
in  his  very  chains,  from  mere  exhaustion  ! 2 Alvarado’s  com- 
pany are  accused  of  having  been  more  cruel  than  Pizarro’s  ; 
and  many  of  Almagro’s  men,  it  may  be  remembered,  were  re- 
cruited from  that  source.  The  commander  looked  with  dis- 

1 Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  10,  cap.  1-3, — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
Parte  3,  lib.  9,  cap.  4. — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Pirn,  MS. 

2 Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — The  writer  must  have  made  one  on  this  expedition, 
as  he  speaks  from  personal  observation.  The  poor  natives  had  at  least  one  friend  in 
the  Christian  camp.  “ I si  en  el  Real  havia  algun  Espahol  que  era  buen  rancheador  i cruel 
i matava  muchos  Indios  tenianle  por  buen  hombre  i en  grand  reputacion,  i el  que  era 
inclinado  k hacer  bien  i k hacer  buenos  tratamientos  a los  naturales  1 los  favorecia  no  era 
tenido  en  tan  buena  estima,  he  apuntado  esto  que  vi  con  mis  ojos  i en  que  por  mis  pecados 
anduve  porque  entiendan  los  que  esto  leyeren  que  de  la  manera  que  aqui  digo  1 con  mayo- 
res  crueldades  harto  se  hizo  esta  jomada  1 descubrimiento  de  Chile.” 


;o 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


pleasure,  it  is  said,  on  these  enormities,  and  did  what  he  could 
to  repress  them.  Yet  he  did  not  set  a good  example  in  his 
own  conduct,  if  it  be  true  that  he  caused  no  less  than  thirty 
Indian  chiefs  to  be  burnt  alive  for  the  massacre  of  three  of  his 
followers  ! 3 The  heart  sickens  at  the  recital  of  such  atrocities 
perpetrated  on  an  unoffending  people,  or,  at  least,  guilty  of  no 
other  crime  than  that  of  defending  their  own  soil  too  well. 

There  is  something  in  the  possession  of  superior  strength 
most  dangerous,  in  a moral  view,  to  its  possessor.  Brought  in 
contact  with  semi-civilized  man,  the  European,  with  his  en- 
dowments and  effective  force  so  immeasurably  superior,  holds 
him  as  little  higher  than  the  brute,  and  as  born  equally  for  his 
service.  He  feels  that  he  has  a natural  right,  as  it  were,  to 
his  obedience,  and  that  this  obedience  is  to  be  measured,  not 
by  the  powers  of  the  barbarian,  but  by  the  will  of  his  con- 
queror. Resistance  becomes  a crime  to  be  washed  out  only  in 
the  blood  of  the  victim.  The  tale  of  such  atrocities  is  not 
confined  to  the  Spaniard.  Wherever  the  civilized  man  and 
the  savage  have  come  in  contact,  in  the  East  or  in  the  West, 
the  story  has  been  too  often  written  in  blood. 

From  the  wild  chaos  of  mountain-scenery  the  Spaniards 
emerged  on  the  green  vale  of  Coquimbo,  about  the  thirtieth 
degree  of  south  latitude.  Here  they  halted,  to  refresh  them- 
selves in  its  abundant  plains,  after  their  unexampled  sufferings 
and  fatigues.  Meanwhile  Almagro  despatched  an  officer  with 
a strong  party  in  advance,  to  ascertain  the  character  of  the 
country  toward  the  south.  Not  long  after,  he  was  cheered  by 
the  arrival  of  the  remainder  of  his  forces  under  his  lieutenant; 
Rodrigo  de  Orgonez.  This  was  a remarkable  person,  inti- 
mately connected  with  the  subsequent  fortunes  of  Almagro. 

He  was  a native  of  Oropesa,  had  been  trained  in  the  Italian 

3 “ I para  castigarlos  por  la  muerte  destos  tres  Espanoles  juntolos  en  un  aposento 
donde  estava  aposentado  i mandd  cavalgar  la  jente  de  cavallo  i la  de  apie  que  guardasen 
las  puertas  i todos  estuviesen  apercividos  i los  prendio  i en  conclusion  hizo  quemar  mas 
de  30  senores  vivos  atados  cada  uno  £ su  palo.”  (Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.)  Oviedo, 
who  always  shows  the  hard  feeling  of  the  colonist,  excuses  this  on  the  old  plea  of  no- 
cessity— fue  necesario  este  castigo — and  adds  that  after  this  a Spaniard  might  send  a 
messenger  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other,  without  fear  of  injury.  Hist.  da  fan 
Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib,  9,  cap.  4. 


CHAP.  I.] 


ALAIAGRO'S  MARCH  TO  CHILI. 


7 1 


wars,  and  held  the  rank  of  ensign  in  the  army  of  the  Constable 
of  Bourbon  at  the  famous  sack  of  Rome.  It  was  a good  school 
in  which  to  learn  his  iron  trade  and  to  steel  the  heart  against 
any  too  ready  sensibility  to  human  suffering.  Orgonez  was  an 
excellent  soldier — true  to  his  commander,  prompt,  fearless,  and 
unflinching  in  the  execution  of  his  orders.  His  services  at- 
tracted the  notice  of  the  crown,  and  shortly  after  this  period 
he  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  Marshal  of  New  Toledo.  Yet  it 
may  be  doubted  whether  his  character  did  not  qualify  him  for 
an  executive  and  subordinate  station,  rather  than  for  one  of  a 
higher  responsibility. 

Almagro  received  also  the  royal  warrant  conferring  on  him 
his  new  powers  and  territorial  jurisdiction.  The  instrument 
had  been  detained  by  the  Pizarros  to  the  very  last  moment. 
His  troops,  long  since  disgusted  with  their  toilsome  and  un- 
profitable march,  were  now  clamorous  to  return.  Cuzco,  they 
said,  undoubtedly  fell  within  the  limits  of  his  government, 
and  it  was  better  to  take  possession  of  its  comfortable  quarters 
than  to  wander  like  outcasts  in  this  dreary  wilderness.  They 
reminded  their  commander  that  thus  only  could  he  provide  for 
the  interests  of  his  son  Diego.  This  was  an  illegitimate  son 
of  Almagro,  on  whom  his  father  doted  with  extravagant  fond- 
ness, justified  more  than  usual  by  the  promising  character  of 
the  youth. 

After  an  absence  of  about  two  months,  the  officer  sent  on 
the  exploring  expedition  returned,  bringing  unpromising  ac- 
counts of  the  southern  regions  of  Chili.  The  only  land  of 
promise  for  the  Castilian  was  one  that  teemed  with  gold.4  He 
had  penetrated  to  the  distance  of  a hundred  leagues,  to  the 
limits,  probably,  of  the  conquests  of  the  Incas  on  the  river 
Maule.5 6  The  Spaniards  had  fortunately  stopped  short  of  the 
land  of  Arauco,  where  the  blood  of  their  countrymen  was  soon 


4 It  is  the  language  of  a Spaniard  : “ i como  no  Ie  parecio  bien  la  tierra  por  no  ser 

quajada  de  oro.”  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

6 According  to  Oviedo,  a hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  and  very  near,  as  they  told  him,  to 
the  end  of  the  world  : cerca  del  fin  del  mundo.  (Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  9, 
cap.  s \ One  must  not  expect  to  n*et  with  Yery  accurate  notions  of  geography  in  the  radc 
soldiers  of  America. 


72 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.  [book  iv 


after  to  be  poured  out  like  water,  and  which  still  maintains  a 
proud  independence  amid  the  general  humiliation  of  the  In- 
dian races  around  it. 

Almagro  now  yielded,  with  little  reluctance,  to  the  renewed 
importunities  of  the  soldiers,  and  turned  his  face  toward  the 
north.  It  is  unnecessary  to  follow  his  march  in  detail.  Dis- 
heartened by  the  difficulties  of  the  mountain-passage,  he  took 
the  road  along  the  coast,  which  led  him  across  the  great  desert 
of  Atacama.  In  crossing  this  dreary  waste,  which  stretches  for 
nearly  a hundred  leagues  to  the  northern  borders  of  Chili,  with 
hardly  a green  spot  in  its  expanse  to  relieve  the  fainting  trav- 
eller, Almagro  and  his  men  experienced  as  great  sufferings, 
though  not  of  the  same  kind,  as  those  which  they  had  encoun- 
tered in  the  passes  of  the  Cordilleras.  Indeed,  the  captain 
would  not  easily  be  found  at  this  day  who  would  venture  to 
lead  his  army  across  this  dreary  region.  But  the  Spaniard  of 
the  sixteenth  century  had  a strength  of  limb  and  a buoyancy  of 
spirit  which  raised  him  to  a contempt  of  obstacles  almost  justi- 
fying the  boast  of  the  historian,  that  “he  contended  indiffer- 
ently at  the  same  time  with  man,  with  the  elements,  and  with 
famine  ! ” 6 

After  traversing  the  terrible  desert,  Almagro  reached  the  an- 
cient town  of  Arequipa,  about  sixty  leagues  from  Cuzco.  Here 
he  learned  with  astonishment  the  insurrection  of  the  Peruvians, 
and,  further,  that  the  young  Inca  Manco  still  lay  with  a for- 
midable force  at  no  great  distance  from  the  capital.  He  had 
once  been  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Peruvian  prince,  and  he 
now  resolved,  before  proceeding  farther,  to  send  an  embassy  to 
his  camp  and  arrange  an  interview  with  him  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Cuzco. 

Almagro’s  emissaries  were  well  received  by  the  Inca,  who 
alleged  his  grounds  of  complaint  against  the  Pizarros,  and 
named  the  vale  of  Yucay  as  the  place  where  he  would  confer 
with  the  marshal.  The  Spanish  commander  accordingly  re- 
sumed his  march,  and,  taking  one-half  of  his  force,  whose 


• “ Peleando  en  an  tiempo  con  los  Enemlgos,  con  los  Elementos,  i con  la  Hainbre.1 
Herrera,  Hist  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  10,  cap.  2. 


CHAP,  i.)  HE  RETURNS  AND  SEIZES  CUZCO. 


73 


whole  number  fell  somewhat  short  of  five  hundred  men,  he  re- 
paired in  person  to  the  place  of  rendezvous  ; while  the  re- 
mainder of  his  army  established  their  quarters  at  Urcos,  about 
six  leagues  from  the  capital.7 

The  Spaniards  in  Cuzco,  startled  by  the  appearance  of  this 
fresh  body  of  troops  in  their  neighborhood,  doubted,  when 
they  learned  the  quarter  whence  they  came,  whether  it  betided 
them  good  or  evil.  Hernando  Pizarro  marched  out  of  the  city 
with  a small  force,  and,  drawing  near  to  Urcos,  heard  with  no 
little  uneasiness  of  Almagro’s  purpose  to  insist  on  his  preten- 
sions to  Cuzco.  Though  much  inferior  in  strength  to  his 
rival,  he  determined  to  resist  him. 

Meanwhile,  the  Peruvians,  who  had  witnessed  the  conference 
between  the  soldiers  of  the  opposite  camps,  suspected  some  se- 
cret understanding  between  the  parties,  which  would  compro- 
mise the  safety  of  the  Inca.  They  communicated  their  distrust 
to  Manco,  and  the  latter,  adopting  the  same  sentiments,  or 
perhaps  from  the  first  meditating  a surprise  of  the  Spaniards, 
suddenly  fell  upon  the  latter  in  the  valley  of  Yucay  with  a 
body  of  fifteen  thousand  men.  But  the  veterans  of  Chili  were 
too  familiar  with  Indian  tactics  to  be  taken  by  surprise  ; and, 
though  a sharp  engagement  ensued,  which  lasted  more  than  an 
hour,  in  which  Orgonez  had  a horse  killed  under  him,  the  na- 
tives were  finally  driven  back  with  great  slaughter,  and  the  Inca 
was  so  far  crippled  by  the  blow  that  he  was  not  likely  for  the 
present  to  give  further  molestation.8 

Almagro,  now  joining  the  division  left  at  Urcos,  saw  no  fur- 
ther impediment  to  his  operations  on  Cuzco.  He  sent  at  once 
an  embassy  to  the  municipality  of  the  place,  requiring  the  recog- 
nition of  him  as  its  lawful  governor,  and  presenting  at  the  same 
time  a copy  of  his  credentials  from  the  crown.  But  the  ques- 
tion of  jurisdiction  was  not  one  easy  to  be  settled,  depending 
as  it  did  on  a knowledge  of  the  true  parallels  of  latitude,  not 
very  likely  to  be  possessed  by  the  rude  followers  of  Pizarro. 

1 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Conq.  1 Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  9,  cap.  7. 

8 Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  4. — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  & 


7 4 


CIVIL  WARS,  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


The  royal  grant  had  placed  under  his  jurisdiction  all  the  coun- 
try extending  two  hundred  and  seventy  leagues  south  of  the 
river  of  Santiago,  situated  one  degree  and  twenty  minutes 
north  of  the  equator.  Two  hundred  and  seventy  leagues  on 
the  meridian,  by  our  measurement,  would  fall  more  than  a de- 
gree short  of  Cuzco,  and,  indeed,  would  barely  include  the 
city  of  Lima  itself.  But  the  Spanish  leagues,  of  only  seven- 
teen and  a half  to  a degree,9  would  remove  the  southern  boun- 
dary to  nearly  half  a degree  beyond  the  capital  of  the  Incas, 
which  would  thus  fall  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Pizarro.10  Yet 
the  division-line  ran  so  close  to  the  disputed  ground  that  the 
true  result  might  reasonably  be  doubted,  where  no  careful  sci- 
entific observations  had  been  made  to  obtain  it ; and  each 
party  was  prompt  to  assert,  as  always  happens  in  such  cases, 
that  its  own  claim  was  clear  and  unquestionable.11 

Thus  summoned  by  Almagro,  the  authorities  of  Cuzco,  un- 
willing to  give  umbrage  to  either  of  the  contending  chiefs,  de- 
cided that  they  must  wait  until  they  could  take  counsel — which 
they  promised  to  do  at  once — with  certain  pilots  better  in- 
structed than  themselves  in  the  position  of  the  Santiago.  Mean- 
while, a truce  was  arranged  between  the  parties,  both  solemnly 
engaging  to  abstain  from  hostile  measures  and  to  remain  quiet 
in  their  present  quarters. 

The  weather  now  set  in  cold  and  rainy.  Almagro’s  soldiers, 
greatly  discontented  with  their  position,  flooded  as  it  was  by 
the  waters,  were  quick  to  discover  that  Hernando  Pizarro  was 
busily  employed  in  strengthening  himself  in  the  city,  contrary 
to  agreement.  They  also  learned  with  dismay  that  a large 

9 “Contando  diez  i siete  leguas  i media  por  grado.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6, 
lib.  3,  cap.  5. 

10  The  government  had  endeavored  early  to  provide  against  any  dispute  in  regard  to 
the  limits  of  the  respective  jurisdictions.  The  language  of  the  original  grants  gave  room 
to  some  misunderstanding;  and,  as  early  as  1536,  Fray  Jom£s  de  Berlanga,  Bishop  of 
Tierra  Firme,  had  been  sent  to  Lima  with  full  powers  to  determine  the  question  of  boun- 
dary, by  fixing  the  latitude  of  the  river  of  Santiago  and  measuring  two  hundred  and 
seventy  leagues  south  on  the  meridian.  But  Pizarro,  having  engaged  Almagro  in  his  Chill 
expedition,  did  not  care  to  revive  the  question,  and  the  bishop  returned,  re  infects,  to  his 
diocese,  with  strong  feelings  of  disgust  toward  the  governor.  Ibid.,  dec.  6,  lib.  3,  cap.  x. 

11  “ All  say,”  says  Oviedo,  in  a letter  fco  the  emperor,  “that  Cuzco  falls  within  the  terri- 
tory of  Almagro.”  Oviedo  was,  probably,  the  best-informed  man  in  the  colonies.  Yet  this 
was  an  error.  Carta  desde  Sto.  Domingo,  MS.,  35  de  Oct.  1539. 


CHAP.  I.]  HE  RETURNS  AND  SEIZES  CUZCO. 


75 


body  of  men,  sent  by  the  governor  from  Lima,  under  command 
of  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  was  on  the  march  to  relieve  Cuzco. 
They  exclaimed  that  they  were  betrayed,  and  that  the  truce 
had  been  only  an  artifice  to  secure  their  inactivity  until  the 
arrival  of  the  expected  succors.  In  this  state  of  excitement,  it 
was  not  very  difficult  to  persuade  their  commander — too  ready 
to  surrender  his  own  judgment  to  the  rash  advisers  around  him 
— to  violate  the  treaty  and  take  possession  of  the  capital.12 

Under  cover  of  a dark  and  stormy  night  (April  8,  1537),  he 
entered  the  place  without  opposition,  made  himself  master  of 
the  principal  church,  established  strong  parties  of  cavalry  at 
the  head  of  the  great  avenues  to  prevent  surprise,  and  detached 
Orgonez  with  a body  of  infantry  to  force  the  dwelling  of  Her- 
nando Pizarro.  That  captain  was  lodged  with  his  brother 
Gonzalo  in  one  of  the  large  halls  built  by  the  Incas  for  public 
diversions,  with  immense  doors  of  entrance  that  opened  on  the 
plaza.  It  was  garrisoned  by  about  twenty  soldiers,  who,  as 
the  gates  were  burst  open,  stood  stoutly  to  the  defence  of  their 
leader.  A smart  struggle  ensued,  in  which  some  lives  were 
lost,  till  at  length  Orgonez,  provoked  by  the  obstinate  resist- 
ance, set  fire  to  the  combustible  roof  of  the  building.  It  was 
speedily  in  flames,  and  the  burning  rafters  falling  on  the  heads 
of  the  inmates,  they  forced  their  reluctant  leader  to  an  uncon- 
ditional surrender.  Scarcely  had  the  Spaniards  left  the  build- 
ing, when  the  whole  roof  fell  in  with  a tremendous  crash.13 

Almagro  was  now  master  of  Cuzco.  He  ordered  the  Pizar- 
ros,  with  fifteen  or  twenty  of  the  principal  cavaliers,  to  be 
secured  and  placed  in  confinement.  Except  so  far  as  required 
for  securing  his  authority,  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  guilty 
of  acts  of  violence  to  the  inhabitants,14  and  he  installed  one  of 

f2  According  to  Zarate,  Almagro,  on  entering  the  capital,  found  no  appearance  of  the 
designs  imputed  to  Hernando,  and  exclaimed  that  “he  had  been  deceived.”  (Conq.  del 
Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  4.)  He  was  probably  easy  of  faith  in  the  matter. 

13  Carta  de  Espinall,  Tesorero  de  N.  Toledo,  15  de  Junio,  1539. — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru, 
MS.— Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3, 
lib.  8,  cap.  21. 

14  So  it  would  appear  from  the  general  testimony  ; yet  Pedro  Pizarro,  one  of  the  opposite 
faction,  and  among  those  imprisoned  by  Almagro,  complains  that  that  chief  plundered  them 
of  their  hfrses  and  other  property.  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


76 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


Pizarro’s  most  able  officers,  Gabriel  de  Rojas,  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  city.  The  municipality,  whose  eyes  were  now 
open  to  the  validity  of  Almagro’s  pretensions,  made  no  further 
scruple  to  recognize  his  title  to  Cuzco. 

The  marshal’s  first  step  was  to  send  a message  to  Alonso  de 
Alvarado’s  camp,  advising  that  officer  of  his  occupation  of  the 
city,  and  requiring  his  obedience  to  him,  as  its  legitimate  mas- 
ter. Alvarado  was  lying,  with  a body  of  five  hundred  men, 
horse  and  foot,  at  Xauxa,  about  thirteen  leagues  from  the  cap- 
ital. He  had  been  detached  several  months  previously  for  the 
relief  of  Cuzco,  but  had,  most  unaccountably,  and,  as  it 
proved,  most  unfortunately  for  the  Peruvian  capital,  remained 
at  Xauxa,  with  the  alleged  motive  of  protecting  that  settle- 
ment and  the  surrounding  country  against  the  insurgents.15 
He  now  showed  himself  loyal  to  his  commander ; and  when  Al- 
magro’s ambassadors  reached  his  camp  he  put  them  in  irons,  and 
sent  advice  of  what  had  been  done  to  the  governor  at  Lima. 

Almagro,  offended  by  the  detention  of  his  emissaries,  pre- 
pared at  once  to  march  against  Alonso  de  Alvarado  and  take 
more  effectual  measures  to  bring  him  to  submission.  His  lieu- 
tenant, Orgonez,  strongly  urged  him  before  his  departure  to 
strike  off  the  heads  of  the  Pizarros,  alleging  “ that,  while  they 
lived,  his  commander’s  life  would  never  be  safe,”  and  conclud- 
ing with  the  Spanish  proverb,  “Dead  men  never  bite.”  16 
But  the  marshal,  though  he  detested  Hernando  in  his  heart, 
shrank  from  so  violent  a measure  ; and,  independently  of  other 
considerations,  he  had  still  an  attachment  for  his  old  associate, 
Francisco  Pizarro,  and  was  unwilling  to  sever  the  ties  between 
them  forever.  Contenting  himself,  therefore,  with  placing  his 
prisoners  under  strong  guard  in  one  of  the  stone  buildings  be- 
longing to  the  House  of  the  Sun,  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of 
his  forces  and  left  the  capital  in  quest  of  Alvarado. 


16  Pizarro’s  secretary  Picado  had  an  encomienda  in  that  neighborhood,  and  Alvarado, 
who  was  under  personal  obligations  to  him,  remained  there,  it  is  said,  at  his  instigation. 
(Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  7.)  Alvarado  was  a good  officer,  and  largely 
trusted,  both  before  and  after,  by  the  Pizarros  ; and  we  may  presume  there  was  some  ex- 
planation of  his  conduct,  of  which  we  are  not  possessed. 

“ El  muertc  no  mordia.”  Ibid.,  dec.  6,  lib.  2,  cap.  8. 


CHAP.  I.] 


A CTION  OF  ABA  ATC A V. 


77 


That  officer  had  now  taken  up  a position  on  the  farther  side 
of  the  Rio  de  Abancay,  where  he  lay,  with  the  bulk  of  his  lit- 
tle army,  in  front  of  a bridge,  by  which  its  rapid  waters  are 
traversed,  while  a strong  detachment  occupied  a spot  com- 
manding a ford  lower  down  the  river.  But  in  this  detachment 
was  a cavalier  of  much  consideration  in  the  army,  Pedro  de 
Lerma,  who,  from  some  pique  against  his  commander,  had  en- 
tered into  treasonable  correspondence  with  the  opposite  party. 
By  his  advice,  Almagro,  on  reaching  the  border  of  the  river, 
established  himself  against  the  bridge  in  face  of  Alvarado,  as  if 
prepared  to  force  a passage,  thus  concentrating  his  adversary’s 
attention  on  that  point.  But  when  darkness  had  set  in  he  de- 
tached a large  body  under  Orgonez  to  pass  the  ford  and  operate 
in  concert  with  Lerma.  Orgonez  executed  this  commission 
with  his  usual  promptness.  The  ford  was  crossed,  though  the 
current  ran  so  swiftly  that  several  of  his  men  were  swept  away 
by  it  and  perished  in  the  waters.  Their  leader  received  a se- 
vere wound  himself  in  the  mouth,  as  he  was  gaining  the  oppo- 
site bank,  but,  nothing  daunted,  he  cheered  on  his  men  and 
fell  with  fury  on  the  enemy.  He  was  speedily  joined  by  Lerma 
and  such  of  the  soldiers  as  he  had  gained  over,  and,  unable  to 
distinguish  friend  from  foe,  the  enemy’s  confusion  was  complete. 

Meanwhile,  Alvarado,  roused  by  the  noise  of  the  attack  on 
this  quarter,  hastened  to  the  support  of  his  officer,  when  Alma- 
gro, seizing  the  occasion,  pushed  across  the  bridge,  dispersed 
the  small  body  left  to  defend  it,  and,  falling  on  Alvarado’s 
rear,  that  general  saw  himself  hemmed  in  on  all  sides.  The 
struggle  did  not  last  long  ; and  the  unfortunate  chief,  uncertain 
on  whom  he  could  rely,  surrendered  with  all  his  force — those 
only  excepted  who  had  already  deserted  to  the  enemy.  Such 
was  the  battle  of  Abancay,  as  it  was  called,  from  the  river  on 
whose  banks  it  was  fought,  on  the  12th  of  July,  1537.  Never 
was  a victory  more  complete  or  achieved  with  less  cost  of  life  ; 
and  Almagro  marched  back,  with  an  array  of  prisoners  scarcely 
inferior  to  his  own  army  in  number,  in  triumph  to  Cuzco.17 

Carta  de  Francisco  Pizarro  al  Obispo  de  Tierra  Firme,  MS..  28  de  Agosto,  1539.* 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indiae,  MS.,  ubi  supra.— 
Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. 


78 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


While  the  events  related  in  the  preceding  pages  were  pass- 
ing, Francisco  Pizarro  had  remained  at  Lima,  anxiously  await- 
ing the  arrival  of  the  reinforcements,  which  he  had  requested, 
to  enable  him  to  march  to  the  relief  of  the  beleaguered  capital 
of  the  Incas.  His  appeal  had  not  been  unanswered.  Among 
the  rest  was  a corps  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  led  by  the 
Licentiate  Caspar  de  Espinosa,  one  of  the  three  original  associ- 
ates, it  may  be  remembered,  who  engaged  in  the  conquest  of 
Peru.  He  had  now  left  his  own  residence  at  Panama,  and 
came  in  person,  for  the  first  time,  it  would  seem,  to  revive  the 
drooping  fortunes  of  his  confederates.  Pizarro  received  also  a 
vessel  laden  with  provisions,  military  stores,  and  other  neces- 
sary supplies,  besides  a rich  wardrobe  for  himself,  from  Cortes, 
the  Conqueror  of  Mexico,  who  generously  stretched  forth  his 
hand  to  aid  his  kinsman  in  the  hour  of  need.18 

With  a force  amounting  to  four  hundred  and  fifty  men,  half 
of  them  cavalry,  the  governor  quitted  Lima  and  began  his 
march  on  the  Inca  capital.  He  had  not  advanced  far  whoa  he 
received  tidings  of  the  return  of  Almagro,  the  seizure  of  Cuzco, 
and  the  imprisonment  of  his  brothers  ; and  before  he  had  time 
to  recover  from  this  astounding  intelligence  he  learned  the  total 
defeat  and  capture  of  Alvarado.  Filled  with  consternation  at 
these  rapid  successes  of  his  rival,  he  now  returned  in  all  haste 
to  Lima,  which  he  put  in  the  best  posture  of  defence,  to  secure 
it  against  the  hostile  movements  not  unlikely,  as  he  thought,  to 
be  directed  against  that  capital  itself.  Meanwhile,  far  from 
indulging  in  impotent  sallies  of  resentment,  or  in  complaints 
of  his  ancient  comrade,  he  only  lamented  that  Almagro  should 
have  resorted  to  these  violent  measures  for  the  settlement  of 
their  dispute,  and  this  less — if  we  may  take  his  word  for  it — - 
for  personal  considerations  than  from  the  prejudice  it  might  do 
to  the  interests  of  the  crown.19 

But,  while  busily  occupied  with  warlike  preparations,  he  did 
not  omit  to  try  the  effect  of  negotiation.  He  sent  an  embassy 

18  “Fernando  Cortes  embi6  con  Rodrigo  de  Grijalva  en  vn  proprio  Navio  suio,  desde 
la  Nueva  Espafia,  muchas  Armas,  Tiros,  Jaeces,  Adere^os,  Vestidos  de  Seda,  i vna  Ropa 
de  Martas.”  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las.  Ind.,  cap.  136. 

9 Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  2,  cap.  7. 


CHAP.  I.] 


G A SPAR  DE  ESPINOSA. 


79 


to  Cuzco,  consisting  of  several  persons  in  whose  discretion  he 
placed  the  greatest  confidence,  with  Espinosa  at  their  head,  as 
the  party  most  interested  in  an  amicable  arrangement. 

The  licentiate,  on  his  arrival,  did  not  find  Almagro  in  as 
favorable  a mood  for  an  accommodation  as  he  could  have 
wished.  Elated  by  his  recent  successes,  he  now  aspired  not 
only  to  the  possession  of  Cuzco,  but  of  Lima  itself,  as  falling 
within  the  limits  of  his  jurisdiction.  It  was  in  vain  that  Es- 
pinosa urged  the  propriety,  by  every  argument  which  pru- 
dence could  suggest,  of  moderating  his  demands.  His  claims 
upon  Cuzco,  at  least,  were  not  to  be  shaken,  and  he  declared 
himself  ready  to  peril  his  life  in  maintaining  them.  The  licen- 
tiate coolly  replied  by  quoting  the  pithy  Castilian  proverb,  El 
vencido  vencido,  y el  vencidor  perdito : “ The  vanquished  van- 
quished, and  the  victor  undone.” 

What  influence  the  temperate  arguments  of  the  licentiate 
might  eventually  have  had  on  the  heated  imagination  of  the 
soldier  is  doubtful ; but,  unfortunately  for  the  negotiation,  it 
was  abruptly  terminated  by  the  death  of  Espinosa  himself, 
which  took  place  most  unexpectedly,  though,  strange  to  say, 
in  those  times,  without  the  imputation  of  poison.20  He  was  a 
great  loss  to  the  parties  fn  the  existing  fermentation  of  their 
minds  ; for  he  had  the  weight  of  character  which  belongs  to 
wise  and  moderate  counsels,  and  a deeper  interest  than  any 
other  man  in  recommending  them. 

The  name  of  Espinosa  is  memorable  in  history  from  his 
early  connection  with  the  expedition  to  Peru,  which,  but  for 
the  seasonable  though  secret  application  of  his  funds,  could 
not  then  have  been  compassed.  He  had  long  been  a resident 
in  the  Spanish  colonies  of  Tierra  Firme  and  Panama,  where  he 
had  served  in  various  capacities,  sometimes  as  a legal  function- 
ary presiding  in  the  courts  of  justice,21  and  not  infrequently  as 


20  Carta  de  Pizarro  al  Obispo  de  Tierra  Firme,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib. 
a,  cap.  13. — Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. 

21  He  incurred  some  odium  as  presiding  officer  in  the  trial  and  condemnation  of  the  un- 
fortunate Vasco  Nufiez  de  Balboa.  But  it  must  be  allowed  that  he  made  great  efforts  to 
resist  the  tyrannical  proceedings  of  Pedrarias,  and  he  earnestly  recommended  the  prisoner 
to  mercy.  See  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  ax,  aa. 


8o 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


an  efficient  leader  in  the  early  expeditions  of  conquest  and  dis- 
covery. In  these  manifold  vocations  he  acquired  a high  repu- 
tation for  probity,  intelligence,  and  courage,  and  his  death  at 
the  present  crisis  was  undoubtedly  the  most  unfortunate  event 
that  could  have  befallen  the  country. 

All  attempt  at  negotiation  was  now  abandoned  ; and  Alma- 
gro  announced  his  purpose  to  descend  to  the  sea-coast,  where 
he  could  plant  a colony  and  establish  a port  for  himself.  This 
would  secure  him  the  means,  so  essential,  of  communica- 
tion with  the  mother-country,  and  here  he  would  resume  ne- 
gotiations for  the  settlement  of  his  dispute  with  Pizarro.  Be- 
fore quitting  Cuzco,  he  sent  Orgonez  with  a strong  force 
against  the  Inca,  not  caring  to  leave  the  capital  exposed  in  his 
absence  to  further  annoyance  from  that  quarter. 

But  the  Inca,  discouraged  by  his  late  discomfiture,  and 
unable,  perhaps,  to  rally  in  sufficient  strength  for  resistance, 
abandoned  his  stronghold  at  Tam  bo  and  retreated  across  the 
mountains.  He  was  hotly  pursued  by  Orgonez  over  hill  and 
valley,  till,  deserted  by  his  followers,  and  with  only  one  of  his 
wives  to  bear  him  company,  the  royal  fugitive  took  shelter  in 
the  remote  fastnesses  of  the  Andes.22 

Before  leaving  the  capital,  Orgonez  again  urged  his  com- 
mander to  strike  off  the  heads  of  the  Pizarros  and  then  march 
at  once  upon  Lima.  By  this  decisive  step  he  would  bring  the 
war  to  an  issue,  and  forever  secure  himself  from  the  insidious 
machinations  of  his  enemies.  But  in  the  meantime  a new 
friend  had  risen  up  to  the  captive  brothers.  This  was  Diego 
de  Alvarado,  brother  of  that  Pedro  who,  as  mentioned  in  a 
preceding  chapter,  had  conducted  the  unfortunate  expedition 
to  Quito.  After  his  brother’s  departure,  Diego  had  attached 
himself  to  the  fortunes  of  Almagro,  had  accompanied  him  to 
Chili,  and,  as  he  was  a cavalier  of  birth,  and  possessed  of  some 
truly  noble  qualities,  he  had  gained  deserved  ascendency  over 
his  commander.  Alvarado  had  frequently  visited  Hernando 
Pizarro  in  his  confinement,  where,  to  beguile  the  tediousness 
of  captivity,  he  amused  himself  with  gaming — the  passion  of 

_ a*  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq. , MS.  — Conq.  1 Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 


chap.  i.l  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  PIZARRO.  8 1 

the  Spaniard.  They  played  deep,  and  Alvarado  lost  the  enor- 
mous sum  of  eighty  thousand  gold  Castellanos.  He  was  prompt 
in  paying  the  debt,  but  Hernando  Pizarro  peremptorily  de- 
clined to  receive  the  money.  By  this  politic  generosity  he 
secured  an  important  advocate  in  the  council  of  Almagro.  It 
stood  him  now  in  good  stead.  Alvarado  represented  to  the 
marshal  that  such  a measure  as  that  urged  by  Orgonez  would 
not  only  outrage  the  feelings  of  his  followers,  but  would  ruin 
his  fortunes  by  the  indignation  it  must  excite  at  court.  When 
Almagro  acquiesced  in  these  views,  as  in  truth  most  grateful 
to  his  own  nature,  Orgonez,  chagrined  at  his  determination, 
declared  that  the  day  would  come  when  he  would  repent  this 
mistaken  lenity.  “A  Pizarro,”  he  said,  “was  never  known 
to  forget  an  injury ; and  that  which  they  had  already  received 
from  Almagro  was  too  deep  for  them  to  forgive.”  Prophetic 
words  ! 

On  leaving  Cuzco,  the  marshal  gave  orders  that  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  and  the  other  prisoners  should  be  detained  in  strict 
custody.  Hernando  he  took  with  him,  closely  guarded,  on 
his  march.  Descending  rapidly  toward  the  coast,  he  reached 
the  pleasant  vale  of  Chincha  in  the  latter  part  of  August. 
Here  he  occupied  himself  with  laying  the  foundations  of  a 
town  bearing  his  own  name,  which  might  serve  as  a counter- 
part to  the  City  of  the  Kings — thus  bidding  defiance,  as  it 
were,  to  his  rival  on  his  own  borders.  While  occupied  in  this 
manner,  he  received  the  unwelcome  tidings  that  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro, Alonso  de  Alvarado,  and  the  other  prisoners,  having 
tampered  with  their  guards,  had  effected  their  escape  from 
Cuzco,  and  he  soon  after  heard  of  their  safe  arrival  in  the 
camp  of  Pizarro. 

Chafed  by  this  intelligence,  the  marshal  was  not  soothed  by 
the  insinuations  of  Orgonez,  that  it  was  owing  to  his  ill-ad- 
vised lenity  ; and  it  might  have  gone  hard  with  Hernando, 
but  that  Almagro’s  attention  was  diverted  by  the  negotiation 
which  Francisco  Pizarro  now  proposed  to  resume. 

After  some  correspondence  between  the  parties,  it  was 
agreed  to  submit  the  arbitration  of  the  dispute  to  a angle  in- 


82 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


dividual,  Fray  Francisco  de  Bovadilla,  a Brother  of  the  Order 
of  Mercy.  Though  living  in  Lima,  and,  as  might  be  sup- 
posed, under  the  influence  of  Pizarro,  he  had  a reputation  for 
integrity  that  disposed  Almagro  to  confide  the  settlement  of 
the  question  exclusively  to  him.  In  this  implicit  confidence 
in  the  friar’s  impartiality,  Orgonez,  of  a less  sanguine  temper 
than  his  chief,  did  not  participate.23 

An  interview  was  arranged  between  the  rival  chiefs.  It 
took  place  at  Mala,  November  13,  1537;  but  very  different 
was  the  deportment  of  the  two  commanders  toward  each  other 
from  that  which  they  had  exhibited  at  their  former  meetings. 
Almagro,  indeed,  doffing  his  bonnet,  advanced  in  his  usual 
open  manner  to  salute  his  ancient  comrade ; but  Pizarro, 
hardly  condescending  to  return  the  salute,  haughtily  demanded 
why  the  marshal  had  seized  upon  his  city  of  Cuzco  and  im- 
prisoned his  brothers.  This  led  to  a recrimination  on  the 
part  of  his  associate.  The  discussion  assumed  the  tone  of  an 
angry  altercation,  till  Almagro,  taking  a hint — or  what  he 
conceived  to  be  such — from  an  attendant,  that  some  treachery 
was  intended,  abruptly  quitted  the  apartment,  mounted  his 
horse,  and  galloped  back  to  his  quarters  at  Chincha.24  The 
conference  closed,  as  might  have  been  anticipated  from  the 
heated  temper  of  their  minds  when  they  began  it,  by  widening 
the  breach  it  was  intended  to  heal.  The  friar,  now  left  wholly 
to  himself,  after  some  deliberation,  gave  his  award.  He  decided 
that  a vessel,  with  a skilful  pilot  on  board,  should  be  sent 


Carta  de  Gutierrez  al  Emperador,  MS.,  io  de  Feb.  1539. — Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. — 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  ubi  supra. — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  6,  lib.  2,  cap. 
8-14. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  8. — 
Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. 

34  It  was  said  that  Gonzalo  Pizarro  lay  in  ambush  with  a strong  force  in  the  neighbor- 
hood to  intercept  the  marshal,  and  that  the  latter  was  warned  of  his  danger  by  an  honor- 
able cavalier  of  the  opposite  party,  who  repeated  a distich  of  an  old  ballad, 

“ Tiempo  es  el  Caballero, 

Tiempo  es  de  andar  de  aqui.” 

(Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  3,  cap.  4.)  Pedro  Pizarro  admits  the  truth  of  the  de- 
sign imputed  to  Gonzalo,  which  he  was  prevented  from  putting  into  execution  by  the  com* 
mands  of  the  governor,  who,  the  chronicler,  with  edifying  simplicity,  or  assurance,  informs 
us,  was  a man  that  scrupulously  kept  his  word  : tf  Porque  el  marquez  don  Francisco 
Pizarro  hera  hombre  que  guardava  mucho  su  palabra.”  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


chap.  L]  RELEASE  OF  HERNANDO  PIZARRO. 


83 


to  determine  the  exact  latitude  of  the  river  of  Santiago,  the 
northern  boundary  of  Pizarro’s  territory,  by  which  all  the 
measurements  were  to  be  regulated.  In  the  meantime,  Cuzco 
was  to  be  delivered  up  by  Almagro,  and  Hernando  Pizarro  to 
be  set  at  liberty,  on  condition  of  his  leaving  the  country  in 
six  weeks  for  Spain.  Both  parties  were  to  retire  within  their 
undisputed  territories,  and  to  abandon  all  further  hostilities.25 

This  award,  as  may  be  supposed,  highly  satisfactory  to  Pi- 
zarro, was  received  by  Almagro’s  men  with  indignation  and 
scorn.  They  had  been  sold,  they  cried,  by  their  general, 
broken,  as  he  was,  by  age  and  infirmities.  Their  enemies 
were  to  occupy  Cuzco  and  its  pleasant  places,  while  they  were 
to  be  turned  over  to  the  barren  wilderness  of  Charcas.  Little 
did  they  dream  that  under  this  poor  exterior  were  hidden  the 
rich  treasures  of  Potosi.  They  denounced  the  umpire  as  a 
hireling  of  the  governor,  and  murmurs  were  heard  among  the 
troops,  stimulated  by  Orgonez,  demanding  the  head  of  Her- 
nando. Never  was  that  cavalier  in  greater  danger.  But  his 
good  genius  in  the  form  of  Alvarado  again  interposed  to  pro- 
tect him.  His  life  in  captivity  was  a succession  of  reprieves.26 

Yet  his  brother,  the  governor,  was  not  disposed  to  abandon 
him  to  his  fate.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  now  prepared  to 
make  every  concession  to  secure  his  freedom.  Concessions, 
that  politic  chief  well  knew,  cost  little  to  those  who  are  not 
concerned  to  abide  by  them.  After  some  preliminary  negotia- 
tion, another  award,  more  equitable,  or,  at  all  events,  more  to 
the  satisfaction  of  the  discontented  party,  was  given.  The 
principal  articles  of  it  were,  that,  until  the  arrival  of  some  def- 
inite instructions  on  the  point  from  Castile,  the  city  of  Cuzco, 
with  its  territory,  should  remain  in  the  hands  of  Almagro  ; and 
that  Hernando  Pizarro  should  be  set  at  liberty,  on  the  condi- 
tion, above  stipulated,  of  leaving  the  country  in  six  weeks. 


96  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. 

96  Espinall,  Almagro’s  treasurer,  denounces  the  friar  “ as  proving  himself  a very  devil  ” 
by  this  award.  (Carta  al  Emperador,  MS.)  And  Oviedo,  a more  dispassionate  judge, 
quotes,  without  condemning,  a cavalier  who  told  the  father  that  “ a sentence  so  unjust  had 
not  been  pronounced  since  the  time  of  Pontius  Pilate  ! ” Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte 
3,  lib.  8,  cap,  21. 


S4 


CIVIL  IVARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


Vhen  the  terms  of  this  agreement  were  communicated  to  Or- 
gofiez,  that  officer  intimated  his  opinion  of  them  by  passing 
his  finger  across  his  throat,  and  exclaiming,  ‘ ‘ What  has  my 
fidelity  to  my  commander  cost  me  ! ” 27 

Almagro,  in  order  to  do  greater  honor  to  his  prisoner, 
visited  him  in  person  and  announced  to  him  that  he  was  from 
that  moment  free.  He  expressed  a hope,  at  the  same  time, 
that  “ all  past  differences  would  be  buried  in  oblivion,  and 
that  henceforth  they  should  five  only  in  the  recollection  of 
their  ancient  friendship.”  Hernando  replied,  with  apparent 
cordiality,  that  “ he  desired  nothing  better  for  himself.”  He 
then  swore  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  and  pledged  his 
knightly  honor — the  latter,  perhaps,  a pledge  of  quite  as  much 
weight  in  his  own  mind  as  the  former — that  he  would  faithfully 
comply  with  the  terms  stipulated  in  the  treaty.  He  was  next 
conducted  by  the  marshal  to  his  quarters,  where  he  partook  of 
a collation  in  company  with  the  principal  officers ; several  of 
whom,  together  with  Diego  Almagro,  the  general’s  son,  after- 
ward escorted  the  cavalier  to  his  brother’s  camp,  which  had 
been  transferred  to  the  neighboring  town  of  Mala.  Here  the 
party  received  a most  cordial  greeting  from  the  governor,  who 
entertained  them  with  a courtly  hospitality,  and  lavished  many 
attentions,  in  particular,  on  the  son  of  his  ancient  associate. 
In  short,  such,  on  their  return,  was  the  account  of  their  recep- 
tion, that  it  left  no  doubt  in  the  mind  of  Almagro  that  all  was 
at  length  amicably  settled.28 — He  did  not  know  Pizarro. 

31  “ I tomando  la  barba  con  la  mano  izquierda,  con  la  derecha  hifo  senal  de  cortarse  la 
cabega,  diciendo  : Orgonez,  Orgonez,  por  el  amistad  de  Don  Diego  de  Almagro  te  han  de 
cortar  esta.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  3,  cap.  9. 

38  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. — Carta  de  Gutierrez,  MS. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.— 
.Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  9. 


CHAP.  II.] 


FIRST  CIVIL  IVAR. 


85 


CHAPTER  II. 

First  Civil  War. — Almagro  Retreats  to  Cuzco. — Battle  of  Las  Salinas.— 
Cruelty  of  the  Conquerors. — Trial  and  Execution  of  Almagro.— 
His  Character. 

I537—I538- 

Scarcely  had  Almagro’s  officers  left  the  governor’s  quar- 
ters, when  the  latter,  calling  his  little  army  together,  briefly 
recapitulated  the  many  wrongs  which  had  been  done  him  by 
his  rival,  the  seizure  of  his  capital,  the  imprisonment  of  his 
brothers,  the  assault  and  defeat  of  his  troops ; and  he  con- 
cluded with  the  declaration — heartily  echoed  back  by  his  mili- 
tary audience — that  the  time  had  now  come  for  revenge.  All 
the  while  that  the  negotiations  were  pending,  Pizarro  had 
been  busily  occupied  with  military  preparations.  He  had 
mustered  a force  considerably  larger  than  that  of  his  rival, 
drawn  from  various  quarters,  but  most  of  them  familiar  with 
service.  He  now  declared  that,  as  he  was  too  old  to  take 
charge  of  the  campaign  himself,  he  should  devolve  that  duty 
on  his  brothers ; and  he  released  Hernando  from  all  his  en- 
gagements to  Almagro,  as  a measure  justified  by  necessity. 
That  cavalier,  with  graceful  pertinacity,  intimated  his  design 
to  abide  by  the  pledges  he  had  given,  but  at  length  yielded  a 
reluctant  assent  to  the  commands  of  his  brother,  as  to  a meas- 
ure imperatively  demanded  by  his  duty  to  the  crown.1 

The  governor’s  next  step  was  to  advise  Almagro  that  the 
treaty  was  at  an  end.  At  the  same  time,  he  warned  him  to 
relinquish  his  pretensions  to  Cuzco  and  withdraw  into  his  own 
territory,  or  the  responsibility  of  the  consequences  would  lie 
on  his  own  head. 

After  reposing  in  his  false  security,  Almagro  was  now  fully 
awakened  to  the  consciousness  of  the  error  he  had  committed ; 
and  the  warning  voice  of  his  lieutenant  may  have  risen  to  his 
recollection.  The  first  part  of  the  prediction  was  fulfilled. 


1 Herrera,  Hitt  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  3,  cap.  to. 


86 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.  Ibook  iv. 


And  what  should  prevent  the  latter  from  being  so  ? To  add 
to  his  distress,  he  was  laboring  at  this  time  under  a grievous 
malady,  the  result  of  early  excesses,  which  shattered  his  con- 
stitution and  made  him  incapable  alike  of  mental  and  bodily 
exertion.2 

In  this  forlorn  condition,  he  confided  the  management  of 
his  affairs  to  Orgofiez,  on  whose  loyalty  and  courage  he  knew 
he  might  implicitly  rely.  The  first  step  was  to  secure  the 
passes  of  the  Guaitara,  a chain  of  hills  that  hemmed  in  the  val- 
ley of  Zangalla,  where  Almagro  was  at  present  established. 
But,  by  some  miscalculation,  the  passes  were  not  secured  in 
season  ; and  the  active  enemy,  threading  the  dangerous  de- 
files, effected  a passage  across  the  sierra,  where  a much  inferior 
force  to  his  own  might  have  taken  him  at  a disadvantage. 
The  fortunes  of  Almagro  were  on  the  wane. 

His  thoughts  were  now  turned  toward  Cuzco,  and  he  was 
anxious  to  get  possession  of  this  capital  before  the  arrival  of 
the  enemy.  Too  feeble  to  sit  on  horseback,  he  was  obliged  to 
be  carried  in  a litter ; and  when  he  reached  the  ancient  town 
of  Bilcas,  not  far  from  Guamanga,  his  indisposition  was  so  se- 
vere that  he  was  compelled  to  halt  and  remain  there  three 
weeks  before  resuming  his  march. 

The  governor  and  his  brothers,  in  the  meantime,  after 
traversing  the  pass  of  Guaitara,  descended  into  the  valley  of 
lea,  where  Pizarro  remained  a considerable  while,  to  get  his 
troops  into  order  and  complete  his  preparations  for  the  cam- 
paign. Then,  taking  leave  of  the  army,  he  returned' to  Lima, 
committing  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  as  he  had  before  an- 
nounced, to  his  younger  and  more  active  brothers.  Hernando, 
soon  after  quitting  lea,  kept  along  the  coast  as  far  as  Nasca, 
proposing  to  penetrate  the  country  by  a circuitous  route  in 
order  to  elude  the  enemy,  who  might  have  greatly  embarrassed 
him  in  some  of  the  passes  of  the  Cordilleras.  But,  unhappily 

3 “Cay 6 enfermo  i cstuvo  malo  & punto  de  muerte  de  bubas  i dolores.”  (Carta  de  Et- 
pinall,  MS.)  It  was  a hard  penalty,  occurring  at  this  crisis,  for  the  sins,  perhaps,  ofearlief 
days ; but 

“ The  gods  are  just,  and  of  our  pleasant  vices 
Make  instruments  to  scourge  us.” 


chap.  II.]  ALMAGRO  RETREATS  TO  CUZCO. 


87 


for  himself,  this  plan  of  operations,  which  would  have  given 
him  such  manifest  advantage,  was  not  adopted  by  Almagro ; 
and  his  adversary,  without  any  other  impediment  than  that 
arising  from  the  natural  difficulties  of  the  march,  arrived,  in 
the  latter  part  of  April,  1538,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cuzco. 

Almagro,  however,  was  already  in  possession  of  that  capital, 
which  he  had  reached  ten  days  before.  A council  of  war  was 
held  by  him  respecting  the  course  to  be  pursued.  Some  were 
for  making  good  the  defence  of  the  city.  Almagro  would 
have  tried  what  could  be  done  by  negotiation.  But  Orgonez 
bluntly  replied,  “ It  is  too  late : you  have  liberated  Hernando 
Pizarro,  and  nothing  remains  but  to  fight  him.”  The  opinion 
of  Orgonez  finally  prevailed,  to  march  out  and  give  the  enemy 
battle  on  the  plains.  The  marshal,  still  disabled  by  illness 
from  taking  the  command,  devolved  it  on  his  trusty  lieuten- 
ant, who,  mustering  his  forces,  left  the  city,  and  took  up  a 
position  at  Las  Salinas,  less  than  a league  distant  from  Cuzco. 
The  place  received  its  name  from  certain  pits  or  vats  in  the 
ground,  used  for  the  preparation  of  salt,  that  was  obtained 
from  a natural  spring  in  the  neighborhood.  It  was  an  injudi- 
cious choice  of  ground,  since  its  broken  character  was  most 
unfavorable  to  the  free  action  of  cavalry,  in  which  the  strength 
of  Almagro’s  force  consisted.  But,  although  repeatedly  urged 
by  the  officers  to  advance  into  the  open  country,  Orgonez  per- 
sisted in  his  position,  as  the  most  favorable  for  defence,  since 
the  front  was  protected  by  a marsh,  and  by  a little  stream  that 
flowed  over  the  plain.  His  forces  amounted  in  all  to  about 
five  hundred,  more  than  half  of  them  horse.  His  infantry 
was  deficient  in  fire-arms,  the  place  of  which  was  supplied  by 
the  long  pike.  He  had  also  six  small  cannon,  or  falconets,  as 
they  were  called,  which,  with  his  cavalry,  formed  into  two 
equal  divisions,  he  disposed  on  the  flanks  of  his  infantry. 
Thus  prepared,  he  calmly  awaited  the  approach  of  the  enemy. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  bright  arms  and  banners  of  the 
Spaniards  under  Hernando  Pizarro  were  seen  emerging  from 
the  mountain-passes.  The  troops  came  forward  in  good  order, 
and  like  men  whose  steady  step  showed  that  they  had  been 


88 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


spared  in  the  march  and  were  now  fresh  for  action.  They 
advanced  slowly  across  the  plain,  and  halted  on  the  opposite 
border  of  the  little  stream  which  covered  the  front  of  Orgonez. 
Here  Hernando,  as  the  sun  had  set,  took  up  his  quarters  for 
the  night,  proposing  to  defer  the  engagement  till  daylight.3 

The  rumors  of  the  approaching  battle  had  spread  far  and 
wide  over  the  country ; and  the  mountains  and  rocky  heights 
around  were  thronged  with  multitudes  of  natives,  eager  to  feast 
their  eyes  on  a spectacle  where,  whichever  side  were  victorious, 
the  defeat  would  fall  on  their  enemies.4  The  Castilian  women 
and  children,  too,  with  still  deeper  anxiety,  had  thronged  out 
from  Cuzco  to  witness  the  deadly  strife  in  which  brethren  and 
kindred  were  to  contend  for  mastery.5  The  whole  number  of 
the  combatants  was  insignificant ; though  not  as  compared 
with  those  usually  engaged  in  these  American  wars.  It  is  not, 
however,  the  number  of  the  players,  but  the  magnitude  of  the 
stake,  that  gives  importance  and  interest  to  the  game ; and  in 
this  bloody  game  they  were  to  play  for  the  possession  of  an 
empire. 

The  night  passed  away  in  silence,  unbroken  by  the  vast  as- 
sembly which  covered  the  surrounding  hill-tops.  Nor  did  the 
soldiers  of  the  hostile  camps,  although  keeping  watch  within 
hearing  of  one  another,  and  with  the  same  blood  flowing  in 
their  veins,  attempt  any  communication.  So  deadly  was  the 
hate  in  their  bosom  ! 6 

The  sun  rose  bright,  as  usual  in  this  beautiful  climate,  on 
Saturday,  April  26,  1538. 7 But  long  before  his  beams  were 

9 Carta  de  Gutierrez,  MS.— Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.— Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  1-5. — Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3, 
cap.  10,  11. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  36,  37. 

4 Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  5,  6. 

• Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

• “ I fue  cosa  de  notar,  que  se  estuvieron  toda  la  Noche,  sin  que  nadi«  de  la  vna  i otra 
parte  pensase  en  mover  tratos  de  Paz  : tanta  era  la  ira  i aborrecimiento  de  ambas  partes.” 
Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  6. 

T A church  dedicated  to  Saint  Lazarus  was  afterward  erected  on  the  battle-ground,  and 
tile  bodies  of  those  slain  in  the  action  were  interred  within  its  walls.  This  circumstance 
leads  Garcilasso  to  suppose  that  the  battle  took  place  on  Saturday,  the  sixth — the  day 
after  the  Feast  of  Saint  Lazarus — and  not  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  April  as  commonly  re- 
ported. Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  38.  See  also  Monteainos  (Annale6,  MS.,  ano 
IJ38)— an  indifferent  authority  for  anything. 


CHAP.  1L] 


BATTLE  OF  LAS  SALINAS. 


89 


on  the  plain  the  trumpet  of  Hernando  Pizarro  had  called  his 
men  to  arms.  His  forces  amounted  in  all  to  about  seven  hun- 
dred. They  were  drawn  from  various  quarters,  the  veterans 
of  Pizarro,  the  followers  of  Alonso  de  Alvarado — many  of 
whom,  since  their  defeat,  had  found  their  way  back  to  Lima — - 
and  the  late  reinforcement  from  the  isles,  most  of  them  sea- 
soned by  many  a toilsome  march  in  the  Indian  campaigns, 
and  many  a hard-fought  field.  His  mounted  troops  were 
inferior  to  those  of  Almagro  ; but  this  was  more  than  compen- 
sated by  the  strength  of  his  infantry,  comprehending  a well- 
trained  corps  of  arquebusiers,  sent  from  St.  Domingo,  whose 
weapons  were  of  the  improved  construction  recently  introduced 
from  Flanders.  They  were  of  a large  calibre,  and  threw 
double-headed  shot,  consisting  of  bullets  linked  together  by  an 
iron  chain.  It  was  doubtless  a clumsy  weapon  compared  with 
modern  fire-arms,  but,  in  hands  accustomed  to  wield  it,  proved 
a destructive  instrument.8 

Hernando  Pizarro  drew  up  his  men  in  the  same  order  of 
battle  as  that  presented  by  the  enemy — throwing  his  infantry 
into  the  centre,  and  disposing  his  horse  on  the  flanks ; one 
corps  of  which  he  placed  under  command  of  Alonso  de  Alva- 
rado, and  took  charge  of  the  other  himself.  The  infantry  was 
headed  by  his  brother  Gonzalo,  supported  by  Pedro  de  Valdi- 
via, the  future  hero  of  Arauco,  whose  disastrous  story  forms  the 
burden  of  romance  as  well  as  of  chronicle.9 

Mass  was  said,  as  if  the  Spaniards  were  about  to  fight  what 
they  deemed  the  good  fight  of  the  faith,  instead  of  imbruing 
their  hands  in  the  blood  of  their  countrymen.  Hernando  Pi- 
zarro then  made  a brief  address  to  his  soldiers.  He  touched 
on  the  personal  injuries  he  and  his  family  had  received  from 
Almagro ; reminded  his  brother’s  veterans  that  Cuzco  had 
been  wrested  from  their  possession  ; called  up  the  glow  of 
shame  on  the  brows  of  Alvarado’s  men  as  he  talked  of  the  rout 

8 Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  8. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2;  lib.  2,  cap.  36. 

9 The  Araucana  of  Ercilla  may  claim  the  merit,  indeed — if  it  be  a merit — of  combining 
both  romance  and  history  in  one.  Surely  never  did  the  muse  venture  on  such  a specifics* 
tion  of  details,  not  merely  poetical,  but  political,  geographical,  and  statistical,  as  in  this 
celebrated  Castilian  epic.  It  is  a military  journal  done  into  rhyme. 


90 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


of  Abancay ; and,  pointing  out  the  Inca  metropolis  that  sparkled 
in  the  morning  sunshine,  he  told  them  that  there  was  the  prize 
of  the  victor.  They  answered  his  appeal  with  acclamations ; 
and,  the  signal  being  given,  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  heading  his  bat- 
talion of  infantry,  led  it  straight  across  the  river.  The  water 
was  neither  broad  nor  deep,  and  the  soldiers  found  no  difficulty 
in  gaining  a landing,  as  the  enemy’s  horse  was  prevented  by 
the  marshy  ground  from  approaching  the  borders.  But,  as 
they  worked  their  way  across  the  morass,  the  heavy  guns  of 
Orgonez  played  with  effect  on  the  leading  files,  and  threw 
them  into  disorder.  Gonzalo  and  Valdivia  threw  themselves 
into  the  midst  of  their  followers,  menacing  some,  encouraging 
others,  and  at  length  led  them  gallantly  forward  to  the  firm 
ground.  Here  the  arquebusiers,  detaching  themselves  from 
the  rest  of  the  infantry,  gained  a small  eminence,  whence,  in 
their  turn,  they  opened  a galling  fire  on  Orgonez,  scattering 
his  array  of  spearmen,  and  sorely  annoying  the  cavalry  on  the 
flanks. 

Meanwhile,  Hernando,  forming  his  two  squadrons  of  horse 
into  one  column,  crossed  under  cover  of  this  well-sustained 
fire,  and,  reaching  the  firm  ground,  rode  at  once  against  the 
enemy.  Orgonez,  whose  infantry  was  already  much  crippled, 
advancing  his  horse,  formed  the  two  squadrons  into  one  body, 
like  his  antagonist,  and  spurred  at  full  gallop  against  the  assail- 
ants. The  shock  was  terrible ; and  it  was  hailed  by  the 
swarms  of  Indian  spectators  on  the  surrounding  heights  with  a 
fiendish  yell  of  triumph  that  rose  far  above  the  din  of  battle, 
till  it  was  lost  in  distant  echoes  among  the  mountains.10 

The  struggle  was  desperate.  For  it  was  not  that  of  the 
white  man  against  the  defenceless  Indian,  but  of  Spaniard 
against  Spaniard  ; both  parties  cheering  on  their  comrades 
with  their  battle-cries  of  “ El  Rey  y Almagro,"  or  “ El  Rey 

10  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  6. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 
—Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  11. — Everything  relating 
to  this  battle — the  disposition  of  the  forces,  the  character  of  the  ground,  the  mode  of  at- 
tack— is  told  as  variously  and  confusedly  as  if  it  had  been  a contest  between  two  great 
armies,  instead  of  a handful  of  men  on  either  side.  It  would  seem  that  truth  is  nowhere 
so  difficult  to  come  at  as  on  the  battle-field. 


CHAP.  II.] 


BATTLE  OF  LAS  S ALL  NAS. 


91 


y Pizarro  ” — while  they  fought  with  a hate  to  which  national 
antipathy  was  as  nothing — a hate  strong  in  proportion  to  the 
strength  of  the  ties  that  had  been  rent  asunder. 

In  this  bloody  field  well  did  Orgonez  do  his  duty,  fighting 
like  one  to  whom  battle  was  the  natural  element.  Singling 
out  a cavalier  whom,  from  the  color  of  the  sobre-vest  on  his 
armor,  he  erroneously  supposed  to  be  Hernando  Pizarro,  he 
charged  him  in  full  career,  and  overthrew  him  with  his  lance. 
Another  he  ran  through  in  like  manner,  and  a third  he  struck 
down  with  his  sword,  as  he  was  prematurely  shouting  “ Vic- 
tory ! ” But,  while  thus  doing  the  deeds  of  a paladin  of 
romance,  he  was  hit  by  a chain-shot  from  an  arquebuse,  which, 
penetrating  the  bars  of  his  visor,  grazed  his  forehead  and  de- 
prived him  for  a moment  of  reason.  Before  he  had  fully 
recovered,  his  horse  was  killed  under  him,  and,  though  the 
fallen  cavalier  succeeded  in  extricating  himself  from  the  stir- 
rups, he  was  surrounded,  and  soon  overpowered  by  numbers. 
Still  refusing  to  deliver  up  his  sword,  he  asked  “ if  there  was 
no  knight  to  whom  he  could  surrender.”  One  Fuentes,  a 
menial  of  Pizarro,  presenting  himself  as  such,  Orgonez  gave 
his  sword  into  his  hands — and  the  dastard,  drawing  his  dagger, 
Stabbed  his  defenceless  prisoner  to  the  heart ! His  head,  then 
struck  off,  was  stuck  on  a pike,  and  displayed,  a bloody  trophy, 
in  the  great  square  of  Cuzco,  as  the  head  of  a traitor.11  Thus 
perished  as  loyal  a cavalier,  as  decided  in  council,  and  as  bold 
in  action,  as  ever  crossed  to  the  shores  of  America. 

The  fight  had  now  lasted  more  than  an  hour,  and  the  fortune 
of  the  day  was  turning  against  the  followers  of  Almagro.  Or- 
gonez being  down,  their  confusion  increased.  The  infantry, 
unable  to  endure  the  fire  of  the  arquebusiers,  scattered  and 
took  refuge  behind  the  stone  walls  that  here  and  there  strag- 
gled across  the  country.  Pedro  de  Lerma,  vainly  striving  to 
rally  the  cavalry,  spurred  his  horse  against  Hernando  Pizarro, 
with  whom  he  had  a personal  feud.  Pizarro  did  not  shrink 
from  the  encounter.  The  lances  of  both  the  knights  took 

11  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y.  Conq.,  MS.— -Herrera,  Hist,  general,  ubi  supra, — Zarate, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  ubi  supra. 


92 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


effect.  That  of  Hernando  penetrated  the  thigh  of  his  oppo- 
nent, while  Lerma’s  weapon,  glancing  by  his  adversary’s  sad- 
dle-bow, struck  him  with  such  force  above  the  groin  that  it 
pierced  the  joints  of  his  mail,  slightly  wounding  the  cavalier, 
and  forcing  his  horse  back  on  his  haunches.  But  the  press  of 
the  fight  soon  parted  the  combatants,  and,  in  the  turmoil  that 
ensued,  Lerma  was  unhorsed,  and  left  on  the  field,  covered 
with  wounds.12 

There  was  no  longer  order,  and  scarcely  resistance,  among 
the  followers  of  Almagro.  They  fled,  making  the  best  of  their 
way  to  Cuzco,  and  happy  was  the  man  who  obtained  quarter 
when  he  asked  it.  Almagro  himself,  too  feeble  to  sit  so  long 
on  his  horse,  reclined  on  a litter,  and  from  a neighboring 
eminence  surveyed  the  battle,  watching  its  fluctuations,  with 
all  the  interest  of  one  who  felt  that  honor,  fortune,  life  itself, 
hung  on  the  issue.  With  agony  not  to  be  described,  he  had 
seen  his  faithful  followers,  after  their  hard  struggle,  borne 
down  by  their  opponents,  till,  convinced  that  all  was  lost,  he 
succeeded  in  mounting  a mule,  and  rode  off  for  a temporary 
refuge  to  the  fortress  of  Cuzco.  Thither  he  was  speedily  fol- 
lowed, taken,  and  brought  in  triumph  to  the  capital,  where, 
ill  as  he  was,  he  was  thrown  into  irons  and  confined  in  the 
same  apartment  of  the  stone  building  in  which  he  had  im- 
prisoned the  Pizarros. 

The  action  lasted  not  quite  two  hours.  The  number  of 
killed,  variously  stated,  was  probably  not  less  than  a hundred 
and  fifty — one  of  the  combatants  calls  it  two  hundred13 — a 
great  number,  considering  the  shortness  of  the  time,  and  the 

12  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  ubi  supra. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  36. 
— Hernando  Pizarro  wore  a surcoat  of  orange-colored  velvet  over  his  armor,  according  to 
Garcilasso,  and  before  the  battle  sent  notice  of  it  to  Orgofiez,  that  the  latter  might  distin- 
guish him  in  the  milke.  But  a knight  in  Hernando’s  suite  also  wore  the  same  colors,  it  ap- 
pears, which  led  Orgonez  into  error. 

18  “ Murieron  en  esta  Batalla  de  las  Salinas  casi  dozientos  hombres  de  vna  parte  y de 
otra.”  (Pedro  Pizarro,  Dcscub.  y Conq.,  MS.)  Most  authorities  rate  the  loss  at  less. 
The  treasurer  Espinall,  a partisan  of  Almagro,  says  they  massacred  a hundred  and  fifty 
after  the  fight  in  cold  blood  : “ Siguieron  el  alcanze  la  mas  cruelmente  que  en  el  mundo  se 
ha  visto,  porque  matavan  a los  hombres  rendidos  e desarmados,  e por  les  quitar  las  armas 
Ios  mataban  si  presto  no  se  las  quitaban,  e trayendo  A las  ancas  de  un  caballo  A un  Ruy 
Diaz  viniendo  rendido  e desarmado  le  mataron,  i desta  manera  mataron  mas  de  cicnto  i 
sinquenta  hombres,”  Carta,  MS. 


chap,  ii.]  CRUELTY  OF  THE  CONQUERORS. 


93 


small  amount  of  the  forces  engaged.  No  account  is  given  of  the 
wounded.  Wounds  were  the  portion  of  the  cavalier.  Pedro 
de  Lerma  is  said  to  have  received  seventeen,  and  yet  was  taken 
alive  from  the  field  ! The  loss  fell  chiefly  on  the  followers  of 
Almagro.  But  the  slaughter  was  not  confined  to  the  heat  of  the 
action.  Such  was  the  deadly  animosity  of  the  parties  that  several 
were  murdered  in  cold  blood,  like  Orgonez,  after  they  had 
surrendered.  Pedro  de  Lerma  himself,  while  lying  on  his  sick 
couch  in  the  quarters  of  a friend  in  Cuzco,  was  visited  by  a 
soldier,  named  Samaniego,  whom  he  had  once  struck  for  an  act 
of  disobedience.  This  person  entered  the  solitary  chamber  of 
the  wounded  man,  took  his  place  by  his  bedside,  and  then,  up- 
braiding him  for  the  insult,  told  him  that  he  had  come  to 
wash  it  away  in  his  blood  ! Lerma  in  vain  assured  him  that, 
when  restored  to  health,  he  would  give  him  the  satisfaction  he 
desired.  The  miscreant,  exclaiming,  “Now  is  the  hour!” 
plunged  his  sword  into  his  bosom.  He  lived  several  years  to 
vaunt  this  atrocious  exploit,  which  he  proclaimed  as  a repara- 
tion to  his  honor.  It  is  some  satisfaction  to  know  that  the  in- 
solence of  this  vaunt  cost  him  his  life.14  Such  anecdotes,  re- 
volting as  they  are,  illustrate  not  merely  the  spirit  of  the  times, 
but  that  peculiarly  ferocious  spirit  which  is  engendered  by 
civil  wars — the  most  unforgiving  in  their  character  of  any  but 
wars  of  religion. 

In  the  hurry  of  the  flight  of  one  party,  and  the  pursuit  by  the 
other,  all  pouring  toward  Cuzco,  the  field  of  battle  had  been 
deserted.  But  it  soon  swarmed  with  plunderers,  as  the  Indians, 
descending  like  vultures  from  the  mountains,  took  possession 
of  the  bloody  ground,  and,  despoiling  the  dead,  even  to  the 
minutest  article  of  dress,  left  their  corpses  naked  on  the  plain.15 


14  Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  38. — He  was 
hanged  for  this  very  crime  by  the  governor  of  Puerto  Viejo,  about  five  years  after  this  time, 
having  outraged  the  feelings  of  that  officer  and  the  community  by  the  insolent  and  open 
manner  in  which  he  boasted  of  his  atrocious  exploit. 

16  “ Los  Indies  viendo  la  Batalla  fenescida,  ellos  tambien  se  dejaron  de  la  suia,  iendo 
los  vnos  i los  otros  A desnudar  los  Espanoles  muertos,  i aun  algunos  vivos,  que  por  sus  heri- 
das  no  se  podian  defender,  porque  como  pas6  el  tropel  de  la  Gente,  siguiendo  la  Victoria, 
no  huvo  quien  se  lo  impidiese ; de  manera  que  dexaron  en  cueros  A todos  los  cafdos/8 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib,  3,  cap.  11. 


94 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


It  has  been  thought  strange  that  the  natives  should  not  have 
availed  themselves  of  their  superior  numbers  to  fall  on  the 
victors  after  they  had  been  exhausted  by  the  battle.  But  the 
scattered  bodies  of  the  Peruvians  were  without  a leader ; they 
were  broken  in  spirits,  moreover,  by  recent  reverses,  and  the 
Castilians,  although  weakened  for  the  moment  by  the  struggle, 
were  in  far  greater  strength  in  Cuzco  than  they  had  ever  been 
before. 

Indeed,  the  number  of  troops  now  assembled  within  its 
walls,  amounting  to  full  thirteen  hundred,-  composed,  as  they 
were,  of  the  most  discordant  materials,  gave  great  uneasiness 
to  Hernando  Pizarro.  For  there  were  enemies  glaring  on 
each  other  and  on  him  with  deadly  though  smothered  rancor, 
and  friends,  if  not  so  dangerous,  not  the  less  troublesome  from 
their  craving  and  unreasonable  demands.  He  had  given  the 
capital  up  to  pillage,  and  his  followers  found  good  booty  in  the 
quarters  of  Almagro’s  officers.  But  this  did  not  suffice  the 
more  ambitious  cavaliers ; and  they  clamorously  urged  their 
services,  and  demanded  to  be  placed  in  charge  of  some  ex- 
pedition, nothing  doubting  that  it  must  prove  a golden  one. 
All  were  in  quest  of  an  El  Dorado.  Hernando  Pizarro 
acquiesced  as  far  as  possible  in  these  desires,  most  willing  to 
relieve  himself  of  such  importunate  creditors.  The  expedi- 
tions, it  is  true,  usually  ended  in  disaster ; but  the  country 
was  explored  by  them.  It  was  the  lottery  of  adventure;  the 
prizes  were  few,  but  they  were  splendid ; and,  in  the  excite- 
ment of  the  game,  few  Spaniards  paused  to  calculate  the 
chances  of  success. 

Among  those  who  left  the  capital  was  Diego,  the  son  of  Al- 
magro.  Hernando  was  mindful  to  send  him,  with  a careful 
escort,  to  his  brother  the  governor,  desirous  to  remove  him  at 
this  crisis  from  the  neighborhood  of  his  father.  Meanwhile, 
the  marshal  himself  was  pining  away  in  prison  under  the  com- 
bined influence  ofbodily  illness  and  distress  of  mind.  Before 
the  battle  of  Salinas,  it  had  been  told  to  Hernando  Pizarro 
that  Almagro  was  like  to  die.  “Heaven  forbid,”  he  ex- 
claimed, “ that  this  should  come  to  pass  before  he  falls  into 


chap,  ii.]  IMPRISONMENT  OF  ALMAGRO. 


95 


my  hands  ! ” 16  Yet  the  gods  seemed  now  disposed  to  grant 
but  half  of  this  pious  prayer,  since  his  captive  seemed  about 
to  escape  him  just  as  he  had  come  into  his  power.  To  con- 
sole the  unfortunate  chief,  Hernando  paid  him  a visit  in 
his  prison,  and  cheered  him  with  the  assurance  that  he  only 
waited  for  the  governor’s  arrival  to  set  him  at  liberty ; ad- 
ding “ that  if  Pizarro  did  not  come  soon  to  the  capital, 
he  himself  would  assume  the  responsibility  of  releasing  him, 
and  would  furnish  him  with  a conveyance  to  his  brother’s 
quarters.”  At  the  same  time,  with  considerate  attention  to 
his  comfort,  he  inquired  of  the  marshal  “what  mode  of  con- 
veyance would  be  best  suited  to  his  state  of  health.”  After 
this  he  continued  to  send  him  delicacies  from  his  own  table  to 
revive  his  faded  appetite.  Almagro,  cheered  by  these  kind  at- 
tentions and  by  the  speedy  prospect  of  freedom,  gradually 
mended  in  health  and  spirits.17 

He  little  dreamed  that  all  this  while  a process  was  in- 
dustriously preparing  against  him.  It  had  been  instituted  im- 
mediately on  his  capture,  and  everyone,  however  humble,  who 
had  any  cause  of  complaint  against  the  unfortunate  prisoner, 
was  invited  to  present  it.  The  summons  was  readily  an- 
swered ; and  many  an  enemy  now  appeared  in  the  hour  of  his 
fallen  fortunes,  like  the  base  reptiles  crawling  into  light  amid 
the  ruins  of  some  noble  edifice ; and  more  than  one  who  had 
received  benefits  from  his  hands  were  willing  to  court  the  favor 
of  his  enemy  by  turning  on  their  benefactor.  From  these 
loathsome  sources  a mass  of  accusations  was  collected  which 
spread  over  four  thousand  folio  pages  ! Yet  Almagro  was  the 
idol  of  his  soldiers  ! 18 

Having  completed  the  process  (July  8,  1538),  it  was  not 
difficult  to  obtain  a verdict  against  the  prisoner.  The  prin- 


l®  44  Respondia  Hernando  Pizarro,  que  no  le  haria  Dios  tan  gran  mal,  que  le  dexase 
morir,  sin  quele  huviese  d las  manos.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  5. 

17  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  9. 

18  “ De  tal  manera  que  los  Escrivanos  no  se  davan  manos,  i id  tenian  escdtas  mas  de 
dos  mil  hojas.”  Ibid.,  dec,  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  7. — Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Conq.  i 
Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Carta  de  Gutierrez,  MS.— Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.-* 
Carta  de  Espinail,  MS. 


96 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


cipal  charges  on  which  he  was  pronounced  guilty  were  those  of 
levying  war  against  the  crown  and  thereby  occasioning  the 
death  of  many  of  his  Majesty’s  subjects,  of  entering  into  con- 
spiracy with  the  Inca,  and,  finally,  of  dispossessing  the  royal 
governor  of  the  city  of  Cuzco.  On  these  charges  he  was  con- 
demned to  suffer  death  as  a traitor,  by  being  publicly  be- 
headed in  the  great  square  of  the  city.  Who  were  the  judges, 
or  what  was  the  tribunal  that  condemned  him,  we  are  not  in- 
formed. Indeed,  the  whole  trial  was  a mockery;  if  that  can 
be  called  a trial  where  the  accused  himself  is  not  even  aware 
of  the  accusation. 

The  sentence  was  communicated  by  a friar  deputed  for  the 
purpose  to  Almagro.  The  unhappy  man,  who  all  the  while 
had  been  unconsciously  slumbering  on  the  brink  of  a preci- 
pice, could  not  at  first  comprehend  the  nature  of  his  situation. 
Recovering  from  the  first  shock,  “It  was  impossible,”  he 
said,  “ that  such  wrong  could  be  done  him — he  would  not  be- 
lieve it.”  He  then  besought  Hernando  Pizarro  to  grant  him 
an  interview.  That  cavalier,  not  unwilling,  it  would  seem,  to 
witness  the  agony  of  his  captive,  consented ; and  Almagro 
was  so  humbled  by  his  misfortunes  that  he  condescended  to 
beg  for  his  life  with  the  most  piteous  supplications.  He  re- 
minded Hernando  of  his  ancient  relations  with  his  brother, 
and  the  good  offices  he  had  rendered  him  and  his  family  in  the 
earlier  part  of  their  career.  He  touched  on  his  acknowledged 
services  to  his  country,  and  besought  his  enemy  “to  spare  his 
gray  hairs,  and  not  to  deprive  him  of  the  short  remnant  of 
an  existence  from  which  he  had  now  nothing  more  to  fear.” 
To  this  the  other  coldly  replied  that  “ he  was  surprised  to  see 
Almagro  demean  himself  in  a manner  so  unbecoming  a brave 
cavalier ; that  his  fate  was  no  worse  than  had  befallen  many  a 
soldier  before  him  ; and  that,  since  God  had  given  him  the 
grace  to  be  a Christian,  he  should  employ  his  remaining  mo- 
ments in  making  up  his  account  with  Heaven  ! ” 19 

But  Almagro  was  not  to  be  silenced.  He  urged  the  service 

19  “ I que  pues  tuvo  tanta  gracia  de  Dio9,  que  le  hl^o  Christiano,  ordenase  bu  Alma.,  3 
temiese  4 Dios.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  5,  cap.  x. 


ch.  ii.]  TRIAL  AND  EXECUTION  OF  ALMAGRO. 


97 


he  had  rendered  Hernando  himself.  “ This  was  a hard  re- 
quital,” he  said,  “ for  having  spared  his  life  so  recently  under 
similar  circumstances,  and  that,  too,  when  he  had  been  urged 
again  and  again  by  those  around  him  to  take  it  away.”  And 
he  concluded  by  menacing  his  enemy  with  the  vengeance  of 
the  emperor,  who  would  never  suffer  this  outrage  on  one  who 
had  rendered  such  signal  services  to  the  crown  to  go  unre- 
quited. It  was  all  in  vain;  and  Hernando  abruptly  closed 
the  conference  by  repeating  that  “his  doom  was  inevitable, 
and  he  must  prepare  to  meet  it.”  20 

Almagro,  finding  that  no  impression  was  to  be  made  on  his 
iron -hearted  conqueror,  now  seriously  addressed  himself  to  the 
settlement  of  his  affairs.  By  the  terms  of  the  royal  grant  he 
was  empowered  to  name  his  successor.  He  accordingly  de- 
volved his  office  on  his  son,  appointing  Diego  de  Alvarado,  on 
whose  integrity  he  had  great  reliance,  administrator  of  the  prov- 
ince during  his  minority.  All  his  property  and  possessions  in 
Peru,  of  whatever  kind,  he  devised  to  his  master  the  emperor, 
assuring  him  that  a large  balance  was  still  due  to  him  in  his 
unsettled  accounts  with  Pizarro.  By  this  politic  bequest  he 
hoped  to  secure  the  monarch’s  protection  for  his  son,  as  well 
as  a strict  scrutiny  into  the  affairs  of  his  enemy. 

The  knowledge  of  Almagro’s  sentence  produced  a deep  sen- 
sation in  the  community  of  Cuzco.  All  were  amazed  at  the 
presumption  with  which  one  armed  with  a little  brief  author- 
ity ventured  to  sit  in  judgment  on  a person  of  Almagro’s  sta- 
tion. There  were  few  who  did  not  call  to  mind  some  generous 
or  good-natured  act  of  the  unfortunate  veteran.  Even  those 
who  had  furnished  materials  for  the  accusation,  now  startled 
by  the  tragic  result  to  which  it  was  to  lead,  were  heard  to  de- 
nounce Hernando’s  conduct  as  that  of  a tyrant. 

20  Herrera,  ubi  sopra. — The  marshal  appealed  from  the  sentence  of  his  judges  to  the 
crown,  supplicating  his  conqueror  (says  the  treasurer  Espinall)  in  his  letter  to  his  em- 
peror) in  terms  that  would  have  touched  the  heart  of  an  infidel : **  De  la  qual  el  dicho  Ade- 
lantado  apelo  para  ante  V . M.  1 le  rogo  que  por  amor  de  Dios  hincado  de  rodillas  le  otorgase 
elapelacion,  diciendole  que  mirase  sus  canas  e vejez  e quanto  havia  servido  A V.  M.  i qe  d 
havia  sido  el  primer  escalon  para  que  el  i sushermanos  subiesen  en  el  estado  en  que  esta* 
van,  i diciendole  otras  muchas  palabras  de  dolor  e compasion  que  despues  de  muerto  sup© 
qua  dixo,  que  A qualquier  hombre,  aunque  fuera  infiel,  moviera  A piedad.”  Carta*  MS. 

P 21  Vol.  2 


98 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


Some  of  the  principal  cavaliers,  and  among  them  Diego  de 
Alvarado,  to  whose  intercession,  as  we  have  seen,  Hernando 
Pizarro,  when  a captive,  had  owed  his  own  life,  waited  on 
that  commander  and  endeavored  to  dissuade  him  from  so  high- 
handed and  atrocious  a proceeding.  It  was  in  vain.  But  it 
had  the  effect  of  changing  the  mode  of  the  execution,  which, 
instead  of  the  public  square,  was  now  to  take  place  in  prison.21 

On  the  day  appointed,  a strong  corps  of  arquebusiers  was 
drawn  up  in  the  plaza.  The  guards  were  doubled  over  the 
houses  where  dwelt  the  principal  partisans  of  Almagro.  The 
executioner,  attended  by  a priest,  stealthily  entered  his 
prison ; and  the  unhappy  man,  after  confessing  and  receiving 
the  sacrament,  submitted  without  resistance  to  the  garrote. 
Thus  obscurely,  in  the  gloomy  silence  of  a dungeon,  perished 
the  hero  of  a hundred  battles  ! His  corpse  was  removed  to 
the  great  square  of  the  city,  where,  in  obedience  to  the  sen- 
tence, the  head  was  severed  from  the  body.  A herald  pro- 
claimed aloud  the  nature  of  the  crimes  for  which  he  had  suf- 
fered ; and  his  remains,  rolled  in  their  bloody  shroud,  were 
borne  to  the  house  of  his  friend  Hernan  Ponce  de  Leon,  and 
the  next  day  laid  with  all  due  solemnity  in  the  church  of  Our 
Lady  of  Mercy.  The  Pizarros  appeared  among  the  principal 
mourners.  It  was  remarked  that  their  brother  had  paid  sim- 
ilar honors  to  the  memory  of  Atahuallpa.22 

Almagro,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  was  probably  not  far 
from  seventy  years  of  age.  But  this  is  somewhat  uncertain  ; 
for  Almagro  was  a foundling,  and  his  early  history  is  lost  in 
obscurity.23  He  had  many  excellent  qualities  by  nature  ; and 
his  defects,  which  were  not  few,  may  reasonably  be  palliated 

71  Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1538. — Bishop  Valverde, 
as  he  assures  the  emperor,  remonstrated  with  Francisco  Pizarro  in  Lima  against  allowing 
violence  toward  the  marshal,  urging  it  on  him,  as  an  imperative  duty,  to  go  himself  at  once 
to  Cuzco  and  set  him  at  liberty.  “ It  was  too  grave  a matter,”  he  rightly  added,  “ to  trust 
to  a third  party.”  (Carta  al  Emperador,  MS.)  The  treasurer  Espinall,  then  in  Cuzco, 
made  a similar  ineffectual  attempt  to  turn  Hernando  from  his  purpose. 

53  Carta  de  Espinall,  MS.— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  loc.  cit. — Carta  de  Valverde  al  Em- 
perador, MS. — Carta  de  Gutierrez,  MS. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Mon- 
tesinos, Annales,  MS.,  ano  1538. — The  date  of  Almagro’s  execution  is  not  given — a strange 
omission,  but  of  little  moment,  as  that  event  must  have  followed  soon  on  the  condemnadoa 
ai  Ante , vol.  i.,  p.  163. 


CHAP.  H.J 


CHARACTER  OF  ALMAGRO. 


99 


by  the  circumstances  of  his  situation.  For  what  extenuation  ig 
not  authorized  by  the  position  of  a foundling — without  parents, 
or  early  friends,  or  teacher  to  direct  him — his  little  bark  set 
adrift  on  the  ocean  of  life,  to  take  its  chance  among  the  rude 
billows  and  breakers,  without  one  friendly  hand  stretched  forth 
to  steer  or  to  save  it!  The  name  of  “foundling”  compre- 
hends an  apology  for  much,  very  much,  that  is  wrong  in  after- 
life.24 

He  was  a man  of  strong  passions,  and  not  too  well  used  to 
control  them.25  But  he  was  neither  vindictive  nor  habitually 
cruel.  I have  mentioned  one  atrocious  outrage  which  he  com- 
mitted on  the  natives.  But  insensibility  to  the  rights  of  the 
Indian  he  shared  with  many  a better  - instructed  Spaniard. 
Yet  the  Indians,  after  his  conviction,  bore  testimony  to  his 
general  humanity,  by  declaring  that  they  had  no  such  friend 
among  the  white  men.26  Indeed,  far  from  being  vindictive, 
he  was  placable,  and  easily  yielded  to  others.  The  facility 
with  which  he  yielded,  the  result  of  good-natured  credulity, 
made  him  too  often  the  dupe  of  the  crafty ; and  it  showed, 
certainly,  a want  of  that  self-reliance  which  belongs  to  great 
strength  of  character.  Yet  his  facility  of  temper,  and  the  gen- 
erosity of  his  nature,  made  him  popular  with  his  followers. 
No  commander  was  ever  more  beloved  by  his  soldiers.  His 
generosity  was  often  carried  to  prodigality.  When  he  entered 
on  the  campaign  of  Chili,  he  lent  a hundred  thousand  gold 
ducats  to  the  poorer  cavaliers  to  equip  themselves,  and  after- 
ward gave  them  up  the  debt.27  He  was  profuse  to  ostentation. 

34  Montesinos,  for  want  of  a better  pedigree,  says,  “ He  was  the  son  of  his  own  great 
deeds,  and  such  has  been  the  parentage  of  many  a famous  hero  ! ” (Annales,  MS.,  ano 
1538.)  It  would  go  hard  with  a Castilian  if  he  could  not  make  out  something  like  a gene- 
alogy — however  shadowy. 

36  “ Hera  vn  hombre  muy  profano,  de  muy  mala  lengua,  que  en  enojandose  tratava  muy 
mal  a todos  los  que  con  el  andavan  aunque  fueseD  cavalleros.”  (Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.) 
It  is  the  portrait  drawn  by  an  enemy. 

36  “ Los  Indios  lloraban  amargamente,  diciendo,  que  de  §1  nunca  recibieron  mal  trata- 
miento.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  5,  cap.  1. 

37  If  we  may  credit  Herrera,  he  distributed  a hundred  and  eighty  loads  of  silver  and 
twenty  of  gold  among  his  followers  ! “ Mando  sacar  de  9U  Posada  mas  de  ciento  i ochenta 
cargas  de  Plata  i veinte  de  Oro,  i las  repartid.”  (Dec.  5,  lib.  7,  cap.  9.)  A load  was  what 
a man  could  easily  carry.  Such  a statement  taxes  our  credulity  ; but  it  ia  difficult  to  set 
the  proper  limits  to  one’s  credulity  in  what  relates  to  this  land  of  gold. 


IOO  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 

But  his  extravagance  did  him  no  harm  among  the  roving 
spirits  of  the  camp,  with  whom  prodigality  is  apt  to  gain  more 
favor  than  a strict  and  well-regulated  economy. 

He  was  a good  soldier,  careful  and  judicious  in  his  plans, 
patient  and  intrepid  in  their  execution.  His  body  was 
covered  with  the  scars  of  his  battles,  till  the  natural  plainness 
of  his  person  was  converted  almost  into  deformity.  He  must 
not  be  judged  by  his  closing  campaign,  when,  depressed  by 
disease,  he  yielded  to  the  superior  genius  of  his  rival,  but  by 
his  numerous  expeditions  by  land  and  by  water  for  the  con- 
quest of  Peru  and  the  remote  Chili.  Yet  it  may  be  doubted 
whether  he  possessed  those  uncommon  qualities,  either  as  a 
warrior  or  as  a man,  that,  in  ordinary  circumstances,  would 
have  raised  him  to  distinction.  He  was  one  of  the  three,  or, 
to  speak  more  strictly,  of  the  two,  associates  who  had  the  good 
fortune  and  the  glory  to  make  one  of  the  most  splendid  dis- 
coveries in  the  Western  World.  He  shares  largely  in  the 
credit  of  this  with  Pizarro  ; for  when  he  did  not  accompany 
that  leader  in  his  perilous  expeditions  he  contributed  no  less  to 
their  success  by  his  exertions  in  the  colonies. 

Yet  his  connection  with  that  chief  can  hardly  be  considered 
a fortunate  circumstance  in  his  career.  A partnership  between 
individuals  for  discovery  and  conquest  is  not  likely  to  be  very 
scrupulously  observed,  especially  by  men  more  accustomed  to 
govern  others  than  to  govern  themselves.  If  causes  for  discord 
do  not  arise  before,  they  will  be  sure  to  spring  up  on  division 
of  the  spoil.  But  this  association  was  particularly  ill  assorted. 
For  the  free,  sanguine,  and  confiding  temper  of  Almagro  was 
no  match  for  the  cool  and  crafty  policy  of  Pizarro  ; and  he  was 
invariably  circumvented  by  his  companion  whenever  their  re- 
spective interests  came  in  collision. 

Still,  the  final  ruin  of  Almagro  may  be  fairly  imputed  to 
himself.  He  made  two  capital  blunders.  The  first  was  his 
appeal  to  arms  by  the  seizure  of  Cuzco.  The  determination 
of  a boundary-line  was  not  to  be  settled  by  arms.  It  was  a 
subject  for  arbitration ; and  if  arbitrators  could  not  be  trusted, 
it  should  have  been  referred  to  the  decision  of  the  crown.  But, 


CHAP.  III.] 


PIZARRO  REVISITS  CUZCO. 


IOI 


having  once  appealed  to  arms,  he  should  not  then  have  resorted 
to  negotiation — above  all,  to  negotiation  with  Pizarro.  This 
was  his  second  and  greatest  error.  He  had  seen  enough  of  Pi- 
zarro to  know  that  he  was  not  to  be  trusted.  Almagro  did  trust 
him ; and  he  paid  for  it  with  his  life. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Pizarro  Revisits  Cuzco. — Hernando  Returns  to  Castile. — His  Long  Im- 
prisonment.— Commissioner  sent  to  Peru. — Hostilities  with  the  Inca. 
— Pizarro’s  Active  Administration. — Gonzalo  Pizarro. 

1539—1540. 

On  the  departure  of  his  brother  in  pursuit  of  Almagro,  the 
Marquis  Francisco  Pizarro,  as  we  have  seen,  returned  to  Lima. 
There  he  anxiously  awaited  the  result  of  the  campaign  ; and  on 
receiving  the  welcome  tidings  of  the  victory  of  Las  Salinas  he 
instantly  made  preparations  for  his  march  to  Cuzco.  At  Xauxa, 
however,  he  was  long  detained  by  the  distracted  state  of  the 
country,  and  still  longer,  as  it  would  seem,  by  a reluctance  to 
enter  the  Peruvian  capital  while  the  trial  of  Almagro  was 
pending. 

He  was  met  at  Xauxa  by  the  marshal’s  son  Diego,  who  had 
been  sent  to  the  coast  by  Hernando  Pizarro.  The  young 
man  was  filled  with  the  most  gloomy  apprehensions  respect- 
ing his  father’s  fate,  and  he  besought  the  governor  not  to 
allow  his  brother  to  do  him  any  violence.  Pizarro,  who  re- 
ceived Diego  with  much  apparent  kindness,  bade  him  take 
heart,  as  no  harm  should  come  to  his  father ; 1 adding  that 
he  trusted  their  ancient  friendship  would  soon  be  renewed. 
The  youth,  comforted  by  these  assurances,  took  his  way  to 
Lima,  where,  by  Pizarro’s  orders,  he  was  received  into  his 
house  and  treated  as  a son. 


x M I dixo,  que  no  tuviese  ninguna  pena,  porque  no  consentiria  que  su  Padre  fuesc  mue? 
tth”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  6.  cap.  3. 


102 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS . [book  iv. 


The  same  assurances  respecting  the  marshal’s  safety  were 
given  by  the  governor  to  Bishop  Valverde,  and  some  of  the 
principal  cavaliers  who  interested  themselves  in  behalf  of  the 
prisoner.2  Still  Pizarro  delayed  his  march  to  the  capital ; and 
when  he  resumed  it  he  had  advanced  no  farther  than  the  Rio 
de  Abancay  when  he  received  tidings  of  the  death  of  his  rival. 
He  appeared  greatly  shocked  by  the  intelligence.  His  whole 
frame  was  agitated,  and  he  remained  for  some  time  with  hi? 
eyes  bent  on  the  ground,  showing  signs  of  strong  emotion.3 

Such  is  the  account  given  by  his  friends.  A more  probable 
version  of  the  matter  represents  him  to  have  been  perfectly 
aware  of  the  state  of  things  at  Cuzco.  When  the  trial  was 
concluded,  it  is  said,  he  received  a message  from  Hernando, 
inquiring  what  was  to  be  done  with  the  prisoner.  He  answered 
in  a few  words — “ Deal  with  him  so  that  he  shall  give  us  no 
more  trouble.”4  It  is  also  stated  that  Hernando  afterward, 
when  laboring  under  the  obloquy  caused  by  Almagro’s  death, 
shielded  himself  under  instructions  affirmed  to  have  been  re- 
ceived from  the  governor.5  It  is  quite  certain  that  during  his 
long  residence  at  Xauxa  the  latter  was  in  constant  communi- 
cation with  Cuzco,  and  that  had  he,  as  Valverde  repeatedly 
urged  him,6  quickened  his  march  to  that  capital,  he  might 
easily  have  prevented  the  consummation  of  the  tragedy.  As 
commander-in-chief,  Almagro’s  fate  was  in  his  hands  ; and  what- 
ever his  own  partisans  may  affirm  of  his  innocence,  the  impar- 
tial judgment  of  history  must  hold  him  equally  accountable  with 
Hernando  for  the  death  of  his  associate. 

a “ Que  lo  haria  asi  como  lo  decia,  i que  su  deseono  era  otro,  sino  ver  el  Reino  enpaz; 
i que  en  lo  que  tocaba  al  Adelantado,  perdiese  cuidado,  que  bolveria  £ tener  el  antigua 
amistad  con  dl.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  9. 

8 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Heeven  shed  many  tears,  derramS  muchas 
lagrimas,  according  to  Herrera,  who  evidently  gives  him  small  credit  for  them.  Ibid., 
dec.  6,  lib.  6,  cap.  7. — Conf.,  lib.  5,  cap.  1. 

4 “Respondid,  que  hiciese  de  manera,  que  el  Adelantado  no  los  pusiese  en  mas  alboro- 
tos.”  (Ibid.,  dec.  6.  lib.  6,  cap.  7.)  “ De  Vodo  esto,”  says  Espinall,  “ file  sabidor  eldicho 

Governador  Pizarro  £ lo  que  mi  julcio  el  de  otros  que  en  ello  quisieron  mirar  alcanzo.** 
Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. 

0 Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  5,  cap.  1. — Herrera’s  testimony  is  little  short  of  that 
of  a contemporary,  since  it  was  derived,  he  tells  us,  from  the  correspondence  of  the  Co or 
querors,  and  the  accounts  given  him  by  their  own  sons.  Lib.  6,  cap.  7. 

• Carta  de  Valverde  al  Emperador,  MS. 


chap,  in.]  PIZARRO  REVISITS  CUZCO.  IO3 

Neither  did  his  subsequent  conduct  show  any  remorse  for 
these  proceedings.  He  entered  Cuzco,  says  one  who  was  pres- 
ent there  to  witness  it,  amid  the  flourish  of  clarions  and  trum- 
pets, at  the  head  of  his  martial  cavalcade,  and  dressed  in  the 
rich  suit  presented  him  by  Cortes,  with  the  proud  bearing  and 
joyous  mien  of  a conqueror.7  When  Diego  de  Alvarado  ap- 
plied to  him  for  the  government  of  the  southern  provinces,  in 
the  name  of  the  young  Almagro,  whom  his  father,  as  we  have 
seen,  had  consigned  to  his  protection,  Pizarro  answered  that 
“ the  marshal,  by  his  rebellion,  had  forfeited  all  claims  to  the 
government.”  And  when  he  was  still  further  urged  by  the 
cavalier,  he  bluntly  broke  off  the  conversation  by  declaring 
that  “ his  own  territory  covered  all  on  this  side  of  Flanders  ! ” 8 
— intimating,  no  doubt,  by  this  magnificent  vaunt,  that  he 
would  endure  no  rival  on  this  side  of  the  water. 

In  the  same  spirit,  he  had  recently  sent  to  supersede  Benal- 
cazar,  the  conqueror  of  Quito,  who,  he  was  informed,  aspired 
to  an  independent  government.  Pizarro’s  emissary  had  orders 
to  send  the  offending  captain  to  Lima ; but  Benalcazar,  after 
pushing  his  victorious  career  far  into  the  north,  had  returned  to 
Castile  to  solicit  his  guerdon  from  the  emperor. 

To  the  complaints  of  the  injured  natives  who  invoked  his 
protection,  he  showed  himself  strangely  insensible,  while  the 
followers  of  Almagro  he  treated  with  undisguised  contempt. 
The  estates  of  the  leaders  were  confiscated,  and  transferred 
without  ceremony  to  his  own  partisans.  Hernando  had  made 
attempts  to  conciliate  some  of  the  opposite  faction  by  acts 
of  liberality,  but  they  had  refused  to  accept  anything  from 
the  man  whose  hands  were  stained  with  the  blood  of  their 
commander.9  The  governor  offered  them  no  such  encourage- 
ment ; and  many  were  reduced  to  such  abject  poverty  that,  too 

T “ En  este  medio  tiempo  vino  d la  dicha  cibdad  del  Cuzco  el  Gobernador  D.  Fran00  Piz- 
arro, el  qual  entro  con  tronpetas  i chirimias  vestido  con  ropa  de  martas  que  fue  el  luto  con 
que  entro.”  Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. 

8 Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. — “ Mui  asperamente  le  respondid  el  Govemador,  diciendo,  que 
su  Govemadon  no  tenia  Termino,  i que  ilegaba  hasta  Flandes.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  6,  lib.  6,  cap,  7. 

9 “ Avia  querldo  barer  amigos  de  los  princrpales  de  Chile,  y ofrecidoles  daria  rreparti- 
listen  tos  y no  lo  avian  aceptado  m querido.”  Pedro  Pizarroj  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


104 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  it. 


proud  to  expose  their  wretchedness  to  the  eyes  of  their  conquer- 
ors, they  withdrew  from  the  city  and  sought  a retreat  among 
the  neighboring  mountains.10 

For  his  own  brothers  he  provided  by  such  ample  repartimien- 
tos  as  excited  the  murmurs  of  his  adherents.  He  appointed 
Gonzalo  to  the  command  of  a strong  force  destined  to  act 
against  the  natives  of  Charcas,  a hardy  people  occupying  the 
territory  assigned  by  the  crown  to  Almagro.  Gonzalo  met  with 
a sturdy  resistance,  but,  after  some  severe  fighting,  succeeded 
in  reducing  the  province  to  obedience.  He  was  recompensed, 
together  with  Hernando,  who  aided  him  in  the  conquest,  by  a 
large  grant  in  the  neighborhood  of  Porco,  the  productive  mines 
of  which  had  been  partially  wrought  under  the  Incas.  The  terri- 
tory thus  situated  embraced  part  of  those  silver  hills  of  Potosi 
which  have  since  supplied  Europe  with  such  stores  of  the  pre- 
cious metals.  Hernando  comprehended  the  capabilities  of  the 
ground,  and  he  began  working  the  mines  on  a more  extensive 
scale  than  that  hitherto  adopted  ; though  it  does  not  appear 
that  any  attempt  was  then  made  to  penetrate  the  rich  crust  of 
Potosi.11  A few  years  more  were  to  elapse  before  the  Spaniards 
were  to  bring  to  light  the  silver  quarries  that  lay  hidden  in  the 
bosom  of  its  mountains.12 

It  was  now  the  great  business  of  Hernando  to  collect  a suf- 
ficient quantity  of  treasure  to  take  with  him  to  Castile.  Nearly 
a year  had  elapsed  since  Almagro’s  death,  and  it  was  full  time 
that  he  should  return  and  present  himself  at  court,  where  Diego 
de  Alvarado  and  other  friends  of  the  marshal,  who  had  long 
since  left  Peru,  were  industriously  maintaining  the  claims  of 


i°  «»  Viendolas  oy  en  dia,  muertos  de  ambre,  fechos  pedazos  e adeudados,  andando  por 
los  montes  desesperados  por  no  parecer  ante  gentes,  porque  no  tienen  otra  cosa  que  se 
vestir  sino  ropa  de  los  Indios,  ni  dineros  con  que  lo  comprar.”  Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. 

11  “Con  la  quietud,”  writes  Hernando  Pizarro  to  the  emperor,  “questa  tierra  agora 
tiene  han  descubierto  i descubren  cada  dia  los  vecinos  muchas  minas  ricas  de  oro  i plata, 
de  que  los  quintos  i rentas  reales  de  V.  M.  cada  dia  se  le  ofrecen  i hacer  casa  d todo  el 
Mundo.”  Carta  al  Emperador,  MS.,  de  Puerto  Viejo,  6 de  Julio,  1539. 

Carta  de  Carbajal  al  Emperador,  MS.,  del  Cuzco,  3 de  Nov.  1539. — Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1539. — The  story  is  well  known 
of  the  manner  in  which  the  mines  of  Potosi  were  discovered  by  an  Indian,  who  pulled  a 
bush  out  of  the  ground  to  the  fibres  of  which  a quantity  of  silver  globules  was  attached. 
The  mine  was  not  registered  till  1545.  The  account  is  given  by  Acosta,  lib.  4,  cap.  6. 


CHAP,  in.]  HERNANDO  RETURNS  TO  CASTILE.  105 

the  younger  Almagro,  as  well  as  demanding  redress  for  the 
wrongs  done  to  his  father.  But  Hernando  looked  confidently 
to  his  gold  to  dispel  the  accusations  against  him. 

Before  his  departure,  he  counselled  his  brother  to  beware  of 
the  “men  of  Chili,”  as  Almagro’s  followers  were  called — des- 
perate men,  who  would  stick  at  nothing,  he  said,  for  revenge. 
He  besought  the  governor  not  to  allow  them  to  consort  together 
in  any  number  within  fifty  miles  of  his  person : if  he  did,  it 
would  be  fatal  to  him.  And  he  concluded  by  recommending 
a strong  body-guard  ; “for  I,”  he  added,  “ shall  not  be  here 
to  watch  over  you.”  But  the  governor  laughed  at  the  idle 
fears,  as  he  termed  them,  of  his  brother,  bidding  the  latter 
take  no  thought  of  him,  “ as  every  hair  in  the  heads  of  Alma- 
gro’s followers  was  a guarantee  for  his  safety.”  18  He  did  not 
know  the  character  of  his  enemies  so  well  as  Hernando. 

The  latter  soon  after  embarked  at  Lima,  in  the  summer  of 
1539.  He  did  not  take  the  route  of  Panama,  for  he  had  heard 
that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  authorities  there  to  detain  him. 
He  made  a circuitous  passage,  therefore,  by  way  of  Mexico, 
landing  in  the  Bay  of  Tehuantepec,  and  was  making  his  way 
across  the  narrow  strip  that  divides  the  great  oceans,  when  he 
was  arrested  and  taken  to  the  capital.  But  the  Viceroy  Men- 
doza did  not  consider  that  he  had  a right  to  detain  him,  and 
he  was  suffered  to  embark  at  Vera  Cruz  and  to  proceed  on  his 
voyage.  Still,  he  did  not  deem  it  safe  to  trust  himself  in 
Spain  without  further  advices.  He  accordingly  put  in  at  one 
of  the  Azores,  where  he  remained  until  he  could  communicate 
with  home.  He  had  some  powerful  friends  at  court,  and  by 
them  he  was  encouraged  to  present  himself  before  the  emperor. 
He  took  their  advice,  and,  shortly  after,  reached  the  Spanish 
coast  in  safety.14 

18  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  6,  cap.  io. — Zarate,  Oonq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap. 
12. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  142. — “No  consienta  vuestra  sefioria  que  se  junten 
diez  juntos  en  cinquenta  leguas  alrrededor  de  adonde  vuestra  sefioria  estuviere,  porque  si 
los  dexa  juntar  le  an  de  matar.  Si  & Vuestra  Sefioria  matan,  yo  negociare  mal  y de  vuestra 
sefioria  no  quedara  memoria.  Estas  palabras  dixo  Hernando  Pizarro  altas  que  todos  le 
oymos.  Y abra^ando  al  marquez  se  partio  y se  fue.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq..  MS. 

14  Carta  de  Hernando  Pizarro  al  Emperador,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib, 
6,  cap.  10. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1539. 


SO 6 CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 

The  court  was  at  Valladolid  ; but  Hernando,  who  made  his 
entrance  into  that  city  with  great  pomp  and  a display  of  his 
Indian  riches,  met  with  a reception  colder  than  he  had  antici- 
pated.15 For  this  he  was  mainly  indebted  to  Diego  de  Alva- 
rado, who  was  then  residing  there,  and  who,  as  a cavalier  of 
honorable  standing  and  of  high  connections,  had  considerable 
influence.  He  had  formerly,  as  we  have  seen,  by  his  timely 
interposition,  more  than  once  saved  the  life  of  Hernando  ; 
and  he  had  consented  to  receive  a pecuniary  obligation  from 
him  to  a large  amount.  But  all  was  now  forgotten  in  the 
recollection  of  the  wrong  do>^  to  his  commander  ; and,  true 
to  the  trust  reposed  in  him  by  that  chief  in  his  dying  hour,  he 
had  come  to  Spain  to  vindicate  the  claims  of  the  young  Al- 
magro. 

But,  although  coldly  received  at  first,  Hernando’s  presence, 
and  his  own  version  of  Hie  dispute  with  Almagro,  aided  by 
the  golden  arguments  wynch  he  dealt  with  no  stinted  hand, 
checked  the  current  of  indignation,  and  the  opinion  of  his 
judges  seemed  for  a time  suspended.  Alvarado,  a cavalier 
more  accustomed  to  the  prompt  and  decisive  action  of  a camp 
than  to  the  tortuous  intrigues  of  a court,  chafed  at  the  delay, 
and  challenged  Hernando  to  settle  their  quarrel  by  single  com- 
bat. But  his  prudent  adversary  had  no  desire  to  leave  the 
issue  to  such  an  ordeal ; and  the  affair  was  speedily  terminated 
by  the  death  of  Alvarado  himself,  which  happened  five  days 
after  the  challenge.  An  event  so  opportune  naturally  suggest- 
ed the  suspicion  of  poison.16 

But  his  accusations  had  not  wholly  fallen  to  the  ground ; 
and  Hernando  Pizarro  had  carried  measures  with  too  high  a 
hand,  and  too  grossly  outraged  public  sentiment,  to  be  permit- 
ted to  escape.  He  received  no  formal  sentence,  but  he  was 
imprisoned  in  the  strong  fortress  of  Medina  del  Campo,  where 
he  was  allowed  to  remain  for  twenty  years  ; when  in  1560,  after 
a generation  had  nearly  passed  away,  and  time  had  in  some  meas- 


16  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  143. 

ip,  Pcro  todo  lo  atajd  la  repen  tina  muerte  de  Diego  de  Alvarado,  que  sucedid  luego 
en  dnco  diaa>  no  sin  sospecha  de  veneno.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  8,  cap. 


CHAP.  IH.j 


HIS  LONG  IMPRISONMENT. 


107 


ure  thrown  its  softening  veil  over  the  past,  he  was  suffered  to 
regain  his  liberty.17  But  he  came  forth  an  aged  man,  bent 
down  with  infirmities,  and  broken  in  spirit — an  object  of  pity 
rather  than  indignation.  Rarely  has  retributive  justice  been 
meted  out  in  fuller  measure  to  offenders  so  high  in  authority — 
most  rarely  in  Castile.18 

Yet  Hernando  bore  this  long  imprisonment  with  an  equa- 
nimity which,  had  it  been  founded  on  principle,  might  com- 
mand our  respect.  He  saw  brothers  and  kindred,  all  on 
whom  he  leaned  for  support,  cut  off  one  after  another ; his 
fortune  in  part  confiscated,  while  he  was  involved  in  expensive 
litigation  for  the  remainder ; 19  his  fame  blighted,  his  career 
closed  in  an  untimely  hour,  himself  an  exile  in  the  heart  of  his 
own  country ; yet  he  bore  it  all  with  the  consistency  of  a cour- 
ageous spirit.  Though  very  old  when  released,  he  still  survived 
several  years,  and  continued  to  the  extraordinary  age  of  a hun- 
dred.20 He  lived  long  enough  to  see  friends,  rivals,  and  foes  all 
called  away  to  their  account  before  him. 

Hernando  Pizarro  was  in  many  respects  a remarkable  char- 
acter. He  was  the  eldest  of  the  brothers,  to  whom  he  was 
related  only  by  the  father’s  side,  for  he  was  born  in  wedlock, 
of  honorable  parentage  on  both  sides  of  his  house.  In  his  early 
years  he  received  a good  education — good  for  the  time.  He 
was  taken  by  his  father,  while  quite  young,  to  Italy,  and  there 
learned  the  art  of  war  under  the  Great  Captain.  Little  is 
known  of  his  history  after  his  return  to  Spain  ; but  when  his 

17  This  date  is  established  by  Quintana,  from  a legal  process  instituted  by  Hernando's 
grandson,  in  vindication  of  the  title  of  Marquis,  in  the  year  1625. 

18  Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Pizarro  y Orellana,  Varones  ilustres,  p.  341.— 
Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1539. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  142. 

19  Caro  de  Torres  gives  a royal  cedula  in  reference  to  the  working  of  the  silver  mines  of 
Porco,  still  owned  by  Hernando  Pizarro  in  1555  ; and  another  document  of  nearly  the  same 
date  noticing  his  receipt  of  ten  thousand  ducats  by  the  fleet  from  Peru.  (Historia  de  las 
Ordenes  militares,  Madrid,  1629,  p.  144.)  Hernando’s  grandson  was  created  by  Philip  IV. 
Marquis  of  the  Conquest,  Marques  de  la  Conquista , with  a liberal  pension  from  govern- 
ment. Pizarro  y Orellana,  Varones  ilustres,  p.  342,  and  discurso,  p.  72. 

*°  “ Multos  da,  Jupiter,  annos,”  is  the  greatest  boon,  in  Pizarro  y Orellana’s  opinion, 
that  Heaven  can  confer  ! “ Diole  Dios,  por  todo,  el  premio  mayor  desta  vida,  pues  fue  tan 

larga,  que  excedio  de  cien  anos.”  (Varones  ilustres,  p.  342.)  According  to  the  same 
somewhat  partial  authority,  Hernando  died,  as  he  had  lived,  in  the  odor  of  sanctity ! 

Viviendo  aprendcr  a morir,  y saber  morir,  quando  lleg6  la  muerte.” 


108  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 

brother  had  struck  out  for  himself  his  brilliant  career  of  discov* 
ery  in  Peru,  Hernando  consented  to  take  part  in  his  adventures. 

He  was  much  deferred  to  by  Francisco,  not  only  as  his  elder 
brother,  but  from  his  superior  education  and  his  knowledge  of 
affairs.  He  was  ready  in  his  perceptions,  fruitful  in  resources, 
and  possessed  of  great  vigor  in  action.  Though  courageous,  he 
was  cautious ; and  his  counsels,  when  not  warped  by  passion, 
were  wise  and  wary.  But  he  had  other  qualities,  which  more 
than  counterbalanced  the  good  resulting  from  excellent  parts 
and  attainments.  His  ambition  and  avarice  were  insatiable. 
He  was  supercilious  even  to  his  equals ; and  he  had  a vindic- 
tive temper,  which  nothing  could  appease.  Thus,  instead  of 
aiding  his  brother  in  the  Conquest,  he  was  the  evil  genius  that 
blighted  his  path.  He  conceived  from  the  first  an  unwarrant- 
able contempt  for  Almagro,  whom  he  regarded  as  his  brother’s 
rival,  instead  of  what  he  then  was,  the  faithful  partner  of  his 
fortunes.  He  treated  him  with  personal  indignity,  and,  by  his 
intrigues  at  court,  had  the  means  of  doing  him  sensible  injury. 
He  fell  into  Almagro’s  hands,  and  had  nearly  paid  for  these 
wrongs  with  his  life.  This  was  not  to  be  forgiven  by  Hernan- 
do, and  he  coolly  waited  for  the  hour  of  revenge.  Yet  the  exe- 
cution of  Almagro  was  a most  impolitic  act ; for  an  evil  passion 
can  rarely  be  gratified  with  impunity.  Hernando  thought  to 
buy  off  justice  with  the  gold  of  Peru.  He  had  studied  human 
nature  on  its  weak  and  wicked  side,  and  he  expected  to  profit 
by  It.  Fortunately,  he  was  deceived.  He  had,  indeed,  his 
revenge  ; but  the  hour  of  his  revenge  was  that  of  his  ruin. 

The  disorderly  state  of  Peru  was  such  as  to  demand  the  im- 
mediate interposition  of  the  crown.  In  the  general  license  that 
prevailed  there,  the  rights  of  the  Indian  and  of  the  Spaniard 
were  equally  trampled  under  foot.  Yet  the  subject  was  one  of 
great  difficulty ; for  Pizarro’s  authority  was  now  firmly  estab- 
lished over  the  country,  which  itself  was  too  remote  from 
Castile  to  be  readily  controlled  at  home.  Pizarro,  moreover, 
was  a man  not  easy  to  be  approached,  confident  in  his  own 
strength,  jealous  of  interference,  and  possessed  of  a fiery 
temper,  which  would  kindle  into  a flame  at  the  least  distrust 


chap,  hi.]  COMMISSIONER  SENT  TO  PERU. 


109 


of  the  government.  It  would  not  answer  to  send  out  a com- 
mission to  suspend  him  from  the  exercise  of  his  authority 
until  his  conduct  could  be  investigated,  as  was  done  with 
Cortes  and  other  great  colonial  officers,  on  whose  rooted 
loyalty  the  crown  could  confidently  rely.  Pizarro’s  loyalty 
sat,  it  was  feared,  too  lightly  on'him  to  be  a powerful  restraint 
on  his  movements  ; and  there  were  not  wanting  those  among 
his  reckless  followers  who,  in  case  of  extremity,  would  be  prompt 
to  urge  him  to  throw  off  his  allegiance  altogether  and  set  up  an 
independent  government  for  himself. 

Someone  was  to  be  sent  out,  therefore,  who  should  possess 
in  some  sort  a controlling,  or  at  least  concurrent,  power 
with  the  dangerous  chief,  while  ostensibly  he  should  act  only 
in  subordination  to  him.  The  person  selected  for  this  delicate 
mission  was  the  Licentiate  Vaca  de  Castro,  a member  of  the 
f Royal  Audience  of  Valladolid.  He  was  a learned  judge,  a man 
of  integrity  and  wisdom,  and,  though  not  bred,  to  arms,  had  so 
much  address  and  such  knowledge  of  character  as  would  enable 
him  readily  to  turn  the  resources  of  others  to  his  own  account. 

His  commission  was  guarded  in  a way  which  showed  the 
embarrassment  of  the  government.  He  was  to  appear  before 
Pizarro  in  the  capacity  of  a royal  judge  ; to  consult  with  him 
on  the  redress  of  grievances,  especially  with  reference  to  the 
unfortunate  natives ; to  concert  measures  for  the  prevention  of 
future  evils ; and,  above  all,  to  possess  himself  faithfully  of  the 
condition  of  the  country  in  all  its  details,  and  to  transmit  in- 
telligence of  it  to  the  court  of  Castile.  But  in  case  of 
Pizarro’s  death  he  was  to  produce  his  warrant  as  royal  gov- 
ernor, and  as  such  to  claim  the  obedience  of  the  authorities 
throughout  the  land.  Events  showed  the  wisdom  of  provid- 
ing for  this  latter  contingency.21 

The  licentiate,  thus  commissioned,  quitted  his  quiet  residence 
at  Valladolid,  embarked  at  Seville  in  the  autumn  of  1540,  and, 

31  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  146. — Hes* 
rera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6.  lib.  8,  cap.  9. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1540.— This  lat- 
ter writer  sees  nothing  short  of  a “divine  mystery”  in  this  forecast  of  government,  so 
smgularly  sustained  by  events  : “ pjevencion  del  gran  espiritu  del  Rey,  no  sin  misterio.” 
Ubi  9upra. 


IIO  CIViL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 

after  a tedious  voyage  across  the  Atlantic,  he  traversed  the 
Isthmus,  and,  encountering  a succession  of  tempests  on  the  Pa- 
cific that  had  nearly  sent  his  frail  bark  to  the  bottom,  put 
in  with  her,  a mere  wreck,  at  the  northerly  port  of  Buenaven- 
tura.22 The  affairs  of  the  country  were  in  a state  to  require 
his  presence. 

The  civil  war  which  had  lately  distracted  the  land  had  left 
it  in  so  unsettled  a state  that  the  agitation  continued  long  after 
the  immediate  cause  had  ceased.  This  was  especially  the 
case  among  the  natives.  In  the  violent  transfer  of  reparti- 
mientos,  the  poor  Indian  hardly  knew  to  whom  he  was  to  look 
as  his  master.  The  fierce  struggles  between  the  rival  chief- 
tains left  him  equally  in  doubt  whom  he  was  to  regard  as 
the  rulers  of  the  land.  As  to  the  authority  of  a common 
sovereign,  across  the  waters,  paramount  over  all,  he  held  that 
in  still  greater  distrust ; for  what  was  the  authority  which 
could  not  command  the  obedience  even  of  its  own  vas- 
sals?23 The  Inca  Manco  was  not  slow  in  taking  advantage 
of  this  state  of  feeling.  He  left  his  obscure  fastnesses  in  the 
depths  of  the  Andes,  and  established  himself  with  a strong 
body  of  followers  in  the  mountain-country  lying  between 
Cuzco  and  the  coast.  From  this  retreat  he  made  descents 
on  the  neighboring  plantations,  destroying  the  houses,  sweep- 
ing off  the  cattle,  and  massacring  the  people.  He  fell  on 
travellers  as  they  were  journeying  singly  or  in  caravans  from 
the  coast,  and  put  them  to  death — it  is  told  by  his  enemies 
— with  cruel  tortures.  Single  detachments  were  sent  against 
him  from  time  to  time,  but  without  effect.  Some  he  eluded, 
others  he  defeated,  and  on  one  occasion  cut  off  a party  of 
thirty  troopers,  to  a man.24 


99  Or,  as  the  port  should  rather  be  called.  Mala  Ventura , as  Pedro  Pizarro  punningly 
remarks  : “Tuvo  tan  mal  viaje  en  la  mar  que  vbo  de  desembarcar  en  la  Buena  Ventura, 
aunque  yo  la  llamo  Mala.”  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

*8  “ Plensan  que  les  mienten  los  que  aca  les  dizen  que  ai  un  gran  Sefior  en  Castilla, 
viendo  que  aca  pelean  unos  capitanes  contra  otros  ; y piensan  que  no  ai  otro  Rei  sino  aquel 
que  venze  al  otro,  porque  aca  entrellos  no  se  acostumbra  que  un  capitan  pelee  contra  otro, 
estando  entrambos  debaxo  de  un  Sefior.”  Carta  de  Valverde  al  Emperador,  MS. 

94  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib,  6,  cap.  7. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 
—Carta  de  Espinall,  MS.— Carta  de  Valverde  al  Emperador,  MS. 


Ohap.  in.]  HOSTILITIES  WITH  THE  INCA. 


Ill 


At  length  Pizarro  found  it  necessary  to  send  a considerable 
force  under  his  brother  Gonzalo  against  the  Inca.  The  hardy 
Indian  encountered  his  enemy  several  times  in  the  rough  passes 
of  the  Cordilleras.  He  was  usually  beaten,  and  sometimes 
with  heavy  loss,  which  he  repaired  with  astonishing  facility ; 
for  he  always  contrived  to  make  his  escape,  and  so  true  were 
his  followers  that,  in  defiance  of  pursuit  and  ambuscade,  he 
found  a safe  shelter  in  the  secret  haunts  of  the  sierra. 

Thus  baffled,  Pizarro  determined  to  try  the  effect  of  pacific 
overtures.  He  sent  to  the  Inca,  both  in  his  own  name  and  in 
that  of  the  Bishop  of  Cuzco,  whom  the  Peruvian  prince  held  in 
reverence,  to  invite  him  to  enter  into  negotiation.25  Manco 
acquiesced,  and  indicated,  as  he  had  formerly  done  with  Al- 
magro,  the  valley  of  Yucay  as  the  scene  of  it.  The  governor 
repaired  thither  at  the  appointed  time,  well  guarded,  and,  to 
propitiate  the  barbarian  monarch,  sent  him  a rich  present  by 
the  hands  of  an  African  slave.  The  slave  was  met  on  the 
route  by  a party  of  the  Inca’s  men,  who,  whether  with  or 
without  their  master’s  orders,  cruelly  murdered  him,  and  bore 
off  the  spoil  to  their  quarters.  Pizarro  resented  this  outrage 
by  another  yet  more  atrocious. 

Among  the  Indian  prisoners  was  one  of  the  Inca’s  wives,  a 
young  and  beautiful  woman,  to  whom  he  was  said  to  be  fondly 
attached.  The  governor  ordered  her  to  be  stripped  naked, 
bound  to  a tree,  and,  in  presence  of  the  camp,  to  be  scourged 
with  rods  and  then  shot  to  death  with  arrows.  The  wretched 
victim  bore  the  execution  of  the  sentence  with  surprising  forti- 
tude. She  did  not  beg  for  mercy,  where  none  was  to  be 
found.  Not  a complaint,  scarcely  a groan,  escaped  her  under 
the  infliction  of  these  terrible  torments.  The  iron  Conquerors 

26  The  Inca  declined  the  interview  with  the  bishop,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  seen  him 
pay  obeisance  by  taking  off  his  cap  to  Pizarro.  It  proved  his  inferiority  to  the  latter,  he 
said,  and  that  he  could  never  protect  him  against  the  governor.  The  passage  in  which 
this  is  related  is  curious.  “ Preguntando  k indios  del  inca  que  anda  aizado  que  si  sabe 
el  inca  que  yo  soi  venido  k la  tierra  en  nombre  de  S.  M.  para  defendellos,  dixo  que  mui 
bien  lo  sabia  y preguntado  que  porque  no  se  benia  k mi  de  paz,  dixo  el  indio  que  dezia  el 
Inca  que  porque  yo  quando  vine  hize  la  mocha  al  gobernador,  que  quiere  dezir  que  )e  quite 
el  bonete,  que  no  queria  venir  k mi  de  paz  ; que  el  no  havia  de  venir  de  paz  sino  k uno  que 
viniese  de  castilla  que  no  hiziese  la  mocha  al  gobernador,  porque  le  paresze  k el  que  este  h> 
podr£  defender  por  lo  que  ha  hecho  y no  otro.”  Carta  de  Val verde  al  Emperador,  MS, 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [booh  iv. 


1 12 

were  amazed  at  this  power  of  endurance  in  a delicate  woman, 
and  they  expressed  their  admiration,  while  they  condemned 
the  cruelty  of  their  commander — in  their  hearts.26  Yet  con- 
stancy under  the  most  excruciating  tortures  that  human  cruelty 
can  inflict  is  the  almost  universal  characteristic  of  the  American 
Indian. 

Pizarro  now  prepared,  as  the  most  effectual  means  of  check- 
ing these  disorders  among  the  natives,  to  establish  settlem«nts 
in  the  heart  of  the  disaffected  country.  These  settlements, 
which  received  the  dignified  name  of  cities,  might  be  regarded 
in  the  light  of  military  colonies.  The  houses  were  usually  built 
of  stone,  to  which  were  added  the  various  public  offices,  and 
sometimes  a fortress.  A municipal  corporation  was  organized. 
Settlers  were  invited  by  the  distribution  of  large  tracts  of  land 
in  the  neighborhood,  with  a stipulated  number  of  Indian  vassals 
to  each.  The  soldiers  then  gathered  there,  sometimes  accom- 
panied by  their  wives  and  families ; for  the  women  of  Castile 
seem  to  have  disdained  the  impediments  of  sex,  in  the  ardor 
of  conjugal  attachment,  or,  it  may  be,  of  romantic  adventure. 
A populous  settlement  rapidly  grew  up  in  the  wilderness,  afford- 
ing protection  to  the  surrounding  territory,  and  furnishing  a 
commercial  depot  for  the  country,  and  an  armed  force  ready  at 
all  times  to  maintain  public  order. 

Such  a settlement  was  that  now  made  at  Guamanga,  midway 
between  Cuzco  and  Lima,  which  effectually  answered  its  pur- 
pose by  guarding  the  communications  with  the  coast.27  An- 
other town  was  founded  in  the  mining  district  of  Charcas, 
under  the  appropriate  name  of  the  Villa  de  la  Plata,  the  “ City 

36  At  least  we  may  presume  they  did  so,  since  they  openly  condemn  him  in  their  ac- 
counts of  the  transaction.  I quote  Pedro  Pizarro,  not  disposed  to  criticise  the  conduct  of 
his  general  too  severely  : “ Se  tomo  una  muger  de  mango  ynga  que  le  queria  mucho  y se 
guardo,  creyendo  que  por  ella  saldria  de  paz.  Esta  muger  mando  matar  al  marquez  des- 
pues en  Yucay,  haziendola  varear  con  varas  y flechar  con  flechas  por  una  burla  que  mango 
ynga  le  hizo  que  aqui  contare,  y entiendo  yo  que  por  esta  crueldad  y otra  hermana 
del  ynga  que  mando  matar  en  Lima  quando  los  yndios  pusieron  cerco  sobrella  que  se 
11am  a va  A^arpay,  me  paresce  d mi  que  nuestro  seflor  le  castigo  en  el  fin  que  tuvo.”  Dea- 
cub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

97  Cieza  de  Leon  notices  the  uncommon  beauty  and  solidity  of  the  buildings  at  Gua- 
manga : “ La  qual  han  edificado  las  mayores  y mejores  casas  que  ay  en  todo  el  Peru,  to- 
das  de  piedra,  ladrillo,  y teja,  con  grande*  torres  : de  raanera  que  no  falta  aposentoa.  La 
plaga  esta  liana  y bien  grande.”  Cronica,  cap.  87. 


CH.  in.]  PIZARRO'S  ACTIVE  ADMINISTRATION.  1 1 3 

of  Silver.”  And  Pizarro,  who  journeyed  by  a circuitous  route 
along  the  shores  of  the  Southern  sea  toward  Lima,  established 
the  city  of  Arequipa,  since  arisen  to  such  commercial  celebrity. 

Once  more  in  his  favorite  capital  of  Lima,  the  governor 
found  abundant  occupation  in  attending  to  its  municipal  con- 
cerns, and  in  providing  for  the  expansive  growth  of  its  popula- 
tion. Nor  was  he  unmindful  of  the  other  rising  settlements  on 
the  Pacific.  He  encouraged  commerce  with  the  remoter  colonies 
north  of  Peru,  and  took  measures  for  facilitating  internal  inter- 
course. He  stimulated  industry  in  all  its  branches,  paying 
great  attention  to  husbandry,  and  importing  seeds  of  the  dif- 
ferent European  grains,  which  he  had  the  satisfaction,  in  a 
short  time,  to  see  thriving  luxuriantly  in  a country  where  the 
variety  of  soil  and  climate  afforded  a home  for  almost  every 
product.28  Above  all,  he  promoted  the  working  of  the  mines, 
which  already  began  to  make  such  returns  that  the  most  com- 
mon articles  of  life  rose  to  exorbitant  prices,  while  the  precious 
metals  themselves  seemed  the  only  things  of  little  value.  But 
they  soon  changed  hands  and  found  their  way  to  the  mother- 
country,  where  they  rose  to  their  true  level  as  they  mingled 
with  the  general  currency  of  Europe.  The  Spaniards  found 
that  they  had  at  length  reached  the  land  of  which  they  had 
been  so  long  in  search — the  land  of  gold  and  silver.  Emi- 
grants came  in  greater  numbers  to  the  country,  and,  spreading 
over  its  surface,  formed  in  the  increasing  population  the  most 
effectual  barrier  against  the  rightful  owners  of  the  soil.29 

Pizarro,  strengthened  by  the  arrival  of  fresh  adventurers, 
now  turned  his  attention  to  the  remoter  quarters  of  the  coun- 
try. Pedro  de  Valdivia  was  sent  on  his  memorable  expedition 
to  Chili ; and  to  his  own  brother  Gonzalo  the  governor  as- 
signed the  territory  of  Quito,  with  instructions  to  explore  the 
unknown  country  toward  the  east,  where,  as  report  said,  grew 
the  cinnamon.  As  this  chief,  who  had  hitherto  acted  but  a 

38  “ I con  que  id  comen^aba  £ haver  en  aquellas  Tierras  cosecha  de  Trigo,  Cerada,  i 
otras  muchas  cosas  de  Castilla.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  io,  cap.  2. 

Carta  de  Carvajal  al  Emperador,  MS. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afios  1539  et 
1341. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib,  7,  cap. 
x. — Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  76  et  alibi. 


114  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 

subordinate  part  in  the  Conquest,  is  henceforth  to  take  the 
most  conspicuous,  it  may  be  well  to  give  some  account  of  him. 

Little  is  known  of  his  early  life,  for  he  sprang  from  the  same 
obscure  origin  with  Francisco,  and  seems  to  have  been  as  little 
indebted  as  his  elder  brother  to  the  fostering  care  of  his  parents. 
He  entered  early  on  the  career  of  a soldier — a career  to  which 
every  man  in  that  iron  age,  whether  cavalier  or  vagabond, 
seems,  if  left  to  himself,  to  have  most  readily  inclined.  Here 
he  soon  distinguished  himself  by  his  skill  in  martial  exercises, 
was  an  excellent  horseman,  and,  when  he  came  to  the  New 
World,  was  esteemed  the  best  lance  in  Peru.30 

In  talent  and  in  expansion  of  views  he  was  inferior  to  his 
brothers.  Neither  did  he  discover  the  same  cool  and  crafty 
policy  ; but  he  was  equally  courageous,  and  in  the  execution 
of  his  measures  quite  as  unscrupulous.  He  had  a handsome 
person,  with  open,  engaging  features,  a free,  soldier-like  ad- 
dress, and  a confiding  temper,  which  endeared  him  to  his  fol- 
lowers. His  spirit  was  high  and  adventurous,  and,  what  was 
equally  important,  he  could  inspire  others  with  the  same  spirit, 
and  thus  do  much  to  insure  the  success  of  his  enterprises.  He 
was  an  excellent  captain  in  guerilla  warfare,  an  admirable 
leader  in  doubtful  and  difficult  expeditions;  but  he  had  not 
the  enlarged  capacity  for  a great  military  chief,  still  less  for  a 
civil  ruler.  It  was  his  misfortune  to  be  called  to  fill  both  situ- 
ations. 

30  The  cavalier  Pizarro  y Orellana  has  given  biographical  notices  of  each  of  the  brothers. 
It  requires  no  witchcraft  to  detect  that  the  blood  of  the  Pizarros  flowed  in  the  veins  of  the 
Writer  to  his  fingers’  ends.  Yet  his  facts  are  less  suspicious  than  his  inferences. 


chap.  iv.  J GONZALO  PIZAKRO'S  EXPEDITION'.  1 1 g 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro’s  Expedition. — -Passage  across  the  Mountains. — Discovers 
the  Napo. — Incredible  Sufferings. — Orellana  sails  down  the  Ama- 
zon.— Despair  of  the  Spaniards. — The  Survivors  return  to  Quito. 

1540—1542. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  received  the  news  of  his  appointment  to 
the  government  of  Quito  with  undisguised  pleasure  ; not  so 
much  for  the  possession  that  it  gave  him  of  this  ancient  Indian 
province,  as  for  the  field  that  it  opened  for  discovery  toward 
lie  east — the  fabled  land  for  Oriental  spices,  which  had  long 
captivated  the  imagination  of  the  Conquerors.  He  repaired  to 
his  government  without  delay,  and  found  no  difficulty  in 
awakening  a kindred  enthusiasm  to  his  own  in  the  bosoms  of 
his  followers.  In  a short  time  he  mustered  three  hundred  and 
fifty  Spaniards  and  four  thousand  Indians.  One  hundred  and 
fifty  of  his  company  were  mounted,  and  all  were  equipped  in 
the  most  thorough  manner  for  the  undertaking.  He  provided, 
moreover,  against  famine  by  a large  stock  of  provisions,  and  an 
immense  drove  of  swine  which  followed  in  the  rear.1 

It  was  the  beginning  of  1540  when  he  set  out  on  this  cele- 
brated expedition.  The  first  part  of  the  journey  was  attended 
with  comparatively  little  difficulty,  while  the  Spaniards  were 
yet  in  the  land  of  the  Incas  ; for  the  distractions  of  Peru  had 
not  been  felt  in  this  distant  province,  where  the  simple  people 
still  lived  as  under  the  primitive  sway  of  the  Children  of  the 
Sun.  But  the  scene  changed  as  they  entered  the  territory  of 
Quixos,  where  the  character  of  the  inhabitants,  as  well  as  of 
the  climate,  seemed  to  be  of  another  description.  The  country 


1 Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  8,  cap.  6,  7. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real,,  Parte  2,  lib, 
3,  cap.  2. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib,  4,  cap.  1,  2. — Gomara,  Hist  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  143. 
— Montesinos,  Annales,  ano  1539. — Historians  differ  as  to  the  number  of  Gonzalo’s  forces 
— of  his  men,  his  horses,  and  his  hogs.  The  last,  according  to  Herrera,  amounted  to  no 
less  than  5,000  : a goodly  supply  of  bacon  for  so  small  a troop,  since  the  Indians,  doubtless, 
lived  on  parched  com,  coca , which  usually  formed  their  only  support  on  the  longest  jour- 
neys. 


Il6  • 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS . [book  iv. 


was  traversed  by  lofty  ranges  of  the  Andes,  and  the  adventurers 
were  soon  entangled  in  their  deep  and  intricate  passes.  As 
they  rose  into  the  more  elevated  regions,  the  icy  winds  that 
swept  down  the  sides  of  the  Cordilleras  benumbed  their  limbs, 
and  many  of  the  natives  found  a wintry  grave  in  the  wilderness. 
While  crossing  this  formidable  barrier,  they  experienced  one  of 
those  tremendous  earthquakes  which,  in  these  volcanic  regions, 
so  often  shake  the  mountains  to  their  base.  In  one  place,  the 
earth  was  rent  asunder  by  the  terrible  throes  of  Nature,  while 
streams  of  sulphurous  vapor  issued  from  the  cavity,  and  a vil- 
lage with  some  hundreds  of  houses  was  precipitated  into  the 
frightful  abyss ! 2 

On  descending  the  eastern  slopes,  the  climate  changed  ; and 
as  they  came  on  the  lower  level  the  fierce  cold  was  succeeded 
by  a suffocating  heat,  while  tempests  of  thunder  and  lightning, 
rushing  from  out  the  gorges  of  the  sierra,  poured  on  their  heads 
with  scarcely  any  intermission  day  or  night,  as  if  the  offended 
deities  of  the  place  were  willing  to  take  vengeance  on  the  in- 
vaders of  their  mountain  solitudes.  For  more  than  six  weeks 
the  deluge  continued  unabated,  and  the  forlorn  wanderers,  wet, 
and  weary  with  incessant  toil,  were  scarcely  able  to  drag  their 
limbs  along  the  soil  broken  up  and  saturated  with  the  moisture. 
After  some  months  of  toilsome  travel,  in  which  they  had  to  cross 
many  a morass  and  mountain  stream,  they  at  length  reached 
Canelas,  the  Land  of  Cinnamon.3  They  saw  the  trees  bearing 
the  precious  bark,  spreading  out  into  broad  forests ; yet,  how- 
ever valuable  an  article  for  commerce  it  might  have  proved  in 
accessible  situations,  in  these  remote  regions  it  was  of  little 
worth  to  them.  But,  from  the  wandering  tribes  of  savages 
whom  they  had  occasionally  met  in  their  path,  they  learned 
that  at  ten  days’  distance  was  a rich  and  fruitful  land,  abound- 
ing with  gold  and  inhabited  by  populous  nations.  Gonzalo 


* Zarate  states  the  number  with  precision  at  five  hundred  houses  : “ Sobrevino  vn  tan 
gran  Terremoto,  con  temblor,  i tempestad  de  Agua,  i Relampagos,  i Raios,  i grandes 
Truenos,  que  abriendose  la  Tierra  por  muchas  partes,  se  hundieron  quinientas  Casas.” 
(Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  2.)  There  is  nothing  so  satisfactory  to  the  mind  of  the  reader 
as  precise  numbers ; and  nothing  so  little  deserving  of  his  confidence. 

8 Cane  la  is  the  Spanish  for  cinnamon. 


chap,  iv.]  GONZALO  PIZARRO'S  EXPEDITION \ 


II 7 

Pizarro  had  already  reached  the  limits  originally  proposed  for 
the  expedition.  But  this  intelligence  renewed  his  hopes,  and 
he  resolved  to  push  the  adventure  farther.  It  would  have  been 
well  for  him  and  his  followers  had  they  been  content  to  return 
on  their  footsteps. 

Continuing  their  march,  the  country  now  spread  out  into 
broad  savannas  terminated  by  forests  which,  as  they  drew  near, 
seemed  to  stretch  on  every  side  to  the  very  verge  of  the 
horizon.  Here  they  beheld  trees  of  that  stupendous  growth 
seen  only  in  the  equinoctial  regions.  Some  were  so  large  that 
sixteen  men  could  hardly  encompass  them  with  extended  arms  ! 4 
The  wood  was  thickly  matted  with  creepers  and  parasitical  vines, 
which  hung  in  gaudy-colored  festoons  from  tree  to  tree,  cloth- 
ing them  in  a drapery  beautiful  to  the  eye,  but  forming  an  im- 
penetrable network.  At  every  step  of  their  way  they  were 
obliged  to  hew  open  a passage  with  their  axes,  while  their  gar- 
ments, rotting  from  the  effects  of  the  drenching  rains  to  which 
they  had  been  exposed,  caught  in  every  bush  and  bramble,  and 
hung  about  them  in  shreds.5  Their  provisions,  spoiled  by  the 
weather,  had  long  since  failed,  and  the  live  stock  which  they 
had  taken  with  them  had  either  been  consumed  or  made  their 

4 This,  allowing  six  feet  for  the  spread  of  a man’s  arms,  would  be  about  ninety-six  feet 
in  circumference,  or  thirty-two  feet  in  diameter — larger,  probably,  than  the  largest  tree 
known  in  Europe.  Yet  it  falls  short  of  that  famous  giant  of  the  forest  mentioned  by  M.  de 
Humboldt  as  still  flourishing  in  the  intendancy  of  Oaxaca,  which,  by  the  exact  measure- 
ment of  a traveller  in  1839,  was  found  to  be  a hundred  and  twelve  feet  in  circumference  at 
the  height  of  four  feet  from  the  ground.  This  height  may  correspond  with  that  of  the 
measurement  taken  by  the  Spaniards.  See  a curious  and  learned  article  on  Forest-trees 
in  No.  124  of  the  North  American  Review. 

6 The  dramatist  Molina,  in  his  play  of*4  Las  Amazonas  en  las  Indias has  devoted 
some  dozen  columns  of  redondillas  to  an  account  of  the  sufferings  of  his  countrymen  in 
the  expedition  to  the  Amazon.  The  poet  reckoned  confidently  on  the  patience  of  his  audi- 
ence. The  following  verse  describes  the  miserable  condition  to  which  the  Spaniards  were 
reduced  by  the  incessant  rains  : 

“ Sin  que  el  Sol  en  este  tiempo 
Su  cara  ver  nos  permita, 

Ni  las  nubes  taberneras 
Cessen  de  echamos  encima 
Dilubios  inagotables, 

Que  kasta  el  ahna  nos  bautizcffl • 

Cayeron  los  mas  enfermos, 

Porque  las  ropas  podridas 
Con  el  eterno  agua  v£, 

Nos  dexo  en  las  carnes  vivas.Wj 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


T 1 8 

escape  in  the  woods  and  mountain  passes.  They  had  set  out 
with  nearly  a thousand  dogs,  many  of  them  of  the  ferocious  breed 
used  in  hunting  down  the  unfortunate  natives.  These  they  now 
gladly  killed,  but  their  miserable  carcasses  furnished  a lean 
banquet  for  the  famishing  travellers  ; and  when  these  were  gone 
they  had  only  such  herbs  and  dangerous  roots  as  they  could 
gather  in  the  forest.6 

At  length  the  way-worn  company  came  on  a broad  expanse 
of  water  formed  by  the  Napo,  one  of  the  great  tributaries  of  the 
Amazon,  and  which,  though  only  a third-  or  fourth-rate  river 
in  America,  would  pass  for  one  of  the  first  magnitude  in  the 
Old  World.  The  sight  gladdened  their  hearts,  as  by  winding 
along  its  banks  they  hoped  to  find  a safer  and  more  practicable 
route.  After  traversing  its  borders  for  a considerable  distance, 
closely  beset  with  thickets  which  it  taxed  their  strength  to  the 
utmost  to  overcome,  Gonzalo  and  his  party  came  within  hear- 
ing of  a rushing  noise  that  sounded  like  subterranean  thunder. 
The  river,  lashed  into  fury,  tumbled  along  over  rapids  with 
frightful  velocity,  and  conducted  them  to  the  brink  of  a mag- 
nificent cataract,  which,  to  their  wondering  fancies,  rushed 
down  in  one  vast  volume  of  foam  to  the  depth  of  twelve  hun- 
dred feet  ! 7 The  appalling  sounds  which  they  had  heard  for  the 
distance  of  six  leagues  were  rendered  yet  more  oppressive  to  the 
spirits  by  the  gloomy  stillness  of  the  surrounding  forests.  The 
rude  warriors  were  filled  with  sentiments  of  awe.  Not  a bark 
dimpled  the  waters.  No  living  thing  was  to  be  seen  but  the 

6 Capitulacion  con  Orellana,  MS. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Gomara, 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  143. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  2. — Herrera,  Hist,  gen- 
eral, dec.  6,  lib.  8,  cap.  6,  7. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  2. — The  last 
writer  obtained  his  information,  as  he  tells  us,  from  several  who  were  present  in  the  expe- 
dition. The  reader  may  be  assured  that  it  has  lost  nothing  in  coming  through  his 
hands. 

7 “ A1  cabo  de  este  largo  camino  hallaron  que  el  rio  hazia  vn  salto  de  una  pena  de  mas 
de  dozientas  bragas  de  alto  : que  hazia  tan  gran  ruydo,  que  lo  oyeron  mas  de  seys  leguas 
antes  que  llegassen  a el.”  (Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  3.)  I find  noth- 
ing to  confirm  or  to  confute  the  account  of  this  stupendous  cataract  in  later  travellers, 
not  very  numerous  in  these  wild  regions.  The  alleged  height  of  the  falls,  twice  that  of 
the  great  cataract  of  the  Tequendama  in  the  Bogota,  as  measured  by  Humboldt,  usually 
esteemed  the  highest  in  America,  is  not  so  great  as  that  of  some  of  the  cascades  thrown 
over  the  precipices  in  Switzerland.  Yet  the  estimates  of  the  Spaniards,  who,  in  the  gloomy 
state  of  their  feelings,  were  doubtless  keenly  alive  to  impressions  of  the  sublime  and  the  tei> 
rible,  cannot  safely  be  relied  on* 


CHAP.  IV.] 


DISCOVERS  THE  NAPO. 


1 19 


wild  tenants  of  the  wilderness,  the  unwieldy  boa,  and  the  loath- 
some alligator  basking  on  the  borders  of  the  stream.  The  trees 
towering  in  widespread  magnificence  toward  the  heavens,  the 
river  rolling  on  in  its  rocky  bed  as  it  had  rolled  for  ages,  the 
solitude  and  silence  of  the  scene,  broken  only  by  the  hoarse 
fall  of  waters  or  the  faint  rustling  of  the  woods — all  seemed  to 
spread  out  around  them  in  the  same  wild  and  primitive  state  as 
when  they  came  from  the  hands  of  the  Creator. 

For  some  distance  above  and  below  the  falls,  the  bed  of  the 
river  contracted  so  that  its  width  did  not  exceed  twenty  feet. 
Sorely  pressed  by  hunger,  the  adventurers  determined,  at  all 
hazards,  to  cross  to  the  opposite  side,  in  hopes  of  finding  a 
country  that  might  afford  them  sustenance.  A frail  bridge 
was  constructed  by  throwing  the  huge  trunks  of  trees  across  the 
chasm,  where  the  cliffs,  as  if  split  asunder  by  some  convulsion 
of  nature,  descended  sheer  down  a perpendicular  depth  of  sev- 
eral hundred  feet.  Over  this  airy  causeway  the  men  and 
horses  succeeded  in  effecting  their  passage,  with  the  loss  of  a 
single  Spaniard,  who,  made  giddy  by  heedlessly  looking  down, 
lost  his  footing  and  fell  into  the  boiling  surges  below. 

Yet  they  gained  little  by  the  exchange.  The  country  wore 
the  same  unpromising  aspect,  and  the  river-banks  were  studded 
with  gigantic  trees  or  fringed  with  impenetrable  thickets.  The 
tribes  of  Indians  whom  they  occasionally  met  in  the  pathless 
wilderness  were  fierce  and  unfriendly,  and  they  were  engaged 
in  perpetual  skirmishes  with  them.  From  these  they  learned 
that  a fruitful  country  was  to  be  found  down  the  river  at  the 
distance  of  only  a few  days’  journey,  and  the  Spaniards  held 
on  their  weary  way,  still  hoping  and  still  deceived,  as  the 
promised  land  flitted  before  them,  like  the  rainbow,  reced- 
ing as  they  advanced. 

At  length,  spent  with  toil  and  suffering,  Gonzalo  resolved  to 
construct  a bark  large  enough  to  transport  the  weaker  part  of 
his  company  and  his  baggage.  The  forests  furnished  him  with 
timber  ; the  shoes  of  the  horses  which  had  died  on  the  road  or 
been  slaughtered  for  food  were  converted  into  nails  ; gum  dis- 
tilled from  the  trees  took  the  place  of  pitch ; and  the  tattered 


120 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


garments  of  the  soldiers  supplied  a substitute  for  oakum.  It 
was  a work  of  difficulty ; but  Gonzalo  cheered  his  men  in  the 
task,  and  set  an  example  by  taking  part  in  their  labors.  At 
the  end  of  two  months  a brigantine  was  completed,  rudely  put 
together,  but  strong  and  of  sufficient  burden  to  carry  half  the 
company — the  first  vessel  constructed  by  Europeans  that  ever 
floated  on  these  inland  waters. 

Gonzalo  gave  the  command  to  Francisco  de  Orellana,  a cava- 
lier from  Truxillo,  on  whose  courage  and  devotion  to  himself 
he  thought  he  could  rely.  The  troops  now  moved  forward, 
still  following  the  descending  course  of  the  river,  while  the 
brigantine  kept  alongside  ; and  when  a bold  promontory  or 
more  impracticable  country  intervened,  it  furnished  timely  aid 
by  the  transportation  of  the  feebler  soldiers.  In  this  way  they 
journeyed,  for  many  a wearisome  week,  through  the  dreary 
wilderness  on  the  borders  of  the  Napo.  Every  scrap  of  pro- 
visions had  been  long  since  consumed.  The  last  of  their  horses 
had  been  devoured.  To  appease  the  gnawings  of  hunger,  they 
were  fain  to  eat  the  leather  of  their  saddles  and  belts.  The 
woods  supplied  them  with  scanty  sustenance,  and  they  greedily 
fed  upon  toads,  serpents,  and  such  other  reptiles  as  they  occa- 
sionally found.8 

They  were  now  told  of  a rich  district,  inhabited  by  a popu- 
lous nation,  where  the  Napo  emptied  into  a still  greater  river 
that  flowed  toward  the  east.  It  was,  as  usual,  at  the  distance 
of  several  days’  journey ; and  Gonzalo  Pizarro  resolved  to  halt 
where  he  was  and  send  Orellana  down  in  his  brigantine  to  the 
confluence  of  the  waters  to  procure  a stock  of  provisions,  with 
which  he  might  return  and  put  them  in  condition  to  resume 
their  march.  That  cavalier,  accordingly,  taking  with  him  fifty 
of  the  adventurers,  pushed  off  into  the  middle  of  the  river,  where 
the  stream  ran  swiftly,  and  his  bark,  taken  by  the  current,  shot 
forward  with  the  speed  of  an  arrow  and  was  soon  out  of  sight. 

8 u Yeruas  y rayzes,  y fruta  siluestre,  sapos,  y culebras,  y otras  malas  sauandijas,  si  las 
auia  por  aquellas  montanas  que  todo  les  hazia  buen  estomago  a los  Espanoles  ; que  peor 
les  yua  con  la  falta  de  cosas  tan  viles.”  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  4.— 
Capitulacion  con  Orellana,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  8,  cap.  7.^-Zarate. 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  3,  4. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  la6  Ind.,  cap.  Z43. 


chap,  iv.]  INCREDIBLE  SUFFERINGS.  12 1 

Days  and  weeks  passed  away,  yet  the  vessel  did  not  return  ; 
and  no  speck  was  to  be  seen  on  the  waters,  as  the  Spaniards 
strained  their  eyes  to  the  farthest  point,  where  the  line  of  light 
faded  away  in  the  dark  shadows  of  the  foliage  on  the  borders. 
Detachments  were  sent  out,  and,  though  absent  several  days, 
came  back  without  intelligence  of  their  comrades.  Unable 
longer  to  endure  this  suspense,  or,  indeed,  to  maintain  them- 
selves in  their  present  quarters,  Gonzalo  and  his  famishing  fol- 
lowers now  determined  to  proceed  toward  the  junction  of  the 
rivers.  Two  months  elapsed  before  they  accomplished  this  terri- 
ble journey — those  of  them  who  did  not  perish  on  the  way — 
although  the  distance  probably  did  not  exceed  two  hundred 
leagues ; and  they  at  length  reached  the  spot  so  long  desired, 
where  the  Napo  pours  its  tide  into  the  Amazon,  that  mighty 
stream  which,  fed  by  its  thousand  tributaries,  rolls  on  toward 
the  ocean,  for  many  hundred  miles,  through  the  heart  of  the 
great  continent — the  most  majestic  of  American  rivers. 

But  the  Spaniards  gathered  no  tidings  of  Orellana,  while  the 
country,  though  more  populous  than  the  region  they  had  left, 
was  as  little  inviting  in  its  aspect,  and  was  tenanted  by  a race 
yet  more  ferocious.  They  now  abandoned  the  hope  of  recover- 
ing their  comrades,  who  they  supposed  must  have  miserably 
perished  by  famine  or  by  the  hands  of  the  natives.  But  their 
doubts  were  at  length  dispelled  by  the  appearance  of  a white 
man  wandering  half-naked  in  the  woods,  in  whose  famine- 
stricken  countenance  they  recognized  the  features  of  one  of 
their  countrymen.  It  was  Sanchez  de  Vargas,  a cavalier  of 
good  descent,  and  much  esteemed  in  the  army.  He  had  a 
dismal  tale  to  tell. 

Orellana,  borne  swiftly  down  the  current  of  the  Napo,  had 
reached  the  point  of  its  confluence  with  the  Amazon  in  less 
than  three  days — accomplishing  in  this  brief  space  of  time  what 
had  cost  Pizarro  and  his  company  two  months.  He  had  found 
the  country  altogether  different  from  what  had  been  repre- 
sented ; and,  so  far  from  supplies  for  his  countrymen,  he  could 
barely  obtain  sustenance  for  himself.  Nor  was  it  possible  for 
him  to  return  as  he  had  come,  and  make  head  against  the  cur- 

P22 


VoL  2 


122 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.  [book  iv. 


rent  of  the  river  ; while  the  attempt  to  journey  by  land  was  an 
alternative  scarcely  less  formidable.  In  this  dilemma  an  idea 
flashed  across  his  mind.  It  was  to  launch  his  bark  at  once  on 
the  bosom  of  the  Amazon  and  descend  its  waters  to  its  mouth. 
He  would  then  visit  the  rich  and  populous  nations  that,  as 
report  said,  lined  its  borders,  sail  out  on  the  great  ocean,  cross 
to  the  neighboring  isles,  and  return  to  Spain  to  claim  the  glory 
and  the  guerdon  of  discovery.  The  suggestion  was  eagerly 
taken  up  by  his  reckless  companions,  welcoming  any  course  that 
would  rescue  them  from  the  wretchedness  of  their  present  exist- 
ence, and  fired  with  the  prospect  of  new  and  stirring  advent- 
ure— for  the  love  of  adventure  was  the  last  feeling  to  become 
extinct  in  the  bosom  of  the  Castilian  cavalier.  They  heeded 
little  their  unfortunate  comrades  whom  they  were  to  abandon 
in  the  wilderness  ! 9 

This  is  not  the  place  to  record  the  circumstances  of  Orel- 
lana’s extraordinary  expedition.  He  succeeded  in  his  enter- 
prise. But  it  is  marvellous  that  he  should  have  escaped 
shipwreck  in  the  perilous  and  unknown  navigation  of  that 
river.  Many  times  his  vessel  was  nearly  dashed  to  pieces 
on  its  rocks  and  in  its  furious  rapids ; 10  and  he  was  in  still 
greater  peril  from  the  warlike  tribes  on  its  borders,  who  fell 
on  his  little  troop  whenever  he  attempted  to  land,  and  fol- 
lowed in  his  wake  for  miles  in  their  canoes.  He  at  length 
emerged  from  the  great  river ; and,  once  upon  the  sea,  Orel- 
lana made  for  the  isle  of  Cubagua  ; thence  passing  over  to 
Spain,  he  repaired  to  court,  and  told  the  circumstances  of  his 
voyage — of  the  nations  of  Amazons  whom  he  had  found  on  the 


• This  statement  of  De  Vargas  was  confirmed  by  Orellana,  as  appears  from  the  language 
of  the  royal  grant  made  to  that  cavalier  on  his  return  to  Castile.  The  document  is  pre- 
served entire  in  the  Munoz  collection  of  MSS.  : “ Haviendo  vos  ido  con  ciertos  com- 

paneros  un  rio  abajo  4 buscar  comida,  con  lacorriente  fuistes  metidos  por  el  dicho  rio  mas 
de  200  leguas  donde  no  pudistes  dar  la  buelta  e por  esta  necesidad  6 por  la  mucho  noticia 
que  tuvistes  de  la  grandeza  e riqueza  de  la  tierra,  posponiendo  vuestro  peligro,  sin  interes 
ninguno  por  servir  4 S.  M.  os  aventurastes  4 saber  lo  que  havia  en  aquellas  provincias,  e 
ansi  descubristes  e hallastes  grandes  poblaciones.”  Capitulacion  con  Orellana,  MS. 

10  Condamine,  who.  in  1743,  went  down  the  Amazon,  has  often  occasion  to  notice  the 
perils  and  perplexities  in  which  he  was  involved  in  the  navigation  of  this  river,  too  difficult, 
as  he  says,  to  be  undertaken  without  the  guidance  of  a skilful  pilot.  (See  his  Relation 
abregee  d’un  Voyage  fait  dans  l’lnterieur  del’Amerique  Meridionale,  (Maestricht,  1778). 


chap,  iv.]  DESPAIR  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


123 


banks  of  the  river,  the  El  Dorado  which  report  assured  him 
existed  in  the  neighborhood,  and  other  marvels — the  exaggera- 
tion rather  than  the  coinage  of  a credulous  fancy.  His  audience 
listened  with  willing  ears  to  the  tales  of  the  traveller  ; and  in 
an  age  of  wonders,  when  the  mysteries  of  the  East  and  the  West 
were  hourly  coming  to  light,  they  might  be  excused  for  not 
discerning  the  true  line  between  romance  and  reality.11 

He  found  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  a commission  to  con- 
quer and  colonize  the  realms  he  had  discovered.  He  soon 
saw  himself  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  followers,  prepared  to 
share  the  perils  and  the  profits  of  his  expedition.  But  neither 
he  nor  his  country  was  destined  to  realize  these  profits. 
He  died  on  his  outward  passage,  and  the  lands  washed  by  the 
Amazon  fell  within  the  territories  of  Portugal.  The  unfort- 
unate navigator  did  not  even  enjoy  the  undivided  honor  of 
giving  his  name  to  the  waters  he  had  discovered.  He  enjoyed 
only  the  barren  glory  of  the  discovery,  surely  not  balanced 
by  the  iniquitous  circumstances  which  attended  it.12 

One  of  Orellana’s  party  maintained  a stout  opposition 
to  his  proceedings,  as  repugnant  both  to  humanity  and 
honor.  This  was  Sanchez  de  Vargas  ; and  the  cruel  com- 
mander was  revenged  on  him  by  abandoning  him  to  his  fate 
in  the  desolate  region  where  he  was  now  found  by  his  country- 
men.18 

11  It  has  not  been  easy  to  discern  the  exact  line  in  later  times,  with  all  the  lights  of  mod- 
em discovery.  Condamine,  after  a careful  investigation,  considers  that  there  is  good 
ground  for  believing  in  the  existence  of  a community  of  armed  women  once  living  some- 
where in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Amazon,  though  they  have  now  disappeared.  It  would 
be  hard  to  disprove  the  fact,  but  still  harder,  considering  the  embarrassments  in  perpetu- 
ating such  a community,  to  believe  it.  Voyage  dans  I’Amerique  Meridionale,  p.  99 
et  seq. 

13  “His  crime  is  in  some  measure  balanced  by  the  glory  of  having  ventured  upon  a nav- 
igation of  near  two  thousand  leagues,  through  unknown  nations,  in  a vessel  hastily  con- 
structed, with  green  timber,  and  by  very  unskilful  hands,  without  provisions,  without  a 
compass  or  a pilot.”  (Robertson,  America  (ed.  London,  1796),  vol.  iii.,  p.  84.)  The  his- 
torian of  America  does  not  hold  the  moral  balance  with  as  unerring  a hand  as  usual,  in  his 
judgment  of  Orellana’s  splendid'enterprise.  No  success,  however  splendid,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  one  not  too  severe  a moralist, 

‘ Can  blazon  evil  deeds  or  consecrate  a crime.1 11 

19  An  expedition  more  remarkable  than  that  of  Orellana  was  performed  by  a delicate 
female,  Madame  Godin,  who,  in  1769,  attempted  to  descend  the  Amazon  in  an  open  boat 
So  its  mouth.  She  was  attended  by  seven  persons,  two  of  them  her  brothers,  and  two  her 


124 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  TNE  CONQUERORS.  [book  iv. 


The  Spaniards  listened  with  horror  to  the  recital  of  Var- 
gas, and  their  blood  almost  froze  in  their  veins  as  they  saw 
themselves  thus  deserted  in  the  heart  of  this  remote  wilder* 
ness  and  deprived  of  their  only  means  of  escape  from  it. 
They  made  an  effort  to  prosecute  their  journey  along  the 
banks ; but,  after  some  toilsome  days,  strength  and  spirits  failed, 
and  they  gave  up  in  despair  ! 

Then  it  was  that  the  qualities  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  as  a fit 
leader  in  the  hour  of  despondency  and  danger,  shone  out  con- 
spicuous. To  advance  farther  was  hopeless.  To  stay  where 
they  were,  without  food  or  raiment,  without  defence  from  the 
fierce  animals  of  the  forest  and  the  fiercer  natives,  was  impos- 
sible. One  only  course  remained  ; it  was  to  return  to  Quito. 
But  this  brought  with  it  the  recollection  of  the  past,  of  suffer- 
ings which  they  could  too  well  estimate — hardly  to  be  endured 
even  in  imagination.  They  were  now  at  least  four  hundred 
leagues  from  Quito,  and  more  than  a year  had  elapsed  since 
they  had  set  out  on  their  painful  pilgrimage.  How  could  they 
encounter  these  perils  again  ? 14 

Yet  there  was  no  alternative.  Gonzalo  endeavored  to  re- 
assure his  followers  by  dwelling  on  the  invincible  constancy 
they  had  hitherto  displayed,  adjuring  them  to  show  themselves 
still  worthy  of  the  name  of  Castilians.  He  reminded  them  of 
the  glory  they  would  forever  acquire  by  their  heroic  achieve- 
ment, when  they  should  reach  their  own  country.  He  would 
lead  them  back,  he  said,  by  another  route,  and  it  could  not 

female  domestics.  The  boat  was  wrecked,  and  Madame  Godin,  narrowly  escaping  with 
her  life,  endeavored  with  her  party  to  accomplish  the  remainder  of  her  journey  on  foot. 
She  saw  them  perish,  one  after  another,  of  hunger  and  disease,  till  she  was  left  alone  in  the 
howling  wilderness.  Still,  like  Milton’s  lady  in  Comus,  she  was  permitted  to  come  safely 
out  of  all  these  perils,  and,  after  unparalleled  sufferings,  falling  in  with  some  friendly  In- 
dians, she  was  conducted  by  them  to  a French  settlement.  Though  a young  woman,  it 
will  not  be  surprising  that  the  hardships  and  terrors  she  endured  turned  her  hair  perfectly 
white.  The  details  of  the  extraordinary  story  are  given  in  a letter  to  M.  de  la  Condaminc 
by  her  husband,  who  tells  them  in  an  earnest,  unaffected  way  that  engages  our  confidence. 
Voyage  dans  I’Am&rique  Meridionale,  p.  329  et  seq. 

14  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  5. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  Hb. 
8,  cap.  8. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib,  4,  cap.  5. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  143. — 
One  must  not  expect  from  these  wanderers  in  the  wilderness  any  exact  computation  of 
time  or  distance,  destitute  as  they  were  of  the  means  of  making  a correct  observation  of 
either. 


chap,  iv.]  THE  SURVIVORS  RETURN  TO  QUITO.  125 

be  but  that  they  should  meet  somewhere  with  those  fruitful 
regions  of  which  they  had  so  often  heard.  It  was  something, 
at  least,  that  every  step  would  take  them  nearer  home ; and 
as,  at  all  events,  it  was  clearly  the  only  course  now  left,  they 
should  prepare  to  meet  it  like  men.  The  spirit  would  sustain 
the  body ; and  difficulties  encountered  in  the  right  spirit  were 
half  vanquished  already ! 

The  soldiers  listened  eagerly  to  his  words  of  promise  and 
encouragement.  The  confidence  of  their  leader  gave  life  to  the 
desponding.  They  felt  the  force  of  his  reasoning,  and,  as  they 
lent  a willing  ear  to  his  assurances,  the  pride  of  the  old  Castil- 
ian honor  revived  in  their  bosoms,  and  everyone  caught  some- 
what of  the  generous  enthusiasm  of  their  commander.  He  was, 
in  truth,  entitled  to  their  devotion.  From  the  first  hour  of  the 
expedition  he  had  freely  borne  his  part  in  its  privations.  Far 
from  claiming  the  advantage  of  his  position,  he  had  taken  his 
lot  with  the  poorest  soldier,  ministering  to  the  wants  of  the 
sick,  cheering  up  the  spirits  of  the  desponding,  sharing  his  stint- 
ed allowance  with  his  famished  followers,  bearing  his  full  part 
in  the  toil  and  burden  of  the  march,  ever  showing  himself  their 
faithful  comrade,  no  less  than  their  captain.  He  found  the 
benefit  of  this  conduct  in  a trying  hour  like  the  present. 

I will  spare  the  reader  the  recapitulation  of  the  sufferings  en- 
dured by  the  Spaniards  on  their  retrograde  march  to  Quito. 
They  took  a more  northerly  route  than  that  by  which  they  had 
approached  the  Amazon ; and,  if  it  was  attended  with  fewer 
difficulties,  they  experienced  yet  greater  distresses  from  their 
greater  inability  to  overcome  them.  Their  only  nourishment 
was  such  scanty  fare  as  they  could  pick  up  in  the  forest,  or 
happily  meet  with  in  some  forsaken  Indian  settlement,  or  wring 
by  violence  from  the  natives.  Some  sickened  and  sank  down 
by  the  way,  for  there  was  none  to  help  them.  Intense  misery 
had  made  them  selfish  ; and  many  a poor  wretch  was  abandoned 
to  his  fate,  to  die  alone  in  the  wilderness,  or,  more  probably, 
to  be  devoured,  while  living,  by  the  wild  animals  which  roamed 
over  it. 

At  length,  in  June,  1542,  after  somewhat  more  than  a year 


126 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


consumed  in  their  homeward  march,  the  wayworn  company 
came  on  the  elevated  plains  in  the  neighborhood  of  Quito. 
But  how  different  their  aspect  from  that  which  they  had  exhib- 
ited on  issuing  from  the  gates  of  the  same  capital,  two  years 
and  a half  before,  with  high  romantic  hope  and  in  all  the  pride 
of  military  array  ! Their  horses  gone,  their  arms  broken  and 
rusted,  the  skins  of  wild  animals  instead  of  clothes  hanging 
loosely  about  their  limbs,  their  long  and  matted  locks  stream- 
ing wildly  down  their  shoulders,  their  faces  burned  and  black- 
ened by  the  tropical  sun,  their  bodies  wasted  by  famine  and 
sorely  disfigured  by  scars — it  seemed  as  if  the  charnel-house 
had  given  up  its  dead,  as,  with  uncertain  step,  they  glided 
slowly  onward,  like  a troop  of  dismal  spectres  ! More  than 
half  of  the  four  thousand  Indians  who  had  accompanied  the 
expedition  had  perished,  and  of  the  Spaniards  only  eighty, 
and  many  of  these  irretrievably  broken  in  constitution,  returned 
to  Quito.15 

The  few  Christian  inhabitants  of  the  place,  with  their 
wives  and  children,  came  out  to  welcome  their  countrymen. 
They  ministered  to  them  all  the  relief  and  refreshment  in 
their  power ; and,  as  they  listened  to  the  sad  recital  of  their 
sufferings,  they  mingled  their  tears  with  those  of  the  wan- 
derers. The  whole  company  then  entered  the  capital,  where 
their  first  act — to  their  credit  be  it  mentioned — was  to  go 
in  a body  to  the  church  and  offer  up  thanksgivings  to  the  Al- 
mighty for  their  miraculous  preservation  through  their  long 
and  perilous  pilgrimage.16  Such  was  the  end  of  the  expedi- 
tion to  the  Amazon — an  expedition  which,  for  its  dangers  and 
hardships,  the  length  of  their  duration,  and  the  constancy 
with  which  they  were  endured,  stands  perhaps  unmatched  in  the 
annals  of  American  discovery. 

,a  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  5. — Go- 
mara,  Hist,  de  laslnd.,  cap.  143. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  15. — Her- 
rera, Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  3,  cap.  14. — The  last  historian,  in  dismissing  his  account  of 
the  expedition,  passes  a panegyric  on  the  courage  and  constancy  of  his  countrymen,  which 
we  must  admit  to  be  well  deserved  : “ Finalmente,  Gon^alo  Pizarro  entrd  en  el  Quito, 

triunfando  del  valor,  i sufrimiento,  i de  la  constancia,  recto,  e immutable  vigor  del 
animo,  pues  Hombres  Humanos  no  se  hallan  haver  tanto  sufrido,  ni  padecido  tantas  dosf 
venturas.”  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  5. 


CHAP.  V.] 


THE  ALA/AGRO  FACTIOH. 


127 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  Almagro  Faction. — Their  Desperate  Condition. — Conspiracy  against 
Francisco  Pizarro. — Assassination  of  Pizarro. — Acts  of  the  Conspira- 
tors.— Pizarro’s  Character. 

1541- 

When  Gonzalo  Pizarro  reached  Quito,  he  received  tidings 
of  an  event  which  showed  that  his  expedition  to  the  Amazon 
had  been  even  more  fatal  to  his  interest  than  he  had  imagined. 
A revolution  had  taken  place  during  his  absence,  which  had 
changed  the  whole  condition  of  things  in  Peru. 

In  a preceding  chapter  we  have  seen  that  when  Hernando 
Pizarro  returned  to  Spain  his  brother  the  marquis  repaired  to 
Lima,  where  he  continued  to  occupy  himself  with  building  up 
his  infant  capital  and  watching  over  the  general  interests  of  the 
country.  While  thus  employed,  he  gave  little  heed  to  a danger 
that  hourly  beset  his  path,  and  this,  too,  in  despite  of  repeated 
warnings  from  more  circumspect  friends. 

After  the  execution  of  Almagro,  his  followers,  to  the  num: 
ber  of  several  hundred,  remained  scattered  through  the 
country,  but,  however  scattered,  still  united  by  a common 
sentiment  of  indignation  against  the  Pizarros,  the  murderers, 
as  they  regarded  them,  of  their  leader.  The  governor  was 
less  the  object  of  these  feelings  than  his  brother  Hernando, 
as  having  been  less  instrumental  in  the  perpetration  of  the  deed. 
Under  these  circumstances,  it  was  clearly  Pizarro’s  policy  to  do 
one  of  two  things — to  treat  the  opposite  faction  either  as 
friends  or  as  open  enemies.  He  might  conciliate  the  most  fac- 
tious by  acts  of  kindness,  efface  the  remembrance  of  past  injury, 
if  he  could,  by  present  benefits — in  short,  prove  to  them  that 
his  quarrel  had  been  with  their  leader,  not  with  themselves,  and 
that  it  was  plainly  for  their  interest  to  come  again  under  his 
banner.  This  would  have  been  the  most  politic  as  well  as  the 
most  magnanimous  course,  and,  by  augmenting  the  number  of 
his  adherents,  would  have  greatly  strengthened  his  power  in 


128 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


the  land.  But,  unhappily,  he  had  not  the  magnanimity  to 

pursue  it.  It  was  not  in  the  nature  of  a Pizarro  to  forgive  an 

injury,  or  the  man  whom  he  had  injured.  As  he  would  not, 
therefore,  try  to  conciliate  Almagro’s  adherents,  it  was  clearly 
the  governor's  policy  to  regard  them  as  enemies — not  the  less 
so  for  being  in  disguise — and  to  take  such  measures  as  should 
disqualify  them  for  doing  mischief.  He  should  have  followed 
the  counsel  of  his  more  prudent  brother  Hernando,  and  dis- 
tributed them  in  different  quarters,  taking  care  that  no  great 
number  should  assemble  at  any  one  point,  or,  above  all,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  his  own  residence. 

But  the  governor  despised  the  broken  followers  of  Almagro 
too  heartily  to  stoop  to  precautionary  measures.  He  suffered 
the  son  of  his  rival  to  remain  in  Lima,  where  his  quarters  soon 
became  the  resort  of  the  disaffected  cavaliers.  The  young  man 
was  well  known  to  most  of  Almagro’s  soldiers,  having  been 
trained  along  with  them  in  the  camp  under  his  father’s  eye, 
and,  now  that  his  parent  was  removed,  they  naturally  trans- 
ferred their  allegiance  to  the  son  who  survived  him. 

That  the  young  Almagro,  however,  might  be  less  able  to 
maintain  this  retinue  of  unprofitable  followers,  he  was  deprived 
by  Pizarro  of  a great  part  of  his  Indians  and  lands,  while  he 
was  excluded  from  the  government  of  New  Toledo,  which  had 
been  settled  on  him  by  his  father’s  testament.1  Stripped  of  all 
means  of  support,  without  office  or  employment  of  any  kind, 
the  men  of  Chili,  for  so  Almagro’s  adherents  continued  to  be 
called,  were  reduced  to  the  utmost  distress.  So  poor  were 
they,  as  is  the  story  of  the  time,  that  twelve  cavaliers  who 
lodged  in  the  same  house  could  muster  only  one  cloak  among 
them  all ; and,  with  the  usual  feeling  of  pride  that  belongs  to 
the  poor  hidalgo,  unwilling  to  expose  their  poverty,  they  wore 
this  cloak  by  turns,  those  who  had  no  right  to  it  remaining  at 
home.2  Whether  true  or  not,  the  anecdote  well  illustrates  the 
extremity  to  which  Almagro’s  faction  was  reduced.  And  this 
distress  was  rendered  yet  more  galling  by  the  effrontery  of  their 
enemies,  who,  enriched  by  their  forfeitures,  displayed  before 

1 Carta  de  Almagro,  MS.  a Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  8,  cap.  6. 


chap,  v.]  THE  ALMAGRO  FACT! OK,  1 29 

their  eyes  all  the  insolent  bravery  of  equipage  and  apparel  that 
could  annoy  their  feelings. 

Men  thus  goaded  by  insult  and  injury  were  too  dangerous  to 
be  lightly  regarded.  But,  although  Pizarro  received  various 
intimations  intended  to  put  him  on  his  guard,  he  gave  no  heed 
to  them.  “Poor  devils!  ” he  would  exclaim,  speaking  with 
contemptuous  pity  of  the  men  of  Chili ; “ they  have  had  bad 
luck  enough.  We  will  not  trouble  them  further.”  3 And  so 
little  did  he  consider  them  that  he  went  freely  about,  as  usual, 
riding  without  attendants  to  all  parts  of  the  town  and  to  its 
immediate  environs.4 

News  now  reached  the  colony  of  the  appointment  of  a judge 
by  the  crown  to  take  cognizance  of  the  affairs  of  Peru.  Pizarro, 
although  alarmed  by  the  intelligence,  sent  orders  to  have  him 
well  entertained  on  his  landing,  and  suitable  accommodations 
prepared  for  him  on  the  route.  The  spirits  of  Almagro’s  fob 
lowers  were  greatly  raised  by  the  tidings.  They  confidently 
looked  to  this  high  functionary  for  the  redress  of  their  wrongs  ; 
and  two  of  their  body,  clad  in  suits  of  mourning,  were  chosen 
to  go  to  the  north,  where  the  judge  was  expected  to  land,  and 
to  lay  their  grievances  before  him. 

But  months  elapsed,  and  no  tidings  came  of  his  arrival,  till 
at  length  a vessel  coming  into  port  announced  that  most  of  the 
squadron  had  foundered  in  the  heavy  storms  on  the  coast,  and 
that  the  commissioner  had  probably  perished  with  them.  This 
was  disheartening  intelligence  to  the  men  of  Chili,  whose 
“ miseries,”  to  use  the  words  of  their  young  leader,  “ had  be- 
come too  grievous  to  be  borne.”  5 Symptoms  of  disaffection 
had  already  begun  openly  to  manifest  themselves.  The  haughty 
cavaliers  did  not  always  doff  their  bonnets  on  meeting  the  gov- 
ernor in  the  street ; and  on  one  occasion  three  ropes  were 
found  suspended  from  the  public  gallows,  with  labels  attached 
to  them,  bearing  the  names  of  Pizarro,  Velasquez,  the  judge : 
and  Picado,  the  governor’s  secretary.  This  last  functionary  was 

3 Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  144. 

4 Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  6. 

6 “ My  sufferings,”  says  Almagro,  in  his  letter  to  the  Royal  Audience  of  Panama,  “ were 
enough  to  unsettle  my  reason.”  See  his  letter  in  the  original,  Appendix,  No.  12. 


<30 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


peculiarly  odious  to  Almagro  and  his  followers.  As  his  master 
knew  neither  how  to  read  nor  write,  all  his  communications 
passed  through  Picado’s  hands  ; and,  as  the  latter  was  of  a hard 
and  arrogant  nature,  greatly  elated  by  the  consequence  which 
his  position  gave  him,  he  exercised  a mischievous  influence  on 
the  governor’s  measures.6  Almagro’s  poverty-stricken  followers 
were  the  objects  of  his  open  ridicule,  and  he  revenged  the  in- 
sult now  offered  him  by  riding  before  their  young  leader’s 
residence,  displaying  a tawdry  magnificence  in  his  dress, 
sparkling  with  gold  and  silver,  and  with  the  inscription,  “For 
the  Men  of  Chili,”  set  in  his  bonnet.  It  was  a foolish  taunt; 
but  the  poor  cavaliers  who  were  the  object  of  it,  made  mor- 
bidly sensitive  by  their  sufferings,  had  not  the  philosophy  to 
despise  it.7 

At  length,  disheartened  by  the  long -protracted  coming  of 
Vaca  de  Castro,  and  still  more  by  the  recent  reports  of  his  loss, 
Almagro’s  faction,  despairing  of  redress  from  a legitimate  au- 
thority, determined  to  take  it  into  their  own  hands.  They 
came  to  the  desperate  resolution  of  assassinating  Pizarro.  The 
day  named  for  this  was  Sunday,  the  twenty-sixth  of  June,  1541 
The  conspirators,  eighteen  or  twenty  in  number,  were  to  as- 
semble in  Almagro’s  house,  which  stood  in  the  great  square 
next  to  the  cathedral,  and  when  the  governor  was  returning 
from  mass  they  were  to  issue  forth  and  fall  on  him  in  the  street. 
A white  flag,  unfurled  at  the  same  time  from  an  upper  window 
in  the  house,  was  to  be  the  signal  for  the  rest  of  their  comrades 
to  move  to  the  support  of  those  immediately  engaged  in  the 
execution  of  the  deed.8 


6 M Hizo  Picado  el  secreptario  del  Marquez  mucho  daflo  A muchos,  porque  el  marque* 
don  Francisco  Pigarro  como  no  sdvia  ler  ni  escrivir  fiavase  del  y no  hacia  mas  de  lo  que  el 
le  aconsejava  y ansi  hizo  este  mucho  mal  en  estos  rreinos,  porque  el  que  no  andava  A su 
▼oluntad  sirviendole  aunque  tuviese  meritos  le  destruya  y este  Picado  fue  causa  de  que 
los  de  Chile  tomasen  mas  odio  al  marquez  por  donde  le  mataron.  Porque  queria  este  que 
todos  lo  reverenciasen,  y los  de  Chile  no  hazian  caso  del,  y por  esta  causa  los  perseguia 
este  mucho,  y ansi  vinieron  A hazer  lo  que  hizieron  los  de  Chile.  ” Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub. 
y Conq.,  MS. — Also  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  6. 

7 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  6* 
—Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  10,  cap.  2. 

• Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1541.— Zarate, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  6. 


chap,  vq  CONSPIRACY  AGAINST  PIZARRO.  1 3 1 

These  arrangements  could  hardly  have  been  concealed  from 
Almagro,  since  his  own  quarters  were  to  be  the  place  of  ren- 
dezvous. Yet  there  is  no  good  evidence  of  his  having  taken 
part  in  the  conspiracy.9  He  was,  indeed,  too  young  to  make  it 
probable  that  he  took  a leading  part  in  it.  He  is  represented 
by  contemporary  writers  to  have  given  promise  of  many  good 
qualities,  though,  unhappily,  he  was  not  placed  in  a situation 
favorable  for  their  development.  He  was  the  son  of  an  Indian 
woman  of  Panama,  but  from  early  years  had  followed  the 
troubled  fortunes  of  his  father,  to  whom  he  bore  much  resem- 
blance in  his  free  and  generous  nature,  as  well  as  in  the  vio- 
lence of  his  passions.  His  youth  and  inexperience  disqualified 
him  from  taking  the  lead  in  the  perplexing  circumstances  in 
which  he  was  placed,  and  made  him  little  more  than  a puppet 
in  the  hands  of  others.10 

The  most  conspicuous  of  his  advisers  was  Juan  de  Herrada, 
or  Rada,  as  his  name  is  more  usually  spelled — a cavalier  of  re- 
spectable family,  who,  having  early  enlisted  as  a common 
soldier,  had  gradually  risen  to  the  highest  posts  in  the  army  by 
his  military  talents.  At  this  time  he  was  well  advanced  in 
years ; but  the  fires  of  youth  were  not  quenched  in  his  bosom, 
and  he  burned  with  desire  to  avenge  the  wrongs  done  to  his 
ancient  commander.  The  attachment  which  he  had  ever  felt 
for  the  elder  Almagro  he  seems  to  have  transferred  in  full 
measure  to  his  son ; and  it  was  apparently  with  reference  to 
him,  even  more  than  to  himself,  that  he  devised  this  audacious 
plot  and  prepared  to  take  the  lead  in  the  execution  of  it. 

9 Yet  this  would  seem  to  be  contradicted  by  Almagro's  own  letter  to  the  Audience  of 
Panamd,  in  which  he  states  that,  galled  by  intolerable  injuries,  he  and  his  followers  had 
resolved  to  take  the  remedy  into  their  own  hands,  by  entering  the  governor’s  house  and 
seizing  his  person.  (See  the  original  in  Appendix  No,  12.)  It  is  certain,  however,  that  in 
the  full  accounts  we  have  of  the  affair  by  writers  who  had  the  best  means  of  information, 
we  do  not  find  Almagro’ s name  mentioned  as  one  who  took  an  active  part  in  the  tragic 
drama.  His  own  letter  merely  expresses  that  it  was  his  purpose  to  have  taken  part  in  it, 
with  the  further  declaration  that  it  was  simply  to  seize,  not  to  slay,  Pizarro — a declaration 
which  no  one  who  reads  the  history  of  the  transaction  will  be  very  ready  to  credit. 

10  “ Mancebo  virtuoso,  i de  grande  Animo,  i bien  ensenado  ; i especialmente  se  havia 
exercitado  mucho  en  cavalgar  a Caballo,  de  ambas  sillas,  lo  qual  hacia  con  mucha  gracia, 
1 destre^a,  i tambien  en  escrevir,  i leer,  lo  qual  hacia  mas  liberalmente,  i mejor  de  lo  que 
rcqueria  su  Profesion.  De  este  tenia  cargo,  como  Aio,  Juan  de  Herrada.”  Zarate,  Con% 
del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  6. 


132 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


There  was  one,  however,  in  the  band  of  conspirators  who 
felt  some  compunctions  of  conscience  at  the  part  he  was  act- 
ing, and  who  relieved  his  bosom  by  revealing  the  whole  plot  to 
his  confessor.  The  latter  lost  no  time  in  reporting  it  to 
Picado,  by  whom  in  turn  it  was  communicated  to  Pizarro. 
But,  strange  to  say,  it  made  little  more  impression  on  the 
governor’s  mind  than  the  vague  warnings  he  had  so  frequently 
received.  “ It  is  a device  of  the  priest,”  said  he  ; “he  wants 
a mitre.”  11  Yet  he  repeated  the  story  to  the  judge  Velasquez, 
who,  instead  of  ordering  the  conspirators  to  be  seized  and  the 
proper  steps  taken  for  learning  the  truth  of  the  accusation, 
seemed  to  be  possessed  with  the  same  infatuation  as  Pizarro  ; 
and  he  bade  the  governor  be  under  no  apprehension,  “ for  no 
harm  should  come  to  him  while  the  rod  of  justice,”  not  a met- 
aphorical badge  of  authority  in  Castile,  “was  in  his  hands.”  12 
Still,  to  obviate  every  possibility  of  danger,  it  was  deemed 
prudent  for  Pizarro  to  abstain  from  going  to  mass  on  Sunday, 
and  to  remain  at  home  on  pretence  of  illness. 

On  the  day  appointed,  Rada  and  his  companions  met  in 
Almagro’s  house,  and  waited  with  anxiety  for  the  hour  when 
the  governor  should  issue  from  the  church.  But  great  was 
their  consternation  when  they  learned  that  he  was  not  there, 
but  was  detained  at  home,  as  currently  reported,  by  illness. 
Little  doubting  that  their  design  was  discovered,  they  felt  their 
own  ruin  to  be  the  inevitable  consequence,  and  that,  too,  with- 
out enjoying  the  melancholy  consolation  of  having  struck  the 
blow  for  which  they  had  incurred  it.  Greatly  perplexed,  some 
were  for  disbanding,  in  the  hope  that  Pizarro  might,  after  all, 
be  ignorant  of  their  design.  But  most  were  for  carrying  it  into 
execution  at  once,  by  assaulting  him  in  his  own  house.  The 
question  was  summarily  decided  by  one  of  the  party,  who  felt 

11  “Pues  an  dia  antes  un  sacerdote  clerigo  ilamado  Benao  fue  de  noche  yavissoa 
Picado  el  secreptario  y dixole  mafiana  Domingo  quando  el  marquez  saliere  k misa  tienen 
concertado  los  de  Chile  de  matar  al  marquez  y k vos  y k sus  amigos.  Esto  me  a dicho  vno 
en  confision  para  que  os  venga  k avisar.  Pues  savido  esto  Picado  se  fue  luego  y lo  conto 
al  marquez  y el  le  rrespondio.  Ese  clerigo  obispado  quiere.1'  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS. 

A2  ‘ * El  Juan  Velazquez  le  dixo.  No  tema  vuestra  sefioria  que  mientras  yo  tuviere  ests 
vara  en  la  mano  nadie  9e  atrevera.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


CHAP.  V.] 


ASSASSINATION  OF  PIZARRO. 


133 


that  in  this  latter  course  lay  their  only  chance  of  safety. 
Throwing  open  the  doors,  he  rushed  out,  calling  on  his  com- 
rades “ to  follow  him,  or  he  would  proclaim  the  purpose  for 
which  they  had  met.”  There  was  no  longer  hesitation,  and 
the  cavaliers  issued  forth,  with  Rada  at  their  head,  shouting  as 
they  went,  “ Long  live  the  King  ! Death  to  the  tyrant  1 ” 18 

It  was  the  hour  of  dinner,  which,  in  this  primitive  age  of  the 
Spanish  colonies,  was  at  noon.  Yet  numbers,  roused  by  the 
cries  of  the  assailants,  came  out  into  the  square  to  inquire  the 
cause.  “ They  are  going  to  kill  the  marquis,”  some  said,  very 
coolly;  others  replied,  “It  is  Picado.”  No  one  stirred  in 
their  defence.  The  power  of  Pizarro  was  not  seated  in  the 
hearts  of  his  people. 

As  the  conspirators  traversed  the  plaza,  one  of  the  party 
made  a circuit  to  avoid  a little  pool  of  water  that  lay  in  their 
path.  “What!”  exclaimed  Rada,  “afraid  of  wetting  your 
feet,  when  you  are  to  wade  up  to  your  knees  in  blood?” 
And  he  ordered  the  man  to  give  up  the  enterprise  and  go  home 
to  his  quarters.  The  anecdote  is  characteristic.11 

The  governor’s  palace  stood  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
square.  It  was  approached  by  two  court-yards.  The  entrance 
to  the  outer  one  was  protected  by  a massive  gate,  capable  of 
being  made  good  against  a hundred  men  or  more.  But  it  was 
left  open,  and  the  assailants,  hurrying  through  to  the  inner 
court,  still  shouting  their  fearful  battle-cry,  were  met  by  two 
domestics  loitering  in  the  yard.  One  of  these  they  struck 
down.  The  other,  flying  in  all  haste  toward  the  house, 
Called  out,  “ Help,  help  ! the  men  of  Chili  are  all  coming  to 
murder  the  marquis  ! ” 

Pizarro  at  this  time  was  at  dinner,  or,  more  probably,  had 
just  dined.  He  was  surrounded  by  a party  of  friends,  who  had 
dropped  in,  it  seems,  after  mass,  to  inquire  after  the  state  of 

13  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  io,  cap.  6. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.# 
MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  8. — Nabarro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS.  Carta  del 
Maestro,  Martin  de  Arauco,  MS.,  15  de  Julio,  1541. 

14  “ Gomez  Perez  por  haver  alii  agua  derramada  de  una  acequia,  rodeo  algun  tanto  par 
no  mojarse  ; repard  en  ello  Juan  de  Rada,  y entrandose  atrevido  por  el  agua  le  dijo  : f 
Bamos  A bafiamos  en  sangre  humana,  y rehuiais  mojaros  los  pie»  en  aguaf  Ea  volveoa, 
hizolo  volver  y no  asistio  al  hecho.”  Monteslnos,  Annales,  MS.,  afto  1941. 


134 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


his  health,  some  of  whom  had  remained  to  partake  of  his  repast. 
Among  these  was  Don  Martinez  de  Alcantara,  Pizarro’s  half- 
brother  by  the  mother’s  side;  the  judge,  Velasquez  ; the  bishop 
elect  of  Quito,  and  several  of  the  principal  cavaliers  in  the  place, 
to  the  number  of  fifteen  or  twenty.  Some  of  them,  alarmed  by 
the  uproar  in  the  court-yard,  left  the  saloon,  and,  running  down 
to  the  first  landing  on  the  stairway,  inquired  into  the  cause  of 
the  disturbance.  No  sooner  were  they  informed  of  it  by  the 
cries  of  the  servant  than  they  retreated  with  precipitation  into 
the  house ; and,  as  they  had  no  mind  to  abide  the  storm 
unarmed,  or  at  best  imperfectly  armed,  as  most  of  them  were, 
they  made  their  way  to  a corridor  that  overlooked  the  gardens, 
into  which  they  easily  let  themselves  down  without  injury. 
Velasquez,  the  judge,  the  better  to  have  the  use  of  his  hands  in 
the  descent,  held  his  rod  of  office  in  his  mouth,  thus  taking 
care,  says  a caustic  old  chronicler,  not  to  falsify  his  assurance 
that  “ no  harm  should  come  to  Pizarro  while  the  rod  of  justice 
was  in  his  hands  ! ” 15 

Meanwhile,  the  marquis,  learning  the  nature  of  the  tumult, 
called  out  to  Francisco  de  Chaves,  an  officer  high  in  his  confi- 
dence, and  who  was  in  the  outer  apartment  opening  on  the 
staircase,  to  secure  the  door,  while  he  and  his  brother,  Alcantara, 
buckled  on  their  armor.  Had  this  order,  coolly  given,  been 
as  coolly  obeyed,  it  would  have  saved  them  all,  since  the 
entrance  could  easily  have  been  maintained  against  a much 
larger  force,  till  the  report  of  the  cavaliers  who  had  fled  had 
brought  support  to  Pizarro.  But,  unfortunately,  Chaves,  dis- 
obeying his  commander,  half  opened  the  door,  and  attempted 
to  enter  into  a parley  with  the  conspirators.  The  latter  had 
aow  reached  the  head  of  the  stairs,  and  cut  short  the  debate  by 
running  Chaves  through  the  body  and  tumbling  his  corpse 
down  into  the  area  below.  For  a moment  they  were  kept  at 


15  **En  lo  qual  no  paresce  haver  quebrantado  su  palabra,  porque  despues  huiendo  (como 
adelante  se  diri)  al  tiempo,  que  quisieron  matar  al  Marques,  se  hecho  de  vna  Ventana 
abajo,  A la  Huerta,  Uevando  la  Vara  en  la  boca.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap. 
j. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Carta  del 
Maestro,  Martin  de  Arauco,  MS. — Carta  de  Fray  Vicente  de  Val verde  A la  Audiencia  de 
Panami,  MS.,  desde  Tumbez,  15  de  Nov.  1541.— Gomara,  Hist  de  las  Ind.»  cap.  145. 


CHAP.  V.j 


ASSASSINATION  OF  P1ZARR0. 


135 


bay  by  the  attendants  of  the  slaughtered  cavalier,  but  these, 
too,  were  quickly  despatched ; and  Rada  and  his  companions, 
entering  the  apartment,  hurried  across  it,  shouting  out, 
“Where  is  the  marquis?  Death  to  the  tyrant  ! ” 

Martinez  de  Alcantara,  who  in  the  adjoining  room  was  as- 
sisting his  brother  to  buckle  on  his  mail,  no  sooner  saw  that  the 
entrance  to  the  antechamber  had  been  gained  than  he  sprang  to 
the  doorway  of  the  apartment,  and,  assisted  by  two  young  men, 
pages  of  Pizarro,  and  by  one  or  two  cavaliers  in  attendance, 
endeavored  to  resist  the  approach  of  the  assailants.  A desper- 
ate struggle  now  ensued.  Blows  were  given  on  both  sides, 
some  of  which  proved  fatal,  and  two  of  the  conspirators  were 
slain,  while  Alcantara  and  his  brave  companions  were  repeat- 
edly wounded. 

At  length,  Pizarro,  unable,  in  the  hurry  of  the  moment,  to 
adjust  the  fastenings  of  his  cuirass,  threw  it  away,  and,  envelop- 
ing one  arm  in  his  cloak,  with  the  other  seized  his  sword  and 
sprang  to  his  brother’s  assistance.  It  was  too  late  ; for  Alcan- 
tara was  already  staggering  under  the  loss  of  blood,  and  soon 
fell  to  the  ground.  Pizarro  threw  himself  on  his  invaders,  like 
a lion  roused  in  his  lair,  and  dealt  his  blows  with  as  much 
rapidity  and  force  as  if  age  had  no  power  to  stiffen  his  limbs. 
“ What  ho  ! ” he  cried,  “ traitors  ! have  you  come  to  kill  me 
in  my  own  house  ? ’ ’ The  conspirators  drew  back  for  a mo- 
ment, as  two  of  their  body  fell  under  Pizarro’s  sword ; but  they 
quickly  rallied,  and,  from  their  superior  numbers,  fought  at  great 
advantage  by  relieving  one  another  in  the  assault.  Still,  the 
passage  was  narrow,  and  the  struggle  lasted  for  some  minutes, 
till  both  of  Pizarro’s  pages  were  stretched  by  his  side,  when 
Rada,  impatient  of  the  delay,  called  out,  “ Why  are  we  so  long 
about  it?  Down  with  the  tyrant  ! ” and  taking  one  of  his 
companions,  Narvaez,  in  his  arms,  he  thrust  him  against  the 
marquis.  Pizarro,  instantly  grappling  with  his  opponent,  ran 
him  through  with  his  sword.  But  at  that  moment  he  received 
a wound  in  the  throat,  and,  reeling,  he  sank  on  the  floor,  while 
the  swords  of  Rada  and  several  of  the  conspirators  were  plunged 
into  his  body.  “Jesu!”  exclaimed  the  dying  man,  and, 


i3<5 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  it. 


tracing  a cross  with  his  finger  on  the  bloody  floor,  he  bent 
down  his  head  to  kiss  it,  when  a stroke  more  friendly  than  the 
rest  put  an  end  to  his  existence.16 

The  conspirators,  having  accomplished  their  bloody  deed, 
rushed  into  the  street,  and,  brandishing  their  dripping  weapons, 
shouted  out,  “ The  tyrant  is  dead  ! The  laws  are  restored  ! 
Long  live  our  master,  the  emperor,  and  his  governor,  Alma- 
gro  ! ” The  men  of  Chili,  roused  by  the  cheering  cry,  now 
flocked  in  from  every  side  to  join  the  banner  of  Rada,  who 
soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of  nearly  three  hundred  follow- 
ers, all  armed  and  prepared  to  support  his  authority.  A guard 
was  placed  over  the  houses  of  the  principal  partisans  of  the  late 
governor,  and  their  persons  were  taken  into  custody.  Pizarro’s 
house,  and  that  of  his  secretary,  Picado,  were  delivered  up  to 
pillage,  and  a large  booty  in  gold  and  silver  was  found  in  the 
former.  Picado  himself  took  refuge  in  the  dwelling  of 
Riquelme,  the  treasurer ; but  his  hiding-place  was  detected — • 
betrayed,  according  to  some  accounts,  by  the  looks,  though 
not  the  words,  of  the  treasurer  himself — and  he  was  dragged 
forth  and  committed  to  a secure  prison.17  The  whole  city  was 
thrown  into  consternation,  as  armed  bodies  hurried  to  and  fro 
on  their  several  errands  ; and  all  who  were  not  in  the  faction 


10  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  8. — Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Pedro  Pi- 
zarro, Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  10,  cap.  6. — Carta  de  la  Jus- 
ticia  y Regimiento  de  la  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  MS.,  15  de  Julio,  1541. — Carta  del  Maestro, 
Martin  de  Arauco,  MS. — Carta  de  Fray  Vicente  Valverde,  desde  Tumbez,  MS. — Gomara, 
Hist,  de  las.  Ind.,  ubi  supra. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1541.— Pizarro  y Orellana 
seems  to  have  no  doubt  that  his  slaughtered  kinsman  died  in  the  odor  of  sanctity  : “Alii 
le  acabaron  los  traidores  enemigos,  dandole  cruelissimas  heridas,  con  que  acabd  el  Julio 
Cesar  Espanol,  estando  tan  en  si  que  pidiendo  confession  con  gran  acto  de  contricion, 
haziendo  la  senal  de  la  Cruz  con  su  misma  sangre,  y besandola  murid.”  Varone6  ilustres, 
p.  186. — According  to  one  authority,  the  mortal  blow  was  given  by  a soldier  named  Bor- 
regan,  who,  when  Pizarro  was  down,  struck  him  on  the  back  of  the  head  with  a water-jar, 
which  he  had  snatched  from  the  table.  (Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  10,  cap.  6.) 
Considering  the  hurry  and  confusion  of  the  scene,  the  different  narratives  of  the  catas- 
trophe, though  necessarily  differing  in  minute  details,  have  a remarkable  agreement  with 
one  another. 

17  ‘'No  se  olvidaron  de  buscar  A Antonio  Picado,  i iendo  en  casa  del  Tesorero  Alonso 
Riquelme,  dl  mismo  iba  diciendo : No  se  adonde  estd  el  Sefior  Picado,  i con  los  ojos  le 
mostraba,  i le  hallaron  debaxo  de  la  cama.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  10,  cap.  7. 
—We  find  Riquelme’s  name,  soon  after  this,  enrolled  among  the  municipality  of  Lima, 
showing  that  he  found  it  convenient  to  give  in  his  temporary  adhesion,  at  least,  to  Alma- 
gro.  Carta  de  la  Justicia  y Regimiento  de  la  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  MS. 


eHAP.  V.] 


ACTS  OF  THE  CONSPIRATORS. 


137 


of  Almagro  trembled  lest  they  should  be  involved  in  the  pro- 
scription of  their  enemies.  So  great  was  the  disorder  that  the 
Brothers  of  Mercy,  turning  out  in  a body,  paraded  the  streets 
in  solemn  procession,  with  the  host  elevated  in  the  air,  in  hopes 
by  the  presence  of  the  sacred  symbol  to  calm  the  passions  of 
the  multitude. 

But  no  other  violence  was  offered  by  Rada  and  his  follow- 
ers than  to  apprehend  a few  suspected  persons  and  to  seize 
upon  horses  and  arms  wherever  they  were  to  be  found.  The 
municipality  was  then  summoned  to  recognize  the  authority 
of  Almagro  ; the  refractory  were  ejected  without  ceremony 
from  their  offices,  and  others,  of  the  Chili  faction,  were  sub- 
stituted. The  claims  of  the  new  aspirant  were  fully  recog- 
nized ; and  young  Almagro,  parading  the  streets  on  horse- 
back and  escorted  by  a well-armed  body  of  cavaliers,  was  pro- 
claimed by  sound  of  trumpet  governor  and  captain-general  of 
Peru. 

Meanwhile,  the  mangled  bodies  of  Pizarro  and  his  faithful 
adherents  were  left  weltering  in  their  blood.  Some  were  for 
dragging  forth  the  governor’s  corpse  to  the  market-place  and 
fixing  his  head  upon  a gibbet.  But  Almagro  was  secretly  pre- 
vailed on  to  grant  the  entreaties  of  Pizarro’s  friends  and  allow 
his  interment.  This  was  stealthily  and  hastily  performed,  in 
the  fear  of  momentary  interruption.  A faithful  attendant  and 
his  wife,  with  a few  black  domestics,  wrapped  the  body  in  a 
cotton  cloth  and  removed  it  to  the  cathedral.  A grave  was 
hastily  dug  in  an  obscure  corner,  the  services  were  hurried 
through,  and,  in  secrecy,  and  in  darkness  dispelled  only  by  the 
feeble  glimmering  of  a few  tapers  furnished  by  these  humble 
menials,  the  remains  of  Pizarro,  rolled  in  their  bloody  shroud, 
were  consigned  to  their  kindred  dust.  Such  was  the  misera- 
ble end  of  the  Conqueror  of  Peru — of  the  man  who  but  a few 
hours  before  had  lorded  it  over  the  land  with  as  absolute  a 
sway  as  was  possessed  by  its  hereditary  Incas.  Cut  off  in 
the  broad  light  of  day,  in  the  heart  of  his  own  capital,  in  the 
very  midst  of  those  who  had  been  his  companions  in  arms 
and  shared  with  him  his  triumphs  and  his  spoils,  he  perished 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 

like  a wretched  outcast.  “ There  was  none  even,”  in  the 
expressive  language  of  the  chronicler,  “ to  say,  God  forgive 
him  ! ” 18 

A few  years  later,  when  tranquillity  was  restored  to  the 
country,  Pizarro’s  remains  were  placed  in  a sumptuous  coffin 
and  deposited  under  a monument  in  a conspicuous  part  of  the 
cathedral.  And  in  1607,  when  time  had  thrown  its  friendly 
mantle  over  the  past,  and  the  memory  of  his  errors  and 
his  crimes  was  merged  in  the  consideration  of  the  great  ser- 
vices he  had  rendered  to  the  crown  by  the  extension  of  her 
colonial  empire,  his  bones  were  removed  to  the  new  cathe- 
dral, and  allowed  to  repose  side  by  side  with  those  of  Men- 
doza, the  wise  and  good  Viceroy  of  Peru.19 

Pizarro  was,  probably,  not  far  from  sixty-five  years  of  age  at 
the  time  of  his  death  ; though  this,  it  must  be  added,  is  but 
loose  conjecture,  since  there  exists  no  authentic  record  of  the 
date  of  his  birth.20  He  was  never  married  ; but  by  an  Indian 
princess  of  the  Inca  blood,  daughter  of  Atahuallpa  and  grand- 
daughter of  the  great  Huayna  Capac,  he  had  two  children,  a 
son  and  a daughter.  Both  survived  him  ; but  the  son  did  not 
live  to  manhood.  Their  mother,  after  Pizarro’s  death,  wedded 
a Spanish  cavalier,  named  Ampuero,  and  removed  with  him  to 
Spain.  Her  daughter  Francisca  accompanied  her,  and  was 
there  subsequently  married  to  her  uncle,  Hernando  Pizarro, 
then  a prisoner  in  the  Mota  del  Medina.  Neither  the  title  nor 
estates  of  the  Marquis  Francisco  descended  to  his  illegitimate 
offspring.  But  in  the  third  generation,  in  the  reign  of  Philip 
the  Fourth,  the  title  was  revived  in  favor  of  Don  Juan  Her- 
nando Pizarro,  who,  out  of  gratitude  for  the  services  of  his  an- 
cestor, was  created  Marquis  of  the  Conquest,  Marques  de  la 
Conquista,  with  a liberal  pension  from  government.  His 
descendants,  bearing  the  same  title  of  nobility,  are  still  to  be 

is  *•  Murid  pidiendo  confesion,  i haciendo  la  Cruz,  sin  que  nadie  dijese,  Dios  te  per- 
done.”  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  144. — MS.  de  Caravantes. — Zarate,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  8. — Carte  del  Maestro,  Martin  de  Arauco,  MS. — Carta  de  Fray  Vicente 
Valverde,  desde  Tumbez,  MS. 

10  “ Sus  huesos  en^errados  en  una  caxa  guarnecida  de  terciopelo  rnorado  con  passaaa*- 
Eos  de  oro  que  yo  he  visto.”  MS.  de  Caravantes. 

S'-  Ante,  Book  a,  chap,  a,  note  x. 


CHAP.  V.J 


PIZARRO'S  CHARACTER. 


139 


found,  it  is  said,  at  Truxillo,  in  the  ancient  province  of  Extre- 
madura, the  original  birthplace  of  the  Pizarros.31 

Pizarro’s  person  has  been  already  described.  He  was  tall  in 
stature,  well  proportioned,  and  with  a countenance  not  un- 
pleasing. Bred  in  camps,  with  nothing  of  the  polish  of  a 
court,  he  had  a soldier-like  bearing,  and  the  air  of  one  accus- 
tomed to  command.  But,  though  not  polished,  there  was  no 
embarrassment  or  rusticity  in  his  address,  which,  where  it 
served  his  purpose,  could  be  plausible  and  even  insinuating. 
The  proof  of  it  is  the  favorable  impression  made  by  him  on 
presenting  himself,  after  his  second  expedition — stranger  as  he 
was  to  all  its  forms  and  usages — at  the  punctilious  court  of 
Castile. 

Unlike  many  of  his  countrymen,  he  had  no  passion  for 
ostentatious  dress,  which  he  regarded  as  an  incumbrance.  The 
costume  which  he  most  affected  on  public  occasions  was  a black 
cloak,  with  a white  hat,  and  shoes  of  the  same  color ; the  last, 
it  is  said,  being  in  imitation  of  the  Great  Captain,  whose 
character  he  had  early  learned  to  admire  in  Italy,  but  to  which 
his  own  certainly  bore  very  faint  resemblance.22 

He  was  temperate  in  eating,  drank  sparingly,  and  usually 
rose  an  hour  before  dawn.  He  was  punctual  in  attendance  to 
business,  and  shrank  from  no  toil.  He  had,  indeed,  great 
powers  of  patient  endurance.  Like  most  of  his  nation,  he  was 
fond  of  play,  and  cared  little  for  the  quality  of  those  with 

31  MS.  de  Caravantes. — Quintana,  Espanoles  celebres,  tom.  ii.,  p.  417. — See  also  the 
Discurso  legal y politico,  annexed  by  Pizarro  y Orellana  to  his  bulky  tome,  in  which  that 
cavalier  urges  the  claims  of  Pizarro.  It  is  in  the  nature  of  a memorial  to  Philip  IV.  in  behalf 
of  Pirarro’s  descendants,  in  which  the  writer,  after  setting  forth  the  manifold  services  of 
the  Conqueror,  shows  how  little  his  posterity  had  profited  by  the  magnificent  grants  con- 
ferred on  him  by  the  crown.  The  argument  of  the  Royal  Counsellor  was  not  without  its 
effect. 

23  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  144. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  9. — The 
portrait  of  Pizarro,  in  the  viceregal  palace  at  Lima,  represents  him  in  a citizen’s  dress,  with 
a sable  cloak — the  cap  a y espada  of  a Spanish  gentleman.  Each  panel  in  the  spacious 
sala  de  los  Vireyes  was  reserved  for  the  portrait  of  a viceroy.  The  long  file  is  complete, 
from  Pizarro  to  Pezuela  ; and  it  is  a curious  fact,  noticed  by  Stevenson,  that  the  last  panel 
was  exactly  filled  when  the  reign  of  the  viceroys  was  abruptly  terminated  by  the  Revolu- 
tion. (Residence  in  South  America,  vol.  i.,  p.  228.)  It  is  a singular  coincidence  that  the 
same  thing  should  have  occurred  at  Venice,  where,  if  my  memory  serves  me,  the  last  niche 
reserved  for  the  effigies  of  its  doges  was  just  filled  when  the  ancient  aristocracy  was  over- 
turned. 


J40 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.  [book  it. 


whom  he  played ; though,  when  his  antagonist  could  not 
afford  to  lose,  he  would  allow  himself,  it  is  said,  to  be  the 
loser — a mode  of  conferring  an  obligation  much  commended 
by  a Castilian  writer  for  its  delicacy.23 

Though  avaricious,  it  was  in  order  to  spend  and  not  to 
hoard.  His  ample  treasures,  more  ample  than  those,  probably, 
that  ever  before  fell  to  the  lot  of  an  adventurer,24  were  mostly 
dissipated  in  his  enterprise,  his  architectural  works,  and 
schemes  of  public  improvement,  which,  in  a country  where 
gold  and  silver  might  be  said  to  have  lost  their  value  from  their 
abundance,  absorbed  an  incredible  amount  of  money.  While 
he  regarded  the  whole  country  in  a manner  as  his  own,  and 
distributed  it  freely  among  his  captains,  it  is  certain  that  the 
princely  grant  of  a territory  with  twenty  thousand  vassals, 
made  to  him  by  the  crown,  was  never  carried  into  effect ; nor 
did  his  heirs  ever  reap  the  benefit  of  it.25 

To  a man  possessed  of  the  active  energies  of  Pizarro,  sloth 
was  the  greatest  evil.  The  excitement  of  play  was  in  a man- 
ner necessary  to  a spirit  accustomed  to  the  habitual  stimulants 
of  war  and  adventure.  His  uneducated  mind  had  no  relish 
for  more  refined,  intellectual  recreation.  The  deserted  found- 
ling had  been  taught  neither  to  read  nor  write.  This  has  been 
disputed  by  some ; but  it  is  attested  by  unexceptionable  au- 
thorities.26 Montesinos  says,  indeed,  that  Pizarro,  on  his  first 
voyage,  tried  to  learn  to  read,  but  the  impatience  of  his  tem- 
per prevented  it,  and  he  contented  himself  with  learning  to 
sign  his  name.27  But  Montesinos  was  not  a contemporary  his- 

33  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  9. 

34  “ Halid,  i tuvo  mas  Oro,  i Plata,  que  otro  ningun  Espaflol  de  quantos  han  pasado  £ 
Indias,  ni  que  ninguno  de  quantos  Capitanes  han  sido  por  el  Mundo.”  Gomara,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  cap.  144. 

33  MS.  de  Cara vantes.— Pizarro  y Orellana,  Discurso  leg.  y pol.,  ap.  Varones  ilust. 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  when  taken  prisoner  by  President  Gasca,  challenged  him  to  point  out 
any  quarter  of  the  country  in  which  the  royal  grant  had  been  carried  into  effect  by  a specific 
assignment  of  land  to  his  brother.  See  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  a,  lib.  5,  cap.  36. 

33  Even  so  experienced  a person  as  Munoz  seems  to  have  fallen  into  this  error.  On  one 
of  Pizarro’ s letters  I find  the  following  copy  of  an  autograph  memorandum  by  this  eminent 
scholar  : Carta  de  Francisco  Pizarro , su  letra  i buena  letra. 

33  “ En  este  viage  tratd  Pizarro  de  aprender  £ leer;  no  le  did  su  viveza  lugar  £ ello  ; 
contentose  solo  con  saber  firmar,  de  lo  que  se  veia  Almagro,  y decia,  que  firmar  sin  saber 
leer  era  lo  mismo  que  recibir  herida,  sin  poder  darla.  En  adelante  firmd  siempre  Pizairo 
por  si,  y por  Almagro  su  Secretario.’*  Montesinos,  Annalea,  MS.,  afio  1535. 


CHAP.  V.] 


PIZARRO'S  CHARACTER. 


141 

torian.  Pedro  Pizarro,  his  companion  in  arms,  expressly  tells 
us  he  could  neither  read  nor  write ; 28  and  Zarate,  another  con- 
temporary, well  acquainted  with  the  Conquerors,  confirms  this 
statement,  and  adds  that  Pizarro  could  not  so  much  as  sign  his 
name.29  This  was  done  by  his  secretary — Picado,  in  his  lat- 
ter years — while  the  governor  merely  made  the  customary 
rubrica  or  flourish  at  the  sides  of  his  name.  This  is  the  case 
with  the  instruments  I have  examined,  in  which  his  signature, 
written  probably  by  his  secretary,  or  his  title  of  Marques,  in 
later  life  substituted  for  his  name,  is  garnished  with  a flourish 
at  the  ends,  executed  in  as  bungling  a manner  as  if  done  by 
the  hand  of  a ploughman.  Yet  we  must  not  estimate  this  de- 
ficiency as  we  should  in  this  period  of  general  illumination — 
general,  at  least,  in  our  own  fortunate  country.  Reading  and 
writing,  so  universal  now,  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth 
century  might  be  regarded  in  the  light  of  accomplishments ; 
and  all  who  have  occasion  to  consult  the  autograph  memorials 
of  that  time  will  find  the  execution  of  them,  even  by  persons 
of  the  highest  rank,  too  often  such  as  would  do  little  credit  to 
a schoolboy  of  the  present  day. 

Though  bold  in  action  and  not  easily  turned  from  his  pur- 
pose, Pizarro  was  slow  in  arriving  at  a decision.  This  gave 
him  an  appearance  of  irresolution  foreign  to  his  character.30 
Perhaps  the  consciousness  of  this  led  him  to  adopt  the  custom 
of  saying  “No,”  at  first,  to  applicants  for  favor,  and  after- 
ward, at  leisure,  to  revise  his  judgment  and  grant  what  seemed 
to  him  expedient.  He  took  the  opposite  course  from  his  com- 
rade, Almagro,  who,  it  was  observed,  generally  said  “ Yes,” 

as  “Porque  el  marquez  don  Francisco  Pizarro  como  no  savia  ler  ni  escrivir.”  Pedro 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

89  “ Siendo  personas,”  says  the  author,  speaking  both  of  Pizarro  and  Almagro,  “ no 
lolamente  no  leidas,  pero  que  de  todo  punto  no  sabian  leer,  ni  aun  firmar,  que  en  ellos  fue 
cosa  de  gran  defecto.  . . . Fue  el  Marques  tan  confiado  de  sus  Criados,  i Amigos, 

que  todos  los  Despachos,  que  hacia,  asi  de  Govemacion,  como  de  Repartimientos  de 
Indios,  libraba  haeiendo  el  dos  senates,  en  medio  de  las  quales  Antonio  Picado,  su 
Secretario,  firmaba  el  nombre  de  Francisco  Pizarro.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4, 
cap.  9. 

80  ThU  tardiness  of  resolve  has  even  led  Herrera  to  doubt  his  resolution  altogether — a 
judgment  certainly  contradicted  by  the  whole  tenor  of  his  history  : “Porque  aunque  era 
astuto,  i recatado,  por  la  maior  parte  fue  de  animo  suspenso,  i no  inui  resolute.”  Hist, 
general,  dec.  5,  lib.  7,  cap.  13. 


142 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  r* 


but  too  often  failed  to  keep  his  promise.  This  was  character- 
istic of  the  careless  and  easy  nature  of  the  latter,  governed  by 
impulse  rather  than  principle.31 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  speak  of  the  courage  of  a man 
pledged  to  such  a career  as  that  of  Pizarro.  Courage,  indeed, 
was  a cheap  quality  among  the  Spanish  adventurers,  for  danger 
was  their  element.  But  he  possessed  something  higher  than 
mere  animal  courage,  in  that  constancy  of  purpose  which  was 
rooted  too  deeply  in  his  nature  to  be  shaken  by  the  wildest 
storms  of  fortune.  It  was  this  inflexible  constancy  which 
formed  the  key  to  his  character  and  constituted  the  secret  of 
his  success.  A remarkable  evidence  of  it  was  given  in  his  first 
expedition,  among  the  mangroves  and  dreary  marshes  of  Choco. 
He  saw  his  followers  pining  around  him  under  the  blighting 
malaria,  wasting  before  an  invisible  enemy,  and  unable  to 
strike  a stroke  in  their  own  defence.  Yet  his  spirit  did  not 
yield,  nor  did  he  falter  in  his  enterprise. 

There  is  something  oppressive  to  the  imagination  in  this  war 
against  nature.  In  the  struggle  of  man  against  man  the  spirits 
are  raised  by  a contest  conducted  on  equal  terms ; but  in  a 
war  with  the  elements  we  feel  that,  however  bravely  we  may 
contend,  we  can  have  no  power  to  control.  Nor  are  we 
cheered  on  by  the  prospect  of  glory  in  such  a contest ; for,  in 
the  capricious  estimate  of  human  glory,  the  silent  endurance 
of  privations,  however  painful,  is  little  in  comparison  with 
the  ostentatious  trophies  of  victory.  The  laurel  of  the  hero — - 
alas  for  humanity  that  it  should  be  so  ! — grows  best  on  the 
battle-field. 

This  inflexible  spirit  of  Pizarro  was  shown  still  more  strongly 
when,  in  the  little  island  of  Gallo,  he  drew  the  line  on  the 
sand  which  was  to  separate  him  and  his  handful  of  followers 
from  their  country  and  from  civilized  man.  He  trusted  that 
his  own  constancy  would  give  strength  to  the  feeble,  and  rally 
brave  hearts  around  him  for  the  prosecution  of  his  enterprise. 

81  “ Tenia  por  costumbre  de  quando  algo  le  pedian  dezir  sierapre  de  no,  esto  dezia  el  que 
hazia  por  no  faltar  su  palabra,  y no  obstante  que  dezia  no,  correspondia  con  hazer  lo  que 
le  pedian  no  aviendo  inconveniente.  . . . Don  Diego  de  Almagro  hera  A la  contra  que 

A todos  dezia  si,  y con  pocos  lo  cumplia.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


CHAP.  V.] 


PIZARRO ' S CHARACTER. 


143 


He  looked  with  confidence  to  the  future ; and  he  did  not  mis- 
calculate. This  was  heroic,  and  wanted  only  a nobler  motive 
for  its  object  to  constitute  the  true  moral  sublime. 

Yet  the  same  feature  in  his  character  was  displayed  in  a 
manner  scarcely  less  remarkable  when,  landing  on  the  coast 
and  ascertaining  the  real  strength  and  civilization  of  the  Incas, 
he  persisted  in  marching  into  the  interior  at  the  head  of  a 
force  of  less  than  two  hundred  men.  In  this  he  undoubtedly 
proposed  to  himself  the  example  of  Cortes,  so  contagious  to 
the  adventurous  spirits  of  that  day,  and  especially  to  Pizarro, 
engaged  as  he  was  in  a similar  enterprise.  Yet  the  hazard  as- 
sumed by  Pizarro  was  far  greater  than  that  of  the  Conqueror 
of  Mexico,  whose  force  was  nearly  three  times  as  large,  while 
the  terrors  of  the  Inca  name — however  justified  by  the  result — 
were  as  widely  spread  as  those  of  the  Aztecs. 

It  was  doubtless  in  imitation  of  the  same  captivating  model 
that  Pizarro  planned  the  seizure  of  Atahuallpa.  But  the  situa- 
tions of  the  two  Spanish  captains  were  as  dissimilar  as  the  man- 
ner in  which  their  acts  of  violence  were  conducted.  The 
wanton  massacre  of  the  Peruvians  resembled  that  perpetrated 
by  Alvarado  in  Mexico,  and  might  have  been  attended  with 
consequences  as  disastrous,  if  the  Peruvian  character  had  been 
as  fierce  as  that  of  the  Aztecs.32  But  the  blow  which  roused  the 
latter  to  madness  broke  the  tamer  spirits  of  the  Peruvians.  It 
was  a bold  stroke,  which  left  so  much  to  chance  that  it  scarcely 
merits  the  name  of  policy. 

When  Pizarro  landed  in  the  country,  he  found  it  distracted 
by  a contest  for  the  crown.  It  would  seem  to  have  been  for 
his  interest  to  play  off  one  party  against  the  other,  throwing 
his  own  weight  into  the  scale  that  suited  him.  Instead  of  this, 
he  resorted  to  an  act  of  audacious  violence  which  crushed 
them  both  at  a blow.  His:  subsequent  career  afforded  no 
scope  for  the  profound  policy  displayed  by  Cortes,  when  he 
gathered  conflicting  nations  under  his  banner  and  directed 
them  against  a common  foe.  Still  less  did  he  have  the  oppor- 
tunity of  displaying  the  tactics  and  admirable  strategy  of  his 

83  See  Conquest  of  Mexico,  Book  4,  chap.  8. 


144 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv 


rival.  Cortds  conducted  his  military  operations  on  the  scien- 
tific principles  of  a great  captain  at  the  head  of  a powerful 
host.  Pizarro  appears  only  as  an  adventurer,  a fortunate 
knight  errant.  By  one  bold  stroke  he  broke  the  spell  which 
had  so  long  held  the  land  under  the  dominion  of  the  Incas. 
The  spell  was  broken,  and  the  airy  fabric  of  their  empire,  built 
on  the  superstition  of  ages,  vanished  at  a touch.  This  was 
good  fortune,  rather  than  the  result  of  policy. 

Pizarro  was  eminently  perfidious.  Yet  nothing  is  more  op- 
posed to  sound  policy.  One  act  of  perfidy  fully  established 
becomes  the  ruin  of  its  author.  The  man  who  relinquishes 
confidence  in  his  good  faith  gives  up  the  best  basis  for  future 
operations.  Who  will  knowingly  build  on  a quicksand  ? By 
his  perfidious  treatment  of  Almagro,  Pizarro  alienated  the 
minds  of  the  Spaniards.  By  his  perfidious  treatment  of  Ata- 
huallpa,  and  subsequently  of  the  Inca  Manco,  he  disgusted  the 
Peruvians.  The  name  of  Pizarro  became  a by-word  for  per- 
fidy. Almagro  took  his  revenge  in  a civil  war ; Manco,  in  an 
insurrection  which  nearly  cost  Pizarro  his  dominions.  The 
civil  war  terminated  in  a conspiracy  which  cost  him  his  life. 
Such  were  the  fruits  of  his  policy.  Pizarro  may  be  regarded 
as  a cunning  man,  but  not,  as  he  has  been  often  eulogized  by 
his  countrymen,  as  a politic  one. 

When  Pizarro  obtained  possession  of  Cuzco,  he  found  a 
country  well  advanced  in  the  arts  of  civilization ; institutions 
under  which  the  people  lived  in  tranquillity  and  personal  safety ; 
the  mountains  and  the  uplands  whitened  with  flocks ; the  val- 
leys teeming  with  the  fruits  of  a scientific  husbandry  ; the  gran- 
aries and  warehouses  filled  to  overflowing ; the  whole  land  re- 
joicing in  its  abundance ; and  the  character  of  the  nation, 
softened  under  the  influence  of  the  mildest  and  most  innocent 
form  of  superstition,  well  prepared  for  the  reception  of  a 
higher  and  a Christian  civilization.  But,  far  from  introduc- 
ing this,  Pizarro  delivered  up  the  conquered  races  to  his  bru- 
tal soldiery  ; the  sacred  cloisters  were  abandoned  to  their  lust ; 
the  towns  and  villages  were  given  up  to  pillage ; the  wretched 
natives  were  parcelled  out  like  slaves,  to  toil  for  their  conquer- 


CHAP.  V.] 


PIZARRO' S CHARACTER. 


145 


ors  in  the  mines ; the  flocks  were  scattered  and  wantonly  de- 
stroyed ; the  granaries  were  dissipated  ; the  beautiful  contriv- 
ances for  the  more  perfect  culture  of  the  soil  were  suffered  to 
fall  into  decay  ; the  paradise  was  converted  into  a desert.  In- 
stead of  profiting  by  the  ancient  forms  of  civilization,  Pizarro 
preferred  to  efface  every  vestige  of  them  from  the  land,  and  on 
their  ruin  to  erect  the  institutions  of  his  own  country.  Yet 
these  institutions  did  little  for  the  poor  Indian,  held  in  iron 
bondage.  It  was  little  to  him  that  the  shores  of  the  Pacific 
were  studded  with  rising  communities  and  cities,  the  marts  of 
a flourishing  commerce.  He  had  no  share  in  the  goodly  heri- 
tage. He  was  an  alien  in  the  land  of  his  fathers. 

The  religion  of  the  Peruvian,  which  directed  him  to  the 
worship  of  that  glorious  luminary  which  is  the  best  representa- 
tive of  the  might  and  beneficence  of  the  Creator,  is  perhaps 
the  purest  form  of  superstition  that  has  existed  among  men. 
Yet  it  was  much  that,  under  the  new  order  of  things,  and 
through  the  benevolent  zeal  of  the  missionaries,  some  glimmer- 
ings of  a nobler  faith  were  permitted  to  dawn  on  his  darkened 
soul.  Pizarro,  himself,  cannot  be  charged  with  manifesting 
any  overweening  solicitude  for  the  propagation  of  the  faith. 
He  was  no  bigot,  like  Cortes.  Bigotry  is  the  perversion  of 
the  religious  principle ; but  the  principle  itself  was  wanting  in 
Pizarro.  The  conversion  of  the  heathen  was  a predominant 
motive  with  Cortes  in  his  expedition.  It  was  not  a vain 
boast.  He  would  have  sacrificed  his  life  for  it  at  any  time  ; 
and  more  than  once,  by  his  indiscreet  zeal,  he  actually  did 
place  his  life  and  the  success  of  his  enterprise  in  jeopardy.  It 
was  his  great  purpose  to  purify  the  land  from  the  brutish 
abominations  of  the  Aztecs  by  substituting  the  religion  of 
Jesus.  This  gave  to  his  expedition  the  character  of  a crusade. 
It  furnished  the  best  apology  for  the  Conquest,  and  does  more 
than  all  other  considerations  toward  enlisting  our  sympathies 
on  the  side  of  the  conquerors. 

But  Pizarro’s  ruling  motives,  so  far  as  they  can  be  scanned 
by  human  judgment,  were  avarice  and  ambition.  The  good 
missionaries,  indeed,  followed  in  his  train  to  scatter  the  seeds 

P 23  Yol.  2 


1 46 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  nr. 


of  spiritual  truth,  and  the  Spanish  government,  as  usual,  di- 
rected its  beneficent  legislation  to  the  conversion  of  the  natives. 
But  the  moving  power  with  Pizarro  and  his  followers  was  the 
lust  of  gold.  This  was  the  real  stimulus  to  their  toil,  the  price 
of  perfidy,  the  true  guerdon  of  their  victories.  This  gave  a 
base  and  mercenary  character  to  their  enterprise  ; and  when 
we  contrast  the  ferocious  cupidity  of  the  conquerors  with  the 
mild  and  inoffensive  manners  of  the  conquered,  our  sympathies, 
the  sympathies  even  of  the  Spaniard,  are  necessarily  thrown 
into  the  scale  of  the  Indian.33 

But,  as  no  picture  is  without  its  lights,  we  must  not,  in  jus- 
tice to  Pizarro,  dwell  exclusively  on  the  darker  features  of  his 
portrait.  There  was  no  one  of  her  sons  to  whom  Spain  was 
under  larger  obligations  for  extent  of  empire  ; for  his  hand 
won  for  her  the  richest  of  the  Indian  jewels  that  once  sparkled 
in  her  imperial  diadem.  When  we  contemplate  the  perils  he 
braved,  the  sufferings  he  patiently  endured,  the  incredible  ob- 
stacles he  overcame,  the  magnificent  results  he  effected  with 
his  single  arm,  as  it  were,  unaided  by  the  government — though 
neither  a good  nor  a great  man  in  the  highest  sense  of  that 
term,  it  is  impossible  not  to  regard  him  as  a very  extraordi- 
nary one. 

Nor  can  we  fairly  omit  to  notice,  in  extenuation  of  his 

33  The  following  vigorous  lines  of  Southey  condense,  in  a small  compass,  the  most  re- 
markable traits  of  Pizarro.  The  poet’s  epitaph  may  certainly  be  acquitted  of  the  imputa- 
tion, generally  well  deserved,  of  flattery  toward  the  subject  of  it : 

“ FOR  A COLUMN  AT  TRUXJLLO.” 

“ Pizarro  here  was  born  ; a greater  name 
The  list  of  Glory  boasts  not.  Toil  and  Pain, 

Famine,  and  hostile  Elements,  and  Hosts 
Embattled,  failed  to  check  him  in  his  course, 

Not  to  be  wearied,  not  to  be  deterred, 

Not  to  be  overcome.  A mighty  realm 
He  overran,  and  with  relentless  arm 
Slew  or  enslaved  its  unoffending  sons, 

And  wealth  and  power  and  fame  were  his  rewards., 

There  is  another  world,  beyond  the  grave, 

According  to  their  deeds  where  men  arejudged. 

O Reader  ! if  thy  daily  bread  be  earned 
By  daily  labor — yea,  however  low, 

However  wretched,  be  thy  lot  assigned— 

Thank  thou,  with  deepest  gratitude,  the  God 
Who  made  thee,  that  thou  art  not  such  as  he." 


chap,  vi.]  MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  CONSPIRATORS.  147 


errors,  the  circumstances  of  his  early  life ; for,  like  Almagro, 
he  was  the  son  of  sin  and  sorrow,  early  cast  upon  the  world  to 
seek  his  fortunes  as  he  might.  In  his  young  and  tender  age  he 
was  to  take  the  impression  of  those  into  whose  society  he  was 
thrown.  And  when  was  it  the  lot  of  the  needy  outcast  to  fall 
into  that  of  the  wise  and  virtuous  ? His  lot  was  cast  among 
the  licentious  inmates  of  a camp,  the  school  of  rapine,  whose 
only  law  was  the  sword,  and  who  looked  on  the  wretched 
Indian  and  his  heritage  as  their  rightful  spoil. 

Who  does  not  shudder  at  the  thought  of  what  his  own  fate 
might  have  been,  trained  in  such  a school  ? The  amount  of 
crime  does  not  necessarily  show  the  criminality  of  the  agent. 
History,  indeed,  is  concerned  with  the  former,  that  it  may  be 
recorded  as  a warning  to  mankind  ; but  it  is  He  alone  who 
knoweth  the  heart,  the  strength  of  the  temptation,  and  the 
means  of  resisting  it,  that  can  determine  the  measure  of  the 
guilt. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Movements  of  the  Conspirators. — Advance  of  Vaca  de  Castro. — Pro- 
ceedings of  Almagro. — Progress  of  the  Governor. — The  Forces  ap- 
proach each  other. — Bloody  Plains  of  Chupas. — Conduct  of  Vaca  de 
Castro. 

I54I  — I543- 

The  first  step  of  the  conspirators,  after  securing  possession 
of  the  capital,  was  to  send  to  the  different  cities,  proclaiming 
the  revolution  which  had  taken  place,  and  demanding  the 
recognition  of  the  young  Almagro  as  governor  of  Peru. 
Where  the  summons  was  accompanied  by  a military  force,  as 
at  Truxillo  and  Arequipa,  it  was  obeyed  without  much  cavil. 
But  in  other  cities  a colder  assent  was  given,  and  in  some  the 
requisition  was  treated  with  contempt.  In  Cuzco,  the  place  of 
most  importance  next  to  Lima,  a considerable  number  of  the 
Almagro  faction  secured  the  ascendency  of  their  party,  and 
such  of  the  magistracy  as  resisted  were  ejected  from  their 


148 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


offices  to  make  room  for  others  of  a more  accommodating 
temper.  But  the  loyal  inhabitants  of  the  city,  dissatisfied  with 
this  proceeding,  privately  sent  to  one  of  Pizarro’s  captains, 
named  Alvarez  de  Holguin,  who  lay  with  a considerable  force 
in  the  neighborhood  ; and  that  officer,  entering  the  place,  soon 
dispossessed  the  new  dignitaries  of  their  honors,  and  restored 
the  ancient  capital  to  its  allegiance. 

The  conspirators  experienced  a still  more  determined  op- 
position from  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  one  of  the  principal  captains 
of  Pizarro — defeated,  as  the  reader  will  remember,  by  the  elder 
Almagro  at  the  bridge  of  Abancay — and  now  lying  in  the 
north  with  a corps  of  about  two  hundred  men,  as  good  troops 
as  any  in  the  land.  That  officer,  on  receiving  tidings  of  his 
general’s  assassination,  instantly  wrote  to  the  Licentiate  Vaca 
de  Castro,  advising  him  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  Peru,  and 
urging  him  to  quicken  his  march  toward  the  south.1 

This  functionary  had  been  sent  out  by  the  Spanish  crown,  as 
noticed  in  a preceding  chapter,  to  co-operate  with  Pizarro  in 
restoring  tranquillity  to  the  country,  with  authority  to  assume 
the  government  himself  in  case  of  that  commander’s  death. 
After  a long  and  tempestuous  voyage,  he  had  landed,  in  the 
spring  of  1541,  at  the  port  of  Buena  Ventura,  and,  disgusted 
with  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  preferred  to  continue  his  wearisome 
journey  by  land.  But  so  enfeebled  was  he  by  the  hardships  he 
had  undergone  that  it  was  full  three  months  before  he  reached 
Popayan,  where  he  received  the  astounding  tidings  of  the  death 
of  Pizarro.  This  was  the  contingency  which  had  been  pro- 
vided for,  with  such  judicious  forecast,  in  his  instructions. 
Yet  he  was  sorely  perplexed  by  the  difficulties  of  his  situation. 
He  was  a stranger  in  the  land,  with  a very  imperfect  knowl- 
edge of  the  country,  without  an  armed  force  to  support  him, 
without  even  the  military  science  which  might  be  supposed 
necessary  to  avail  himself  of  it.  He  knew  nothing  of  the 
degree  of  Almagro’s  influence,  or  of  the  extent  to  which  the 


1 2arate,  Conq.  del  Peru.  lib.  4,  cap.  13.  — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  io,  cap.  7. 
— Declaracion  de  Uscategui,  MS. — Carta  del  Maestro,  Martin  de  Arauco,  MS. — Carta  d« 
Fray  Vicante  Vaiverde,  desde  Tumbez,  MS. 


chap.  V!.]  ADVANCE  OF  VAC  A DE  CASTRO. 


149 


insurrection  had  spread — nothing,  in  short,  of  the  dispositions 
of  the  people  among  whom  he  was  cast. 

In  such  an  emergency,  a feebler  spirit  might  have  listened  to 
the  counsels  of  those  who  advised  to  return  to  Panama  and 
stay  there  until  he  had  mustered  a sufficient  force  to  enable 
him  to  take  the  field  against  the  insurgents  with  advantage. 
But  the  courageous  heart  of  Vaca  de  Castro  shrank  from  a step 
which  would  proclaim  his  incompetency  to  the  task  assigned 
him.  He  had  confidence  in  his  own  resources  and  in  the  vir- 
tue of  the  commission  under  which  he  acted.  He  relied,  too, 
on  the  habitual  loyalty  of  the  Spaniards  ; and,  after  mature 
deliberation,  he  determined  to  go  forward,  and  trust  to  events 
for  accomplishing  the  objects  of  his  mission. 

He  was  confirmed  in  this  purpose  by  the  advices  he  now  re- 
ceived from  Alvarado ; and  without  longer  delay  he  continued 
his  march  toward  Quito.  Here  he  was  well  received  by  Gon- 
zalo,  Pizarro’s  lieutenant,  who  had  charge  of  the  place  during 
his  commander’s  absence  on  his  expedition  to  the  Amazon. 
The  licentiate  was  also  joined  by  Benalcazar,  the  conqueror  of 
Quito,  who  brought  a small  reinforcement  and  offered  person- 
ally to  assist  him  in  the  prosecution  of  his  enterprise.  He  now 
displayed  the  royal  commission  empowering  him,  on  Pizarro’s 
death,  to  assume  the  government.  That  contingency  had  ar- 
rived, and  Vaca  de  Castro  declared  his  purpose  to  exercise  the 
authority  conferred  on  him.  At  the  same  time,  he  sent  emis- 
saries to  the  principal  cities,  requiring  their  obedience  to  him 
as  the  lawful  representative  of  the  crown — taking  care  to  em- 
ploy discreet  persons  on  the  mission,  whose  character  would 
have  weight  with  the  citizens.  He  then  continued  his  march 
slowly  toward  the  south.2 

He  was  willing  by  his  deliberate  movements  to  give  time  for 
his  summons  to  take  effect,  and  for  the  fermentation  caused  by 

3 Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  io,  cap.  4. — Carta  de  Benalcazar  al  Emperador, 
desde  Cali,  MS.,  20  de  Setiembre,  1542. — Benalcazar  urged  Vaca  de  Castro  to  assume  only 
the  title  of  Judge,  and  not  that  of  Governor,  which  would  conflict  with  the  pretensions  of  Al- 
magro  to  that  part  of  the  country  known  as  New  Toledo  and  bequeathed  to  him  by  his  father: 

Porque  yo  le  avisfe  muchas  veces  no  entrase  en  la  tierra  como  Govemador,  sino  come 
Juez  de  V.  M.,  que  venia  4 desagraviar  £ los  agraviados,  porque  todos  lo  rescibirian  de 
buena  gana.” 


150  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 

the  late  extraordinary  events  to  subside.  He  reckoned  confi- 
dently on  the  loyalty  which  made  the  Spaniard  unwilling,  un- 
less in  cases  of  the  last  extremity,  to  come  into  collision  with 
the  royal  authority  ; and,  however  much  this  popular  senti- 
ment might  be  disturbed  by  temporary  gusts  of  passion,  he 
trusted  to  the  habitual  current  of  their  feelings  for  giving  the 
people  a right  direction.  In  this  he  did  not  miscalculate  ; for 
so  deep-rooted  was  the  principle  of  loyalty  in  the  ancient 
Spaniard  that  ages  of  oppression  and  misrule  could  alone  have 
induced  him  to  shake  off  his  allegiance.  Sad  it  is,  but  not 
strange,  that  the  length  of  time  passed  under  a bad  government 
has  not  qualified  him  for  devising  a good  one. 

While  these  events  were  passing  in  the  north,  Almagro’s 
faction  at  Lima  was  daily  receiving  new  accessions  of  strength. 
For,  in  addition  to  those  who  from  the  first  had  been  avowedly 
of  his  father’s  party,  there  were  many  others  who,  from  some 
cause  or  other,  had  conceived  a disgust  for  Pizarro,  and  who 
now  willingly  enlisted  under  the  banner  of  the  chief  that  had 
overthrown  him. 

The  first  step  of  the  young  general,  or  rather  of  Rada,  who 
directed  his  movements,  was  to  secure  the  necessary  supplies 
for  the  troops,  most  of  whom,  having  long  been  in  indigent 
circumstances,  were  wholly  unprepared  for  service.  Funds  to 
a considerable  amount  were  raised  by  seizing  on  the  moneys 
of  the  crown  in  the  hands  of  the  treasurer.  Pizarro’s  secre- 
tary, Picado,  was  also  drawn  from  his  prison  and  interrogated 
as  to  the  place  where  his  master’s  treasures  were  deposited. 
But,  although  put  to  the  torture,  he  would  not — or,  as  is  prob- 
able, could  not — give  information  on  the  subject ; and  the  con- 
spirators, who  had  a long  arrear  of  injuries  to  settle  with  him, 
closed  their  proceedings  by  publicly  beheading  him  in  the 
great  square  of  Lima.3 

Valverde,  Bishop  of  Cuzco,  as  he  himself  assures  us,  vainly 
interposed  in  his  behalf.  It  is  singular  that  the  last  time  this 
fanatical  prelate  appears  on  the  stage  it  should  be  in  the  be- 

3 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Carta  de  Barrio  Nuevo,  MS.— Carta  de  Frajy 
Vicente  Valverde,  desde  Tumbez,  MS. 


chap,  vi.]  PROCEEDINGS  OF  ALMAGRO.  1 5 1 

nevolent  character  of  a supplicant  for  mercy.4  Soon  afterward 
he  was  permitted,  with  the  judge,  Velasquez,  and  some  other 
adherents  of  Pizarro,  to  embark  from  the  port  of  Lima.  We 
have  a letter  from  him,  dated  at  Tumbez,  in  November,  1541  ; 
almost  immediately  after  which  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Indians,  and  with  his  companions  was  massacred  at  Puna.  A 
violent  death  not  infrequently  closed  the  stormy  career  of  the 
American  adventurer.  Valverde  was  a Dominican  friar,  and, 
like  Father  Olmedo  in  the  suite  of  Cortes,  had  been  by  his 
commander’s  side  throughout  the  whole  of  his  expedition. 
But  he  did  not  always,  like  the  good  Olmedo,  use  his  influence 
to  stay  the  uplifted  hand  of  the  warrior.  At  least  this  was  not 
the  mild  aspect  in  which  he  presented  himself  at  the  terrible 
massacre  of  Caxamalca.  Yet  some  contemporary  accounts 
represent  him,  after  he  had  been  installed  in  his  episcopal 
office,  as  unwearied  in  his  labors  to  convert  the  natives  and  to 
ameliorate  their  condition  ; and  his  own  correspondence  with 
the  government  after  that  period  shows  great  solicitude  for 
these  praiseworthy  objects.  Trained  in  the  severest  school  of 
monastic  discipline,  which  too  often  closes  the  heart  against 
the  common  charities  of  life,  he  could  not,  like  the  benevolent 
Las  Casas,  rise  so  far  above  its  fanatical  tenets  as  to  regard  the 
heathen  as  his  brother,  while  in  the  state  of  infidelity  ; and,  in 
the  true  spirit  of  that  school,  he  doubtless  conceived  that  the 
sanctity  of  the  end  justified  the  means,  however  revolting  in 
themselves.  Yet  the  same  man  who  thus  freely  shed  the  blood 
of  the  poor  native  to  secure  the  triumph  of  his  faith,  would 
doubtless  have  as  freely  poured  out  his  own  in  its  defence. 
The  character  was  no  uncommon  one  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury.5 


• **  Siendo  informado  que  andavan  ordenando  la  muerte  £ Antonio  Picado  secretario  dd 
Marques  que  tenian  preso,  fui  k Don  Diego  e k su  Capitan  General  Joan  de  Herrada  e a 
todos  sus  capitanes,  i les  puse  delante  el  servicio  de  Dios  i de  S.  M.  i qui  bastase  en  lo 
fecho  por  respeto  de  Dios,  humillandome  k sus  pies  porque  no  lo  matasen  : i no  bastd  que 
luego  dende  k pocos  dias  lo  sacaron  k la  plaza  desta  cibdad  donde  le  cortaron  la  cabeza.'* 
Carta  de  Fray  Vicente  de  Valverde,  desde  Tumbez,  MS. 

• “ Quel  Seflor  obispo  Fray  Vicente  de  Bal verde  como  persona  que  jamas  ha  tenido  fin 
ni  zelo  al  servicio  de  Dios  ni  de  S.  M.  ni  menos  en  la  conversion  de  los  naturales  en  los 
poner  k dotrinar  en  las  cosas  de  nuestra  santa  f6e  catholica,  ni  menos  en  entender  en  la  pa* 


152 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


Almagro’s  followers,  having  supplied  themselves  with  funds, 
made  as  little  scruple  to  appropriate  to  their  own  use  such 
horses  and  arms,  of  every  description,  as  they  could  find  in  the 
city.  And  this  they  did  with  the  less  reluctance,  as  the  inhabi- 
tants for  the  most  part  testified  no  good  will  to  their  cause. 
While  thus  employed,  Almagro  received  intelligence  that  Hol- 
guin had  left  Cuzco  with  a force  of  near  three  hundred  men, 
with  which  he  was  preparing  to  effect  a junction  with  Alvarado 
in  the  north.  It  was  important  to  Almagro’s  success  that  he 
should  defeat  this  junction.  If  to  procrastinate  was  the  policy 
of  Vaca  de  Castro,  it  was  clearly  that  of  Almagro  to  quicken 
operations  and  to  bring  matters  to  as  speedy  an  issue  as  possi- 
ble— to  march  at  once  against  Holguin,  whom  he  might  expect 
easily  to  overcome  with  his  superior  numbers,  then  to  follow 
up  the  stroke  by  the  still  easier  defeat  of  Alvarado,  when  the 
new  governor  would  be,  in  a manner,  at  his  mercy.  It  would 
be  easy  to  beat  these  several  bodies  in  detail,  which  once 
united  would  present  formidable  odds.  Almagro  and  his 
party  had  already  arrayed  themselves  against  the  government 
by  a proceeding  too  atrocious,  and  one  that  struck  too  directly 
at  the  royal  authority,  for  its  perpetrators  to  flatter  themselves 
with  the  hopes  of  pardon.  Their  only  chance  was  boldly  to 
follow  up  the  blow,  and  by  success  to  place  themselves  in  so 
formidable  an  attitude  as  to  excite  the  apprehensions  of  the 
government.  The  dread  of  its  too  potent  vassal  might  extort 
terms  that  would  never  be  conceded  to  his  prayers. 

But  Almagro  and  his  followers  shrank  from  this  open  colli- 
sion with  the  crown.  They  had  taken  up  rebellion  because  it 
lay  in  their  path,  not  because  they  had  wished  it.  They  had 
meant  only  to  avenge  their  personal  wrongs  on  Pizarro,  and 
not  to  defy  the  royal  authority.  When,  therefore,  some  of  the 
more  resolute,  who  followed  things  fearlessly  to  their  conse- 
quences, proposed  to  march  at  once  against  Vaca  de  Castro, 
and,  by  striking  at  the  head,  settle  the  contest  by  a blow,  it 


& sosiego  destos  reynos,  sino  4 sus  intereses  propios,  dando  mal  ejemplo  4 todos.”  (Carta 
de  Almagro  4 la  Audiencia  de  Panam4,  MS.,  8 de  Noy.  1541.)  The  writer,  it  must  be  re- 
membered, was  his  personal  enemy. 


CHAP.  VI.J 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  ALMAGRO. 


153 


was  almost  universally  rejected  ; and  it  was  not  till  after  long 
debate  that  it  was  finally  determined  to  move  against  Holguin 
and  cut  off  his  communication  with  Alonso  de  Alvarado. 

Scarcely  had  Almagro  commenced  his  march  on  Xauxa, 
where  he  proposed  to  give  battle  to  his  enemy,  than  he  met 
with  a severe  misfortune  in  the  death  of  Juan  de  Rada.  He 
was  a man  somewhat  advanced  in  years  ; and  the  late  exciting 
scenes,  in  which  he  had  taken  the  principal  part,  had  been  too 
much  for  a frame  greatly  shattered  by  a life  of  extraordinary 
hardship.  He  was  thrown  into  a fever,  of  which  he  soon  after 
died.  By  his  death,  Almagro  sustained  an  inestimable  loss ; 
for,  besides  his  devoted  attachment  to  his  young  leader,  he 
was,  by  his  large  experience  and  his  cautious  though  coura- 
geous character,  better  qualified  than  any  other  cavalier  in  the 
army  to  conduct  him  safely  through  the  stormy  sea  on  which 
he  had  led  him  to  embark. 

Among  the  cavaliers  of  highest  consideration  after  Rada's 
death,  the  two  most  aspiring  were  Christoval  de  Sotelo  and 
Garcia  de  Alvarado ; both  possessed  of  considerable  military 
talent,  but  the  latter  marked  by  a bold,  presumptuous  manner, 
which  might  remind  one  of  his  illustrious  namesake,  who 
achieved  much  higher  renown  under  the  banner  of  Cortes. 
Unhappily,  a jealousy  grew  up  between  these  two  officers — that 
jealousy  so  common  among  the  Spaniards  that  it  may  seem  a 
national  characteristic  ; an  impatience  of  equality,  founded  on 
a false  principle  of  honor,  which  has  ever  been  the  fruitful 
source  of  faction  among  them,  whether  under  a monarchy  or  a 
republic. 

This  was  peculiarly  unfortunate  for  Almagro,  whose  inexpe- 
rience led  him  to  lean  for  support  on  others,  and  who  in  the 
present  distracted  state  of  his  council  knew  scarcely  where  to 
turn  for  it.  In  the  delay  occasioned  by  these  dissensions,  his 
little  army  did  not  reach  the  valley  of  Xauxa  till  after  the 
enemy  had  passed  it.  Almagro  followed  close,  leaving  behind 
his  baggage  and  artillery,  that  he  might  move  the  lighter. 
But  the  golden  opportunity  was  lost.  The  rivers,  swollen  by 
autumnal  rains,  impeded  his  pursuit ; and,  though  his  light 


154 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


troops  came  up  with  a few  stragglers  of  the  rear  guard,  Holguin 
succeeded  in  conducting  his  forces  through  the  dangerous 
passes  of  the  mountains,  and  in  effecting  a junction  with 
Alonso  de  Alvarado  near  the  northern  seaport  of  Huaura. 

Disappointed  in  his  object,  Almagro  prepared  to  march  on 
Cuzco — the  capital,  as  he  regarded  it,  of  his  own  jurisdiction 
— to  get  possession  of  that  city,  and  there  make  preparations  to 
meet  his  adversary  in  the  field.  Sotelo  was  sent  forward  with 
a small  corps  in  advance.  He  experienced  no  opposition  from 
the  now  defenceless  citizens ; the  government  of  the  place  was 
again  restored  to  the  hands  of  the  men  of  Chili,  and  their 
young  leader  soon  appeared  at  the  head  of  his  battalions,  and 
established  his  winter  quarters  in  the  Inca  capital. 

Here  the  jealousy  of  the  rival  captains  broke  out  in  an  open 
feud.  It  was  ended  by  the  death  of  Sotelo,  treacherously  as- 
sassinated in  his  own  apartment  by  Garcia  de  Alvarado.  Al- 
magro, greatly  outraged  by  this  atrocity,  was  the  more  indig- 
nant as  he  felt  himself  too  weak  to  punish  the  offender.  He 
smothered  his  resentment  for  the  present,  affecting  to  treat  the 
dangerous  officer  with  more  distinguished  favor.  But  Alvarado 
was  not  the  dupe  of  this  specious  behavior.  He  felt  that  he 
had  forfeited  the  confidence  of  his  commander.  In  revenge, 
he  laid  a plot  to  betray  him  ; and  Almagro,  driven  to  the  ne- 
cessity of  self-defence,  imitated  the  example  of  his  officer,  by 
entering  his  house  with  a party  of  armed  men,  who,  laying 
violent  hands  on  the  insurgent,  slew  him  on  the  spot.6 

This  irregular  proceeding  was  followed  by  the  best  conse- 
quences. The  seditious  schemes  of  Alvarado  perished  with 
him.  The  seeds  of  insubordination  were  eradicated,  and  from 
that  moment  Almagro  received  only  implicit  obedience  and 
the  most  loyal  support  from  his  followers.  From  that  hour, 
too,  his  own  character  seemed  to  be  changed  ; he  relied  far 
less  on  others  than  on  himself,  and  developed  resources  not  to 
have  been  anticipated  in  one  of  his  years  ; for  he  had  hardly 


6 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  10-14. — 
Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  147. — Declaracion  de  Uscategui,  MS. — Carta  de  Barrio 
Nuevo,  MS.-— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  10,  eap.  13 ; dee.  7,  lib.  3,  sap.  i,  5. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  ALMAGRO. 


155 


reached  the  age  of  twenty-two.7  From  this  time  he  displayed 
an  energy  and  forecast  which  proved  him,  in  despite  of  his 
youth,  not  unequal  to  the  trying  emergencies  of  the  situation 
in  which  it  was  his  unhappy  lot  to  be  placed. 

He  instantly  set  about  providing  for  the  wants  of  his  men,  and 
strained  every  nerve  to  get  them  in  good  fighting  order  for  the 
approaching  campaign.  He  replenished  his  treasury  with  a large 
amount  of  silver  which  he  drew  from  the  mines  of  La  Plata. 
Saltpetre,  obtained  in  abundance  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cuzco, 
furnished  the  material  for  gunpowder.  He  caused  cannon, 
some  of  large  dimensions,  to  be  cast  under  the  superintendence 
of  Pedro  de  Candia,  the  Greek,  who,  it  may  be  remembered, 
had  first  come  into  the  country  with  Pizarro,  and  who,  with  a 
number  of  his  countrymen — Levantines,  as  they  were  called 
— was  well  acquainted  with  this  manufacture.  Under  their 
care,  fire-arms  were  made,  together  with  cuirasses  and  helmets, 
in  which  silver  was  mingled  with  copper,8  and  of  so  excellent 
a quality  that  they  might  vie,  says  an  old  soldier  of  the  time, 
with  those  from  the  workshops  of  Milan.9  Almagro  received  a 
seasonable  supply,  moreover,  from  a source  scarcely  to  have 
been  expected.  This  was  from  Manco,  the  wandering  Inca, 
who,  detesting  the  memory  of  Pizarro,  transferred  to  the  young 
Almagro  the  same  friendly  feelings  which  he  had  formerly  borne 
to  his  father — heightened,  it  may  be,  by  the  consideration  that 
Indian  blood  flowed  in  the  veins  of  the  young  commander. 
From  this  quarter  Almagro  obtained  a liberal  supply  of  swords, 
spears,  shields,  and  arms  and  armor  of  every  description,  chiefly 
taken  by  the  Inca  at  the  memorable  siege  of  Cuzco.  He 
also  received  the  gratifying  assurance  that  the  latter  would  sup- 


T “ Hi^o  mas  que  su  edad  requeria,  porque  seria  de  edad  de  veinte  i dos  anos.”  Zarate, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  20. 

8 “ Y demas  de  esto  hico  armas  para  la  Gente  de  su  Real,  que  no  las  tenia,  de  pasta  de 
Plata,  i Cobre,  mezclado,  de  que  salen  mui  buenos  Coseletes  : haviendo  corregido,  demds 
de  esto,  todas  las  armas  de  la  Tierra  ; de  manera,  que  el  que  menos  Armas  tenia  en- 
tre  su  Gente,  era  Cota,  i Coracinas,  6 Coselete,  i Celadas  de  la  mesma  Pasta,  que  los 
Indios  hacen  diestramente,  por  muestras  de  las  de  Mildn.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  Ilk. 
4,  cap.  14. 

9 “ Hombres  de  armas  con  tan  buenas  celadas  borgonesas  como  se  hacen  Milaik^ 
Carta  de  Ventura  Beltran  al  Emperador,  MS.,  desde  Vilcas,  8 de  Octubre,  154*. 


156  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv 

port  him  with  a detachment  of  native  troops  when  he  opened 
the  campaign. 

Before  making  a final  appeal  to  arms,  however,  Almagro  re- 
solved to  try  the  effect  of  negotiation  with  the  new  governor. 
In  the  spring,  or  early  in  the  summer,  of  1542,  he  sent  an  em- 
bassy to  the  latter,  then  at  Lima,  in  which  he  deprecated  the 
necessity  of  taking  arms  against  an  officer  of  the  crown.  His 
only  desire,  he  said,  was  to  vindicate  his  own  rights — to  se- 
cure possession  of  New  Toledo,  the  province  bequeathed  to  him 
by  his  father,  and  from  which  he  had  been  most  unjustly  ex- 
cluded by  Pizarro.  He  did  not  dispute  the  governor’s  author- 
ity over  New  Castile,  as  the  country  was  designated  which  had 
been  assigned  to  the  marquis ; and  he  concluded  by  proposing 
that  each  party  should  remain  within  his  respective  territory 
until  the  determination  of  the  court  of  Castile  could  be  made 
known  to  them.  To  this  application,  couched  in  respectful 
terms,  Almagro  received  no  answer. 

Frustrated  in  his  hopes  of  a peaceful  accommodation,  the 
young  captain  now  saw  that  nothing  was  left  but  the  arbitra- 
ment of  arms.  Assembling  his  troops  preparatory  to  his  de- 
parture from  the  capital,  he  made  them  a brief  address. 
He  protested  that  the  step  which  he  and  his  brave  companions 
were  about  to  take  was  not  an  act  of  rebellion  against  the  crown. 
It  was  forced  on  them  by  the  conduct  of  the  governor  himself. 
The  commission  of  that  officer  gave  him  no  authority  over  the 
territory  of  New  Toledo,  settled  on  Almagro’s  father,  and  by 
his  father  bequeathed  to  him.  If  Vaca  de  Castro,  by  exceeding 
the  limits  of  his  authority,  drove  him  to  hostilities,  the  blood 
spilled  in  the  quarrel  would  lie  on  the  head  of  that  commaader, 
not  on  his.  “ In  the  assassination  of  Pizarro,”  he  continued, 
“ we  took  that  justice  into  our  own  hands  which  elsewhere  was 
denied  us.  It  is  the  same  now,  in  our  contest  with  the  royal 
governor.  We  are  as  true-hearted  and  loyal  subjects  of  the 
crown  as  he  is.”  And  he  concluded  by  invoking  his  soldiers 
to  stand  by  him  heart  and  hand  in  the  approaching  contest,  in 
which  they  were  all  equally  interested  with  himself. 

The  appeal  was  not  made  to  an  insensible  audience.  There 


CHAP.  VI.] 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  ALMAGRO. 


157 


were  few  among  them  who  did  not  feel  that  their  fortunes  were 
indissolubly  connected  with  those  of  their  commander ; and, 
while  they  had  little  to  expect  from  the  austere  character  of  the 
governor,  they  were  warmly  attached  to  the  person  of  their 
young  chief,  who,  with  all  the  popular  qualities  of  his  father, 
excited  additional  sympathy  from  the  circumstances  of  his  age 
md  his  forlorn  condition.  Laying  their  hands  on  the  cross, 
placed  on  an  altar  raised  for  the  purpose,  the  officers  and  sol- 
diers severally  swore  to  brave  every  peril  with  Almagro,  and 
remain  true  to  him  to  the  last. 

In  point  of  numbers  his  forces  had  not  greatly  strengthened 
since  his  departure  from  Lima.  He  mustered  but  little  more 
than  five  hundred  men  in  all ; but  among  them  were  his  father’s 
veterans,  well  seasoned  by  many  an  Indian  campaign.  He  had 
about  two  hundred  horse,  many  of  them  clad  in  complete  mail, 
a circumstance  not  too  common  in  these  wars,  where  a stuffed 
doublet  of  cotton  was  often  the  only  panoply  of  the  warrior. 
His  infantry,  formed  of  pikemen  and  arquebusiers,  was  excel- 
lently armed.  But  his  strength  lay  in  his  heavy  ordnance, 
consisting  of  sixteen  pieces,  eight  large  and  eight  smaller  guns, 
or  falconets,  as  they  were  called,  forming,  says  one  who  saw  it, 
a beautiful  park  of  artillery,  that  would  have  made  a brave  show 
on  the  citadel  of  Burgos.10  The  little  army,  in  short,  though 
not  imposing  from  its  numbers,  was  under  as  good  discipline 
and  as  well  appointed  as  any  that  ever  fought  on  the  fields  of 
Peru ; much  better  than  any  which  Almagro’s  own  father  or 
Pizarro  ever  led  into  the  field  and  won  their  conquests  with. 
Putting  himself  at  the  head  of  his  gallant  company,  the  chief- 
tain sallied  forth  from  the  walls  of  Cuzco  about  midsummer  in 

1542,  and  directed  his  march  toward  the  coast  in  expectation 
of  meeting  the  enemy.11 

While  the  events  detailed  in  the  preceding  pages  were  pass- 

10  “ El  artilleria  hera  suficiente  para  hazer  bateria  en  el  castillo  de  Burgos.”  Dicho  deJ 
Capitan  Francisco  de  Carvajal  sobre  la  pregunta  38  de  la  informarion  hecha  en  el  Cusco  ea 

1543,  i.  favor  de  Vaca  de  Castro,  MS. 

11  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Declaration  de  Uscategui,  MS. — Garc*» 
lasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  a,  cap.  13. — Carta  del  Cabildo  de  Arequipa  al  Emperador, 
San  Joan  de  la  Frontcra,  MS.,  24  de  Set.,  154a.— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dee.  jt  Eb  & 
cap.  is  3. 


i58 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


ing,  Vaca  de  Castro,  whom  we  left  at  Quito  in  the  preceding 
year,  was  advancing  slowly  toward  the  south.  His  first  act  after 
leaving  that  city  showed  his  resolution  to  enter  into  no  com- 
promise with  the  assassins  of  Pizarro.  Benalcazar,  the  distin- 
guished officer  whom  I have  mentioned  as  having  early  given 
in  his  adherence  to  him,  had  protected  one  of  the  principal 
conspirators,  his  personal  friend,  who  had  come  into  his  power, 
and  had  facilitated  his  escape.  The  governor,  indignant  at  the 
proceeding,  would  listen  to  no  explanation,  but  ordered  the  of- 
fending officer  to  return  to  his  own  district  of  Popayan.  It 
was  a bold  step,  in  the  precarious  state  of  his  own  fort- 
unes. 

As  the  governor  purgued  his  march,  he  was  well  received  by 
the  people  on  the  way  ; and  when  he  entered  the  cities  of  San 
Miguel  and  Truxillo  he  was  welcomed  with  loyal  enthusiasm 
by  the  inhabitants,  who  readily  acknowledged  his  authority, 
though  they  showed  little  alacrity  to  take  their  chance  with 
him  in  the  coming  struggle. 

After  lingering  a long  time  in  each  of  these  places,  he  re- 
sumed his  march,  and  reached  the  camp  of  Alonso  de  Alva- 
rado at  Huaura,  early  in  1542.  Holguin  had  established  his 
quarters  at  some  little  distance  from  his  rival  ; for  a jealousy 
had  sprung  up,  as  usual,  between  these  two  captains,  who  both 
aspired  to  the  supreme  command  of  captain-general  of  the 
army.  The  office  of  governor,  conferred  on  Vaca  de  Castro, 
might  seem  to  include  that  of  commander-in-chief  of  the 
forces.  But  De  Castro  was  a scholar,  bred  to  the  law ; and, 
whatever  authority  he  might  arrogate  to  himself  in  civil  mat- 
ters, the  two  captains  imagined  that  the  military  department 
he  would  resign  into  the  hands  of  others.  They  little  knew 
the  character  of  the  man. 

Though  possessed  of  no  more  military  science  than  belonged 
to  every  cavalier  in  that  martial  age,  the  governor  knew  that 
to  avow  his  ignorance,  and  to  resign  the  management  of  affairs 
into  the  hands  of  others,  would  greatly  impair  his  authority,  if 
not  bring  him  into  contempt  with  the  turbulent  spirits  among 
whom  he  was  now  thrown.  He  had  both  sagacity  and  spirit, 


chap,  vi.]  PROGRESS  OF  THE  GOVERNOR. 


159 


and  trusted  to  be  able  to  supply  his  own  deficiencies  by  the 
experience  of  others.  His  position  placed  the  services  of  the 
ablest  men  in  the  country  at  his  disposal,  and  with  the  aid  of 
their  counsels  he  felt  quite  competent  to  decide  on  his  plan  of 
operations  and  to  enforce  the  execution  of  it.  He  knew, 
moreover,  that  the  only  way  to  allay  the  jealousy  of  the  two 
parties  in  the  present  crisis  was  to  assume  himself  the  office 
which  was  the  cause  of  their  dissension. 

Still,  he  approached  his  ambitious  officers  with  great  cau- 
tion ; and  the  representations  which  he  made  through  some 
judicious  persons  who  had  the  most  intimate  access  to  them 
were  so  successful  that  both  were  in  a short  time  prevailed  on 
to  relinquish  their  pretensions  in  his  favor.  Holguin,  the 
more  unreasonable  of  the  two,  then  waited  on  him  in  his 
rival’s  quarters,  where  the  governor  had  the  further  satisfaction 
to  reconcile  him  to  Alonso  de  Alvarado.  It  required  some 
address,  as  their  jealousy  of  each  other  had  proceeded  to  such 
lengths  that  a challenge  had  passed  between  them. 

Harmony  being  thus  restored,  the  licentiate  passed  over  to 
Holguin’s  camp,  where  he  was  greeted  with  salvoes  of  artillery, 
and  loud  acclamations  of  “ Viva  el  Rey  ” from  the  loyal  sol- 
diery. Ascending  a platform  covered  with  velvet,  he  made  an 
animated  harangue  to  the  troops ; his  commission  was  read 
aloud  by  the  secretary  ; and  the  little  army  tendered  their 
obedience  to  him  as  the  representative  of  the  crown. 

Vaca  de  Castro’s  'next  step  was  to  send  off  the  greater  part 
of  his  force  in  the  direction  of  Xauxa,  while,  at  the  head  of  a 
small  corps,  he  directed  his  march  toward  Lima.  Here  he  was 
received  with  lively  demonstrations  of  joy  by  the  citizens,  who 
were  generally  attached  to  the  cause  of  Pizarro,  the  founder 
and  constant  patron  of  their  capital.  Indeed,  the  citizens  had 
lost  no  time  after  Almagro’s  departure  in  expelling  his  creat- 
ures from  the  municipality  and  reasserting  their  allegiance. 
With  these  favorable  dispositions  toward  himself,  the  governor 
found  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  a considerable  loan  of  money 
from  the  wealthier  inhabitants.  But  he  was  less  successful,  at 
first,  in  his  application  for  horses  and  arms,  since  the  harvest 


i6o 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


had  been  too  faithfully  gleaned  already  by  the  men  of  Chili. 
As,  however,  he  prolonged  his  stay  some  time  in  the  capital, 
he  obtained  important  supplies  before  he  left  it,  both  of  arms 
and  ammunition,  while  he  added  to  his  force  by  a considerable 
body  of  recruits.12 

As  he  was  thus  employed,  he  received  tidings  that  the 
enemy  had  left  Cuzco  and  was  on  his  march  toward  the  coast. 
Quitting  Los  Reyes,  therefore,  with  his  trusty  followers,  Vaca 
de  Castro  marched  at  once  to  Xauxa,  the  appointed  place  of 
rendezvous.  Here  he  mustered  his  forces,  and  found  that  they 
amounted  to  about  seven  hundred  men.  The  cavalry,  in 
which  lay  his  strength,  was  superior  in  numbers  to  that  of  his 
antagonist,  but  neither  so  well  mounted  nor  armed.  It  in- 
cluded many  cavaliers  of  birth,  and  well-tried  soldiers,  besides 
a number  who,  having  great  interests  at  stake,  as  possessed  of 
large  estates  in  the  country,  had  left  them  at  the  call  of  the 
governor  to  enlist  under  his  banners.13  His  infantry,  besides 
pikes,  was  indifferently  well  supplied  with  fire-arms  ; but  he 
had  nothing  to  show  in  the  way  of  artillery  except  three  or 
four  ill-mounted  falconets.  Yet,  notwithstanding  these  defi- 
ciencies, the  royal  army,  if  so  insignificant  a force  can  deserve 
that  name,  was  so  far  superior  in  numbers  to  that  of  his  rival 
that  the  one  might  be  thought,  on  the  whole,  to  be  no  unequal 
match  for  the  other.14 

The  reader  familiar  with  the  large  masses  employed  in 
European  warfare,  may  smile  at  the  paltry  forces  of  the  Span- 

Declaracion  de  Uscategui.  MS. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.— Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  1,  cap.  1. — Carta  de  Barrio  Nuevo,  MS. — Carta  de  Benalcazar  al 
Emperador,  MS. 

18  The  Municipality  of  Arequipa,  most  of  whose  members  were  present  in  the  army, 
itoutly  urge  their  claims  to  a compensation  for  thus  promptly  leaving  their  estates  and 
taking  up  arms  at  the  call  of  the  governor.  Without  such  reward,  they  say,  their  patriotic 
example  will  not  often  be  followed.  The  document,  which  is  important  for  its  historical  de- 
tails,  may  be  found  in  the  Castilian,  in  Appendix  No.  13. 

Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq..  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  15.— 
Carta  de  Barrio  Nuevo,  MS. — Carbajal  notices  the  politic  manner  in  which  his  commander 
bribed  recruits  into  his  service,  paying  them  with  promises  and  fair  words  when  ready 
money  failed  him  : “ Dando  A unos  dineros,  b A otros  armas  i caballos,  i A otros  pala- 
bras,  i A otros  promesas,  i A otros  graziosas  respuestas  de  lo  que  con  fel  negoziaban  para 
tenerlos  A todos  muy  conttentos  i presttos  en  el  servicio  de  S.  M.  quando  fuese  menestter.w 
Dicho  del  Capitan  Francisco  de  Carbajal  sobre  la  informacion  hecha  en  el  Cusco  ea  i54j#  A 
favor  do  Vaca  de  Castro,  MS. 


CH.  vi. J THE  FORCES  APPROACH  EACH  OTHER.  l6l 


iards.  But  in  the  New  World,  where  a countless  host  of  na- 
tives  went  for  little,  five  hundred  well-trained  Europeans  were 
regarded  as  a formidable  body.  No  army,  up  to  the  period  be- 
fore us,  had  ever  risen  to  a thousand.  Yet  it  is  not  numbers,  as 
I have  already  been  led  to  remark,  that  give  importance  to  a 
conflict ; but  the  consequences  that  depend  on  it — the  magni- 
tude of  the  stake,  and  the  skill  and  courage  of  the  players. 
The  more  limited  the  means,  even,  the  greater  may  be  the 
science  shown  in  the  use  of  them  ; until,  forgetting  the  pov- 
erty of  the  materials,  we  fix  our  attention  on  the  conduct  of 
the  actors  and  the  greatness  of  the  results. 

While  at  Xauxa,  Vaca  de  Castro  received  an  embassy  from 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  returned  from  his  expedition  from  the 
“ Land  of  Cinnamon,”  in  which  that  chief  made  an  offer  of 
his  services  in  the  approaching  contest.  The  governor’s  an- 
swer showed  that  he  was  not  wholly  averse  to  an  accommoda- 
tion with  Almagro,  provided  it  could  be  effected  without  com- 
promising the  royal  authority.  He  was  willing,  perhaps,  to 
avoid  the  final  trial  by  battle,  when  he  considered  that,  from 
the  equality  of  the  contending  forces,  the  issue  must  be  ex- 
tremely doubtful.  He  knew  that  the  presence  of  Pizarro  in 
the  camp,  the  detested  enemy  of  the  Almagrians,  would  excite 
distrust  in  their  bosoms  that  would  probably  baffle  every  effort 
at  accommodation.  Nor  is  it  likely  that  the  governor  cared 
to  have  so  restless  a spirit  introduced  into  his  own  councils. 
He  accordingly  sent  to  Gonzalo,  thanking  him  for  the  prompt- 
ness of  his  support,  but  courteously  declined  it,  while  he  ad- 
vised him  to  remain  in  his  province  and  repose  after  the  fa- 
tigues of  his  wearisome  expedition.  At  the  same  time,  he 
assured  him  that  he  would  not  fail  to  call  for  his  services  when 
occasion  required  it.  The  haughty  cavalier  was  greatly  dis- 
gusted by  the  repulse.15 

The  governor  now  received  such  an  account  of  Almagro’s 
movements  as  led  him  to  suppose  that  he  was  preparing  to  oc- 
cupy Guamanga,  a fortified  place  of  considerable  strength, 
about  thirty  leagues  from  Xauxa.16  Anxious  to  secure  this 

15  Zb rate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  15.  *•  Cieaa  de  Leon.  Cronica,  cap.  85. 


1 62 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


post,  he  broke  up  his  encampment,  and  by  forced  marches, 
conducted  in  so  irregular  a manner  as  must  have  placed  him  in 
great  danger  if  his  enemy  had  been  near  to  profit  by  it,  he 
succeeded  in  anticipating  Almagro,  and  threw  himself  into  the 
place,  while  his  antagonist  was  at  Bilcas,  some  ten  leagues  dis- 
tant. 

At  Guamanga,  Vaca  de  Castro  received  another  embassy 
from  Almagro,  of  similar  import  with  the  former.  The  young 
chief  again  deprecated  the  existence  of  hostilities  between 
brethren  of  the  same  family,  and  proposed  an  accommodation 
of  the  quarrel  on  the  same  basis  as  before.  To  these  proposals 
the  governor  now  condescended  to  reply.  It  might  be  thought, 
from  his  answer,  that  he  felt  some  compassion  for  the  youth  and 
inexperience  of  Almagro,  and  that  he  was  willing  to  distin- 
guish between  him  and  the  principal  conspirators,  provided  he 
could  detach  him  from  their  interests.  But  it  is  more  prob- 
able that  he  intended  only  to  amuse  his  enemy  by  a show  of 
negotiation,  while  he  gained  time  for  tampering  with  the 
fidelity  of  his  troops. 

He  insisted  that  Almagro  should  deliver  up  to  him  all  those 
immediately  implicated  in  the  death  of  Pizarro,  and  should 
then  disband  his  forces.  On  these  conditions  the  government 
would  pass  over  his  treasonable  practices,  and  he  should  be  re- 
instated in  the  royal  favor.  Together  with  this  mission,  Vaca 
de  Castro,  it  is  reported,  sent  a Spaniard,  disguised  as  an  In- 
dian, who  was  instructed  to  communicate  with  certain  officers 
in  Almagro’s  camp  and  prevail  on  them,  if  possible,  to  aban- 
don his  cause  and  return  to  their  allegiance.  Unfortunately, 
the  disguise  of  the  emissary  was  detected.  He  was  seized,  put 
to  the  torture,  and,  having  confessed  to  the  whole  of  the  trans- 
action, was  hanged  as  a spy. 

Almagro  laid  the  proceeding  before  his  captains.  The  terms 
proffered  by  the  governor  were  such  as  no  man  with  a particle 
of  honor  in  his  nature  could  entertain  for  a moment ; and  Al- 
magro’s indignation,  as  well  as  that  of  his  companions,  was 
heightened  by  the  duplicity  of  their  enemy,  who  could  prac- 
tise such  insiduous  arts  while  ostensibly  engaged  in  a fair  and 


cm.  ti.]  THE  FORCES  APPROACH  EACH  OTHER . 163 


open  negotiation.  Fearful,  perhaps,  lest  the  tempting  offers  of 
their  antagonist  might  yet  prevail  over  the  constancy  of  some 
of  the  weaker  spirits  among  them,  they  demanded  that  all  ne- 
gotiation should  be  broken  off,  and  that  they  should  be  led  at 
once  against  the  enemy.17 

The  governor,  meanwhile,  finding  the  broken  country  around 
Guamanga  unfavorable  for  his  cavalry,  on  which  he  mainly  re- 
lied, drew  off  his  forces  to  the  neighboring  lowlands,  known  as 
the  Plains  of  Chupas.  It  was  the  tempestuous  season  of  the 
year,  and  for  several  days  the  storm  raged  wildly  among  the 
hills,  and,  sweeping  along  their  sides  into  the  valley,  poured 
down  rain,  sleet,  and  snow  on  the  miserable  bivouacs  of  the 
soldiers,  till  they  were  drenched  to  the  skin  and  nearly  stiff- 
ened by  the  cold.18  At  length,  on  September  16,  1542,  the 
scouts  brought  in  tidings  that  Almagro’s  troops  were  advanc- 
ing, with  the  intention,  apparently,  of  occupying  the  highlands 
around  Chupas.  The  war  of  the  elements  had  at  last  sub- 
sided, and  was  succeeded  by  one  of  those  brilliant  days  which 
are  found  only  in  the  tropics.  The  royal  camp  was  early  in 
motion,  as  Vaca  de  Castro,  desirous  to  secure  the  heights  that 
commanded  the  valley,  detached  a body  of  arquebusiers  on 
that  service,  supported  by  a corps  of  cavalry,  which  he  soon 
followed  with  the  rest  of  the  forces.  On  reaching  the  emi- 
nence, news  was  brought  that  the  enemy  had  come  to  a halt, 
and  established  himself  in  a strong  position  at  less  than  a 
league’s  distance. 

It  was  now  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  sun  was  not  more 
than  two  hours  above  the  horizon.  The  governor  hesitated  to 
begin  the  action  when  they  must  so  soon  be  overtaken  by 
night.  But  Alonso  de  Alvarado  assured  him  that  “now  was 
the  time ; for  the  spirits  of  his  men  were  hot  for  fight,  and  it 
was  better  to  take  the  benefit  of  it  than  to  damp  their  ardor  by 

17  Dicho  del  Capitan  Francisco  de  Carbajal  sobre  la  informacion  hecha  en  el  Cuzco  ea 
*543.  ^ favor  de  Vaca  de  Castro,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  16. — Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  3,  cap.  8.— Carta  de  Ventura  Beltran,  MS. — Gomara,  Hist  da 
las  Ind.,  cap.  149. 

18  “Tmdcron  tan  gran  tempestad  de  agua,  Truenos,  i Nieve,  que  pensaron  perecer : \ 

amaoecjendo  con  dia  ciaro,  i sereno.”  Herrera,  Hitt,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  3,  cap.  8* 


164  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  IV. 

delay.”  The  governor  acquiesced,  exclaiming  at  the  same 
time,  “ Oh,  for  the  might  of  Joshua,  to  stay  the  sun  in  his 
course  ! ” 19  He  then  drew  up  his  little  army  in  order  of  bat- 
tle, and  made  his  dispositions  for  the  attack. 

In  the  centre  he  placed  his  infantry,  consisting  of  arque- 
busiers  and  pikemen,  constituting  the  battle , as  it  was  called. 
On  the  flanks  he  established  his  cavalry,  placing  the  right 
wing,  together  with  the  royal  standard,  under  charge  of  Alonso 
de  Alvarado,  and  the  left  under  Holguin,  supported  by  a gal- 
lant body  of  cavaliers.  His  artillery,  too  insignificant  to  be  of 
much  account,  was  also  in  the  centre.  He  proposed  himself  to 
lead  the  van,  and  to  break  the  first  lance  with  the  enemy  ; but 
from  this  chivalrous  display  he  was  dissuaded  by  his  officers, 
who  reminded  him  that  too  much  depended  on  his  life  to  have 
it  thus  wantonly  exposed.  The  governor  contented  himself, 
therefore,  with  heading  a body  of  reserve,  consisting  of  forty 
horse,  to  act  on  any  quarter  as  occasion  might  require.  This 
corps,  comprising  the  flower  of  his  chivalry,  was  chiefly  drawn 
from  Alvarado’s  troop,  greatly  to  the  discontent  of  that  cap- 
tain. The  governor  himself  rode  a coal-black  charger,  and 
wore  a rich  surcoat  of  brocade  over  his  mail,  through  which 
the  habit  and  emblems  of  the  knightly  order  of  St.  James,  con- 
ferred on  him  just  before  his  departure  from  Castile,  were  con- 
spicuous.20 It  was  a point  of  honor  with  the  chivalry  of  the 
period  to  court  danger  by  displaying  their  rank  in  the  splendor 
of  their  military  attire  and  the  caparisons  of  their  horses. 

Before  commencing  the  attack,  Vaca  de  Castro  addressed  a 
few  remarks  to  his  soldiers,  in  order  to  remove  any  hesitation 
that  some  might  yet  feel  who  recollected  the  displeasure  shown 
by  the  emperor  to  the  victors  as  well  as  the  vanquished  after 


19  41 Y asi  Vaca  de  Castro  signid  su  parescer,  temxendo  toda  via  la  falta  del  Dia,  l dijo 
que  quisiera  tener  el  poder  de  Josue*  para  detener  el  Sol.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
Hb.  4,  cap.  18. 

ao  i visto  esto  por  el  dicho  senor  Govemador,  mandd  dar  al  arma  A mui  gran  priesa,  I 
mando  A este  testigo  que  sacase  toda  la  gente  al  campo,  i el  se  entrd  en  su  tienda  A se  ar- 
mar,  i dende  A poco  salid  della  encima  de  un  cavallo  morcillo  rabicano  armado  en  bianco  ft 
con  una  ropa  de  brocado  encima  de  las  armas  con  el  abito  de  Santiago  en  los  pechos.”  Di* 
cho  del  Capitan  Francisco  de  Carbajal  aobre  la  informacion  hecha  en  el  Cuxco  en  154 fr  i 
favor  de  Vaca  de  Castro,  MS, 


chap.  vi.J  BLOODY  PLAINS  OF  CHUPAS.  165 

the  battle  of  Salinas.  He  told  them  that  their  enemies  were 
rebels.  They  were  in  arms  against  him,  the  representative  of 
the  crown,  and  it  was  his  duty  to  quell  this  rebellion  and  punish 
the  authors  of  it.  He  then  caused  the  law  to  be  read  aloud, 
proclaiming  the  doom  of  traitors.  By  this  law,  Almagro  and 
his  followers  had  forfeited  their  lives  and  property ; and  the 
governor  promised  to  distribute  the  latter  among  such  of  his 
men  as  showed  the  best  claim  to  it  by  their  conduct  in  the 
battle.  This  last  politic  promise  vanquished  the  scruples  of  the 
most  fastidious ; and,  having  completed  his  dispositions  in  the 
most  judicious  and  soldier-like  manner,  Vaca  de  Castro  gave 
the  order  to  advance.21 

As  the  forces  turned  a spur  of  the  hills  which  had  hitherto 
screened  them  from  their  enemies,  they  came  in  sight  of  the 
latter,  formed  along  the  crest  of  a gentle  eminence,  with  their 
snow-white  banners,  the  distinguishing  color  of  the  Almagrians, 
floating  above  their  heads,  and  their  bright  arms  flinging  back 
the  broad  rays  of  the  evening  sun.  Almagro’s  disposition  of 
his  troops  was  not  unlike  that  of  his  adversary.  In  the  centre 
was  his  excellent  artillery,  covered  by  his  arquebusiers  and 
spearmen ; while  his  cavalry  rode  on  the  flanks.  The  troops 
on  the  left  he  proposed  to  lead  in  person.  He  had  chosen  his 
position  with  judgment,  as  the  character  of  the  ground  gave 
full  play  to  his  guns,  which  opened  an  effective  fire  on  the  as- 
sailants as  they  drew  near.  Shaken  by  the  storm  of  shot,  Vaca 
de  Castro  saw  the  difficulty  of  advancing  in  open  view  of  the 
hostile  battery.  He  took  the  counsel,  therefore,  of  Francisco 
de  Carbajal,  who  undertook  to  lead  the  forces  by  a circuitous, 
but  safer,  route.  This  is  the  first  occasion  on  which  the  name 
of  this  veteran  appears  in  these  American  wars,  where  it  was 
afterward  to  acquire  a melancholy  notoriety.  He  had  come  to 
the  country  after  the  campaigns  of  forty  years  in  Europe,  where 

81  The  governor’s  words,  says  Carbajal,  who  witnessed  their  effect,  stirred  the  hearts  of 
the  troops,  so  that  they  went  to  the  batde  as  to  a ball : “ En  pocas  palabras  comprehended 
tan  grandes  cosas  que  la  gente  de  S.  M.  covro  tan  grande  animo  con  ellas,  que  tan  deter- 
minadamente  se  partieron  de  alii  para  ir  k los  enemigos  como  si  fueron  k fiestas  donde 
estuvieran  conridados.”  Dicho  del  Capitan  Francisco  de  Carbajal  sobre  la  informacion 
hecha  en  el  Cusco  en  1343,  4 favor  de  Vaca  de  Ca9tro,  MS. 


1 66 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


he  had  studied  the  art  of  war  under  the  Great  Captain,  Gonsalvo 
de  Cordova.  Though  now  far  advanced  in  age,  he  possessed  all 
the  courage  and  indomitable  energy  of  youth,  and  well  exem- 
plified the  lessons  he  had  studied  under  his  great  commander. 

Taking  advantage  of  a winding  route  that  sloped  round  the 
declivity  of  the  hills,  he  conducted  the  troops  in  such  a manner 
that  until  they  approached  quite  near  the  enemy  they  were  pro- 
tected by  the  intervening  ground.  While  thus  advancing,  they 
were  assailed  on  the  left  flank  by  the  Indian  battalions  under 
Paullo,  the  Inca  Manco’s  brother  ; but  a corps  of  musketeers, 
directing  a scattering  fire  among  them,  soon  rid  the  Spaniards 
of  this  annoyance.  When  at  length  the  royal  troops,  rising 
above  the  hill,  again  came  into  view  of  Almagro’s  lines,  the 
artillery  opened  on  them  with  fatal  effect.  It  was  but  for  a 
moment,  however,  as,  from  some  unaccountable  cause,  the  guns 
were  pointed  at  such  an  angle  that,  although  presenting  an 
obvious  mark,  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  shot  passed  over 
their  heads.  Whether  this  was  the  result  of  treachery,  or  merely 
of  awkwardness,  is  uncertain.  The  artillery  was  under  charge 
of  the  engineer,  Pedro  de  Candia.  This  man,  who,  it  may  be 
remembered,  was  one  of  the  thirteen  tha4-  so  gallantly  stood  by 
Pizarro  in  the  island  of  Gallo,  had  fought  side  by  side  with  his 
leader  through  the  whole  of  the  Conquest.  He  had  lately, 
however,  conceived  some  disgust  with  him,  and  had  taken  part 
with  the  faction  of  Almagro.  The  death  of  his  old  commander, 
he  may  perhaps  have  thought,  had  settled  all  their  differences, 
and  he  was  now  willing  to  return  to  his  former  allegiance.  At 
least,  it  is  said  that  at  this  very  time  he  was  in  correspondence 
with  Vaca  de  Castro.  Almagro  himself  seems  to  have  had  no 
doubt  of  his  treachery,  for,  after  remonstrating  in  vain  with 
him  on  his  present  conduct,  he  ran  him  through  the  body,  and 
the  unfortunate  cavalier  fell  lifeless  on  the  field.  Then,  throw- 
ing himself  on  one  of  the  guns,  Almagro  gave  it  a new  direction, 
and  that  so  successfully,  that  when  it  was  discharged  it  struck 
down  several  of  the  cavalry.22 


99  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  17-19. 
Naharro.  Relatfon  snmaria,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  3.  cap.  11. — Dicho 


chap.  vi. J BLOODY  PLAINS  OF  CHUPAS.  1 6/ 

The  firing  now  took  better  effect,  and  by  one  volley  a whole 
file  of  the  royal  infantry  was  swept  off,  and,  though  others 
quickly  stepped  in  to  fill  up  the  ranks,  the  men,  impatient  of 
their  sufferings,  loudly  called  on  the  troopers,  who  had  halted 
for  a moment,  to  quicken  their  advance.23  This  delay  had  been 
caused  by  Carbajal’s  desire  to  bring  his  own  guns  to  bear  on 
the  opposite  columns.  But  the  design  was  quickly  abandoned  ; 
the  clumsy  ordnance  was  left  on  the  field,  and  orders  were 
given  to  the  cavalry  to  charge ; the  trumpets  sounded,  and, 
crying  their  war-cries,  the  bold  cavaliers  struck  their  spurs  into 
their  steeds  and  rode  at  full  speed  against  the  enemy. 

Well  had  it  been  for  Almagro  if  he  had  remained  firm  on 
the  post  which  gave  him  such  advantage.  But,  from  a false 
point  of  honor,  he  thought  it  derogatory  to  a brave  knight 
passively  to  await  the  assault,  and,  ordering  his  own  men  to 
charge,  the  hostile  squadrons,  rapidly  advancing  against  each 
other,  met  midway  on  the  plain.  The  shock  was  terrible. 
Horse  and  rider  reeled  under  the  force  of  it.  The  spears  flew 
into  shivers ; 24  and  the  cavaliers,  drawing  their  swords  or 
wielding  their  maces  and  battle-axes — though  some  of  the  royal 
troopers  were  armed  only  with  a common  axe — dealt  their 
blows  with  all  the  fury  of  civil  hate.  It  was  a fearful  struggle, 
not  merely  of  man  against  man,  but,  to  use  the  words  of  an 
eye-witness,  of  brother  against  brother,  and  friend  against 
friend.25  No  quarter  was  asked ; for  the  wrench  that  had  been 

del  Capitan  Francisco  de  Carbajal  sobre  la  informacion  hecha  en  el  Cuzco  en  1543,  k favor 
de  Vaca  de  Castro,  MS. — Carta  del  Cabildo  de  Arequipa  al  Emperador,  MS. — Carta  de 
Ventura  Beltran,  MS. — Declaracion  de  Uscategui,  MS. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap. 
149. — According  to  Garcilasso,  whose  guns  usually  do  more  execution  than  those  of  any 
other  authority,  seventeen  men  were  killed  by  this  wonderful  shot.  See  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
2,  lib.  3,  cap.  16, 

33  The  officers  drove  the  men,  according  to  Zarate,  at  the  point  of  their  swords,  to  take 
the  places  of  their  fallen  comrades  : ki  Porque  vn  tiro  llevo  toda  vna  hilera,  k higo  abrir  el 
Escuadron,  i los  Capitanes  pusieron  gran  diligencia  en  hacerlo  cerrar,  amenagando  dc 
muerte  k los  Soldados,  con  las  Espadas  desenvainadas,  i se  cerrd.”  Conq.  del  Peru, 
lib.  4,  cap.  1. 

34  **  Se  encontraron  de  suerte,  que  casi  todas  las  langas  quebraron,  quedando  muchos 
muertos,  i caidos  de  ambas  partes.”  (Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ubi  supra.)  Zarate  writes 
on  this  occasion  with  the  spirit  and  strength  of  Thucydides.  He  was  not  present,  but 
came  into  the  country  the  following  year,  when  he  gleaned  the  particulars  of  the  battle 
from  the  best-informed  persons  there,  to  whom  his  position  gave  him  ready  access. 

**  It  is  the  language  of  the  Conquerors  themselves,  who,  in  their  letter  to  the  emperor, 
oompsrn  the  action  to  the  great  battle  of  Ravenna  : w Fue  tan  refiida  i porfiada,  que  dies- 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


1 68 

strong  enough  to  tear  asunder  the  dearest  ties  of  kindred  left 
no  hold  for  humanity.  The  excellent  arms  of  the  Almagrians 
counterbalanced  the  odds  of  numbers  ; but  the  royal  partisans 
gained  some  advantage  by  striking  at  the  horses  instead  of  the 
mailed  bodies  of  their  antagonists. 

The  infantry  meanwhile  on  both  sides  kept  up  a sharp  cross- 
fire from  their  arquebuses,  and  did  execution  on  the  ranks 
of  the  cavaliers,  as  well  as  on  one  another.  But  Almagro’s 
battery  of  heavy  guns,  now  well  directed,  mowed  down  the 
advancing  columns  of  foot.  The  latter,  staggering,  began  to 
fall  back  from  the  terrible  fire,  when  Francisco  de  Carbajal, 
throwing  himself  before  them,  cried  out,  “ Shame  on  you,  my 
men  ! Do  you  give  way  now  ? I am  twice  as  good  a mark  for 
the  enemy  as  any  of  you  ! ’ ’ He  was  a very  large  man  ; and, 
throwing  off  his  steel  helmet  and  cuirass,  that  he  might  have 
no  advantage  over  his  followers,  he  remained  lightly  attired 
in  his  cotton  doublet,  when,  swinging  his  partisan  over  his 
head,  he  sprang  boldly  forward  through  blinding  volumes  of 
smoke  and  a tempest  of  musket-balls,  and,  supported  by  the 
bravest  of  his  troops,  overpowered  the  gunners  and  made  him- 
self master  of  their  pieces. 

The  shades  of  night  had  now  for  some  time  been  coming 
thicker  and  thicker  over  the  field.  But  still  the  deadly  struggle 
went  on  in  the  darkness,  as  the  red  and  white  badges  inti- 
mated the  respective  parties,  and  their  war-cries  rose  above 
the  din — “ Vaca  de  Castro  y el  Rey  ! ” — “ Almagro  y el 
Rey ! ’ ’ — while  both  invoked  the  aid  of  their  military  apostle, 
St.  James.  Holguin,  who  commanded  the  royalists  on  the 
left,  pierced  through  by  two  musket-balls,  had  been  slain  early 
in  the  action.  He  had  made  himself  conspicuous  by  a rich 
sobre-vest  of  white  velvet  over  his  armor.  Still  a gallant  band 
of  cavaliers  maintained  the  fight  so  valiantly  on  that  quarter 
that  the  Almagrians  found  it  difficult  to  keep  their  ground.26 

jroes  de  Ja  de  Rebena,  no  sc  ha  visto  entre  tan  poca  gente  mas  cruel  batalla,  donde 
hcrmanos  k hermanos,  ni  deudos  k deudos,  ni  amigos  k amigos  no  se  davan  vida  uno  k 
$tro.”  Carta  del  Cabildo  de  Arequipa  al  Emperador,  MS. 

44  The  battle  was  so  equally  contested,  says  Beltran,  one  of  Vaca  de  Castro’s  captains, 
that  H was  long  doubtful  on  which  side  victory  was  to  incline  *.  “ 1 la  batalla  estuvo  mui  grao 


caAP.  vi.]  BLOODY  PLAINS  OF  CHUPAS.  169 

It  fared  differently  on  the  right,  where  Alonso  de  Alvarado 
commanded.  He  was  there  encountered  by  Almagro  in  per- 
son, who  fought  in  a manner  worthy  of  his  name.  By  repeated 
charges  he  endeavored  to  bear  down  his  opponent’s  squadrons, 
so  much  worse  mounted  and  worse  armed  than  his  own.  Al- 
varado resisted  with  undiminished  courage ; but  his  numbers 
had  been  thinned,  as  we  have  seen,  before  the  battle,  to  supply 
the  governor’s  reserve,  and,  fairly  overpowered  by  the  superior 
strength  of  his  adversary,  who  had  already  won  two  of  the 
royal  banners,  he  was  slowly  giving  ground.  “ Take,  but  kill 
not ! ” shouted  the  generous  young  chief,  who  felt  himself  sure 
of  victory.27 

But,  at  this  crisis,  Vaca  de  Castro,  who,  with  his  reserve, 
had  occupied  a rising  ground  that  commanded  the  field  of 
action,  was  fully  aware  that  the  time  had  now  come  for  him  to 
take  part  in  the  struggle.  He  had  long  strained  his  eyes  through 
the  gloom  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  combatants,  and 
received  constant  tidings  how  the  fight  was  going.  He  no 
longer  hesitated,  but,  calling  on  his  men  to  follow,  led  off 
boldly  into  the  thickest  of  the  melee  to  the  support  of  his 
stout-hearted  officer.  The  arrival  of  a new  corps  on  the  field, 
all  fresh  for  action,  gave  another  turn  to  the  tide.28  Alvarado’s 
men  took  heart  and  rallied.  Almagro’s,  though  driven  back 
by  the  fury  of  the  attack,  quickly  returned  against  their  assail- 
ants. Thirteen  of  Vaca  de  Castro’s  cavaliers  fell  dead  from 
their  saddles.  But  it  was  the  last  effort  of  the  Almagrians. 
Their  strength,  though  not  their  spirit,  failed  them.  They 
gave  way  in  all  directions,  and,  mingling  together  in  the  dark- 
ness, horse,  foot,  and  artillery,  they  trampled  one  another  down, 
as  they  made  the  best  of  their  way  from  the  press  of  their  pur- 
suers. Almagro  used  every  effort  to  stay  them.  He  performed 

yato  en  peso  sin  conoscerse  vitoria  de  la  una  parte  & la  otra.”  Carta  de  Ventura  Bel- 
tran, MS. 

97  “ Gritaba,  Victoria  ; i decia,  Prender  i no  matar.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7, 
lib.  3,  cap.  11. 

M The  letter  of  the  municipality  of  Arequipa  gives  the  governor  credit  for  deciding  the 
fete  of  the  day  by  this  movement,  and  the  writers  express  their  ” admiration  of  the  gal- 
lantry and  courage  he  displayed,  so  little  to  have  been  expected  from  his  age  and  profea* 
skm.M  See  the  original  in  Appendix  No.  13, 

P 24 


Vol.  2 


170 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


miracles  of  valor,  says  one  who  witnessed  them ; but  he  was 
borne  along  by  the  tide,  and,  though  he  seemed  to  court  death 
by  the  freedom  with  which  he  exposed  his  person  to  danger, 
yet  he  escaped  without  a wound. 

Others  there  were  of  his  company,  and  among  them  a young 
cavalier  named  Geronimo  de  Alvarado,  who  obstinately  refused 
to  quit  the  field;  and,  shouting  out,  “We  slew  Pizarro ! we 
killed  the  tyrant!”  they  threw  themselves  on  the  lances  of 
their  conquerors,  preferring  death  on  the  battle-field  to  the  igno- 
minious doom  of  the  gibbet.29 

It  was  nine  o’clock  when  the  battle  ceased,  though  the  firing 
was  heard  at  intervals  over  the  field  at  a much  later  hour,  as 
some  straggling  party  of  fugitives  were  overtaken  by  the  pur- 
suers. Yet  many  succeeded  in  escaping  in  the  obscurity  of 
night,  while  some,  it  is  said,  contrived  to  elude  pursuit  in  a 
more  singular  way  : tearing  off  the  badges  from  the  corpses  of 
their  enemies,  they  assumed  them  for  themselves,  and,  min- 
gling in  the  ranks  as  followers  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  joined  in  the 
pursuit. 

That  commander,  at  length,  fearing  some  untoward  acci- 
dent, and  that  the  fugitives,  should  they  rally  again  under 
cover  of  the  darkness,  might  inflict  some  loss  on  their  pursuers, 
caused  his  trumpets  to  sound,  and  recalled  his  scattered  forces 
under  their  banners.  All  night  they  remained  under  arms  on 
the  field,  which,  so  lately  the  scene  of  noisy  strife,  was  now 
hushed  in  silence,  broken  only  by  the  groans  of  the  wounded 
and  the  dying.  The  natives,  who  had  hung,  during  the  fight, 
like  a dark  cloud,  round  the  skirts  of  the  mountains,  contem- 
plating with  gloomy  satisfaction  the  destruction  of  their  ene- 
mies, now  availed  themselves  of  the  obscurity  to  descend,  like 
a pack  of  famished  wolves,  upon  the  plains,  where  they  stripped 
the  bodies  of  the  slain,  and  even  of  the  living  but  disabled 
wretches  who  had  in  vain  dragged  themselves  into  the  bushes 
for  concealment.  The  following  morning,  Vaca  de  Castro  gave 


49  “ Sa  arrojaron  en  los  Enemigos,  como  desesperados.  hiriendo  & todas  partes,  diciendo 
«a da  too  por  su  nombre  : Yo  soi  Fulano,  que  mat&  al  Marques  ; i asi  aadimaroo  hasta  qua 
los  hicieron  pedafos."  Zarate,  Conq.  dal  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  19. 


CHAP.  VI. J 


BLOODY  PLAINS  OF  CHUPAS. 


171 


orders  that  the  wounded — those  who  had  not  perished  in  the 
cold  damps  of  the  night — should  be  committed  to  the  care  of 
the  surgeons,  while  the  priests  were  occupied  with  administer- 
ing confession  and  absolution  to  the  dying.  Four  large  graves 
or  pits  were  dug,  in  which  the  bodies  of  the  slain — the  con- 
querors and  the  conquered — were  heaped  indiscriminately  to- 
gether. But  the  remains  of  Alvarez  de  Holguin  and  several 
other  cavaliers  of  distinction  were  transported  to  Guamanga, 
where  they  were  buried  with  the  solemnities  suited  to  their 
rank ; and  the  tattered  banners  won  from  their  vanquished 
countrymen  waved  over  their  monuments,  the  melancholy  tro- 
phies of  their  victory. 

The  number  of  killed  is  variously  reported — from  three  hun- 
dred to  five  hundred  on  both  sides.30  The  mortality  was  great- 
est among  the  conquerors,  who  suffered  more  from  the  cannon 
of  the  enemy  before  the  action  than  the  latter  suffered  in  the 
rout  that  followed  it.  The  number  of  wounded  was  still 
greater  ; and  full  half  of  the  survivors  of  Almagro’s  party  were 
made  prisoners.  Many,  indeed,  escaped  from  the  field  to  the 
neighboring  town  of  Guamanga,  where  they  took  refuge  in  the 
churches  and  monasteries.  But  their  asylum  was  not  respected, 
and  they  were  dragged  forth  and  thrown  into  prison.  Their 
brave  young  commander  fled,  with  a few  followers  only,  to 
Cuzco,  where  he  was  instantly  arrested  by  the  magistrates 
whom  he  had  himself  placed  over  the  city.31 

At  Guamanga,  Vaca  de  Castro  appointed  a commission,  with 
the  Licentiate  de  la  Gama  at  its  head,  for  the  trial  of  the  pris- 
oners ; and  justice  was  not  satisfied  till  forty  had  been  con- 
demned to  death,  and  thirty  others — some  of  them  with  the 

80  Zarate  estimates  the  number  at  three  hundred.  Uscategui,  who  belonged  to  the  Al- 
magrian  party,  and  Garcilasso,  both  rate  it  as  high  as  five  hundred. 

31  The  particulars  of  the  action  are  gathered  from  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 
—Carta  de  Ventura  Beltran,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  17-20. —Naharro, 
Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Dicho  del  Capitan  Francisco  de  Carbajal  sobre  la  informacion 
hecha  en  el  Cuzco  en  1543,  d favor  de  Vaca  de  Castro,  MS. — Carta  del  Cabildo  de  Arequi- 
pa  al  Emperador,  MS. — Carta  de  Barrio  Nuevo,  MS. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap. 
149.— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  15-18.— Declaracion  de  Uscategui,  MS. 
—Many  of  these  writers  were  personally  present  on  the  field  ; and  it  is  rare  that  the  details 
of  a battle  are  drawn  from  more  authentic  testimony.  The  student  of  history  will  not  be 
surprised  that  in  these  details  there  should  be  the  greatest  discrepancy. 


172 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


loss  of  one  or  more  of  their  members — sent  into  banishment.32 
Such  severe  reprisals  have  been  too  common  with  the  Span- 
iards in  their  civil  feuds.  Strange  that  they  should  so  blindly 
plunge  into  these,  with  this  dreadful  doom  for  the  vanquished  ! 

From  the  scene  of  this  bloody  tragedy  the  governor  pro- 
ceeded to  Cuzco,  which  he  entered  at  the  head  of  his  victori- 
ous battalions,  with  all  the  pomp  and  military  display  of  a 
conqueror.  He  maintained  a corresponding  state  in  his  way 
of  living,  at  the  expense  of  a sneer  from  some,  who  sarcasti- 
cally contrasted  this  ostentatious  profusion  with  the  economi- 
cal reforms  he  subsequently  introduced  into  the  finances.33 
But  Vaca  de  Castro  was  sensible  of  the  effect  of  this  outward 
show  on  the  people  generally,  and  disdained  no  means  of  giv- 
ing authority  to  his  office.  His  first  act  was  to  determine  the 
fate  of  his  prisoner,  Almagro.  A council  of  war  was  held. 
Some  were  for  sparing  the  unfortunate  chief,  in  consideration 
of  his  youth  and  the  strong  provocation  he  had  received.  But 
the  majority  were  of  opinion  that  such  mercy  could  not  be  ex- 
tended to  the  leader  of  the  rebels,  and  that  his  death  was  in- 
dispensable to  the  permanent  tranquillity  of  the  country. 

When  led  to  execution  in  the  great  square  of  Cuzco — the 
same  spot  where  his  father  had  suffered  but  a few  years  before 
— Almagro  exhibited  the  most  perfect  comp®sure,  though,  as 
the  herald  proclaimed  aloud  the  doom  of  the  traitor,  he  indig- 
nantly denied  that  he  was  one.  He  made  no  appeal  for  mercy 
to  his  judges,  but  simply  requested  that  his  bones  might  be 
laid  by  the  side  of  his  father’s.  He  objected  to  having  his 
eyes  bandaged,  as  was  customary  on  such  occasions,  and,  after 
confession,  he  devoutly  embraced  the  cross,  and  submitted  his 
neck  to  the  stroke  of  the  executioner.  His  remains,  agreeably 
to  his  request,  were  transported  to  the  monastery  of  La  Mer- 

sa  Declaracion  de  Uscategui,  MS — Carta  de  Ventura  Beltran,  MS.— Zarate,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  21. — The  loyal  burghers  of  Arequipa  seem  to  have  been  well  contented 
with  these  executions.  “ If  night  had  not  overtaken  us,M  they  say,  alluding  to  the  action, 
in  their  letter  to  the  emperor,  “ your  Majesty  would  have  had  no  reason  to  complain  : but 
what  was  omitted  then  is  made  up  now,  since  the  governor  goes  on  quartering  every  day 
some  one  or  other  of  the  traitors  who  escaped  from  the  field.”  See  the  original  in  Appendix 
No.  13. 

83  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  4,  cap.  1. 


chap,  vi.]  CONDUCT  OF  VAC  A DE  CASTRO.  1 73 

ced,  where  they  were  deposited  side  by  side  with  those  of  his 
unfortunate  parent.34 

There  have  been  few  names,  indeed,  in  the  page  of  history, 
more  unfortunate  than  that  of  Almagro.  Yet  the  fate  of  the 
son  excites  a deeper  sympathy  than  that  of  the  father ; and 
this,  not  merely  on  account  of  his  youth  and  the  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances of  his  situation.  He  possessed  many  of  the  good 
qualities  of  the  elder  Almagro,  with  a frank  and  manly  nature, 
in  which  the  bearing  of  the  soldier  was  somewhat  softened  by 
the  refinement  of  a better  education  than  is  to  be  found  in  the 
license  of  a camp.  His  career,  though  short,  gave  promise  of 
considerable  talent,  which  required  only  a fair  field  for  its  de- 
velopment. But  he  was  the  child  of  misfortune,  and  his  morn- 
ing of  life  was  overcast  by  clouds  and  tempests.  If  his  charac- 
ter, naturally  benignant,  sometimes  showed  the  fiery  sparkles 
of  the  vindictive  Indian  temper,  some  apology  may  be  found, 
not  merely  in  his  blood,  but  in  the  circumstances  of  his  situa- 
tion. He  was  more  sinned  against  than  sinning ; and  if  con- 
spiracy could  ever  find  a justification  it  must  be  in  a case  like 
his,  where,  borne  down  by  injuries  heaped  on  his  parent  and 
himself,  he  could  obtain  no  redress  from  the  only  quarter 
whence  he  had  a right  to  look  for  it.  With  him  the  name  of 
Almagro  became  extinct,  and  the  faction  of  Chili,  so  long  the 
terror  of  the  land,  passed  away  forever. 

While  these  events  were  occurring  in  Cuzco,  the  governor 
learned  that  Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  arrived  at  Lima,  where  he 
showed  himself  greatly  discontented  with  the  state  of  things  in 
Peru.  He  loudly  complained  that  the  government  of  the  coun- 
try, after  his  brother’s  death,  had  not  been  placed  in  his  hands  ; 
and,  as  reported  by  some,  he  was  now  meditating  schemes  for 
getting  possession  of  it.  Vaca  de  Castro  well  knew  that  there 
would  be  no  lack  of  evil  counsellors  to  urge  Gonzalo  to  this 
desperate  step  ; and,  anxious  to  extinguish  the  spark  of  insur- 
rection before  it  had  been  fanned  by  these  turbulent  spirits  into 
a flame,  he  detached  a strong  body  to  Lima  to  secure  that  cap- 

14  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  «*.— Na» 
barro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec,  7,  lib.  6,  cap,  1. 


174 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.  [BOOK  IV. 


ital.  At  the  same  time  he  commanded  the  presence  of  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro  in  Cuzco. 

That  chief  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  disregard  the  sum- 
mons, and  shortly  after  entered  the  Inca  capital,  at  the  head 
of  a well-armed  body  of  cavaliers.  He  was  at  once  admitted 
into  the  governor’s  presence,  when  the  latter  dismissed  his 
guard,  remarking  that  he  had  nothing  to  fear  from  a brave  and 
loyal  knight  like  Pizarro.  He  then  questioned  him  as  to  his 
late  adventures  in  Canelas,  and  showed  great  sympathy  for  his 
extraordinary  sufferings.  He  took  care  not  to  alarm  his  jeal- 
ousy by  any  allusion  to  his  ambitious  schemes,  and  concluded 
by  recommending  him,  now  that  the  tranquillity  of  the  coun- 
try was  re-established,  to  retire  and  seek  the  repose  he  so  much 
needed,  on  his  valuable  estates  at  Charcas.  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
finding  no  ground  open  for  a quarrel  with  the  cool  and  politic 
governor,  and  probably  feeling  that  he  was  at  least  not  now  in 
sufficient  strength  to  warrant  it,  thought  it  prudent  to  take  the 
advice,  and  withdrew  to  La  Plata,  where  he  busied  himself  in 
working  those  rich  mines  of  silver  that  soon  put  him  in  con- 
dition for  a more  momentous  enterprise  than  any  he  had  yet 
attempted.35 

Thus  rid  of  his  formidable  competitor,  Vaca  de  Castro  oc- 
cupied himself  with  measures  for  the  settlement  of  the  coun- 
try. He  began  with  his  army,  a part  of  which  he  had  dis- 
banded. But  many  cavaliers  still  remained,  pressing  their 
demands  for  a suitable  recompense  for  their  services.  These 
they  were  not  disposed  to  undervalue,  and  the  governor  was 
happy  to  rid  himself  of  their  importunities  by  employing  them 
on  distant  expeditions,  among  which  was  the  exploration  of 
the  country  watered  by  the  great  Rio  de  la  Plata.  The  boil- 
ing spirits  of  the  high-mettled  cavaliers,  without  some  such 
vent,  would  soon  have  thrown  the  whole  country  again  into  a 
state  of  fermentation. 

His  next  concern  was  to  provide  laws  for  the  better  govern- 
ment of  the  colony.  He  gave  especial  care  to  the  state  of  the 

18  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  4,  cap.  1 ; 
lib.  6,  cap.  3. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap,  2a. 


chap,  vi.]  CONDUCT  OF  VAC  A DE  CASTRO. 


175 


Indian  population,  and  established  schools  for  teaching  them 
Christianity.  By  various  provisions  he  endeavored  to  secure 
them  from  the  exactions  of  their  conquerors,  and  he  encour- 
aged the  poor  natives  to  transfer  their  own  residence  to  the 
communities  of  the  white  men.  He  commanded  the  caciques 
to  provide  supplies  for  the  tambos,  or  houses  for  the  accommo- 
dation of  travellers,  which  lay  in  their  neighborhood,  by  which 
regulation  he  took  away  from  the  Spaniards  a plausible  apology 
for  rapine,  and  greatly  promoted  facility  of  intercourse.  He 
was  watchful  over  the  finances,  much  dilapidated  in  the  late 
troubles,  and  in  several  instances  retrenched  what  he  deemed 
excessive  repartimientos  among  the  Conquerors.  This  last 
act  exposed  him  to  much  odium  from  the  objects  of  it.  But 
his  measures  were  so  just  and  impartial  that  he  was  supported 
by  public  opinion.36 

Indeed,  Vaca  de  Castro’s  conduct,  from  the  hour  of  his 
arrival  in  the  country,  had  been  such  as  to  command  respect 
and  prove  him  competent  to  the  difficult  post  for  which  he  had 
been  selected.  Without  funds,  without  troops,  he  had  found 
the  country,  on  his  landing,  in  a state  of  anarchy ; yet,  by 
courage  and  address,  he  had  gradually  acquired  sufficient 
strength  to  quell  the  insurrection.  Though  no  soldier,  he  had 
shown  undaunted  spirit  and  presence  of  mind  in  the  hour  of 
action,  and  made  his  military  preparations  with  a forecast  and 
discretion  that  excited  the  admiration  of  the  most  experienced 
veterans. 

If  he  may  be  thought  to  have  abused  the  advantages  of  vic- 
tory by  cruelty  toward  the  conquered,  it  must  be  allowed 
that  he  was  not  influenced  by  any  motives  of  a personal 
nature.  He  was  a lawyer,  bred  in  high  notions  of  royal  pre- 
rogative. Rebellion  he  looked  upon  as  an  unpardonable 
crime  ; and,  if  his  austere  nature  was  unrelenting  in  the  exaction 
of  justice,  he  lived  in  an  iron  age,  when  justice  was  rarely  tem- 
pered by  mercy. 

In  his  subsequent  regulations  for  the  settlement  of  the 
country  he  showed  equal  impartiality  and  wisdom.  The  colo- 

04  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  22.— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  6,  cap.  9. 


176 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


nists  were  deeply  sensible  of  the  benefits  of  his  administration, 
and  afforded  the  best  commentary  on  his  services  by  petition- 
ing the  Court  of  Castile  to  continue  him  in  the  government 
of  Peru.37  Unfortunately,  such  was  not  the  policy  of  the 
crown. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Abuses  by  the  Conquerors. — Code  for  the  Colonies — Great  Excitement  in 
Peru. — Blasco  Nunez  the  Viceroy. — His  severe  Policy. — Opposed  by 
Gonzalo  Pizarro. 


1543 — I544- 

Before  continuing  the  narrative  of  events  in  Peru,  we  must 
turn  to  the  mother-country,  where  important  changes  were  in 
progress  in  respect  to  the  administration  of  the  colonies. 

Since  his  accession  to  the  crown,  Charles  the  Fifth  had  been 
chiefly  engrossed  by  the  politics  of  Europe,  where  a theatre  was 
opened  more  stimulating  to  his  ambition  than  could  be  found 
in  a struggle  with  the  barbarian  princes  of  the  New  World. 
In  this  quarter,  therefore,  an  empire  almost  unheeded,  as  it 
were,  had  been  suffered  to  grow  up,  until  it  had  expanded  into 
dimensions  greater  than  those  of  his  European  dominions,  and 
destined  soon  to  become  far  more  opulent.  A scheme  of  gov- 
ernment had,  it  is  true,  been  devised,  and  laws  enacted  from 
time  to  time  for  the  regulation  of  the  colonies.  But  these 
laws  were  often  accommodated  less  to  the  interests  of  the  colo- 
nies themselves  than  to  those  of  the  parent  country ; and  when 
contrived  in  a better  spirit  they  were  but  imperfectly  exe- 
cuted ; for  the  voice  of  authority,  however  loudly  proclaimed 
at  home,  too  often  died  away  in  feeble  echoes  before  it  had 
crossed  the  waters. 

This  state  of  things,  and,  indeed,  the  manner  in  which 


37  “ I asi  lo  escrivieron  al  Rei  la  Ciudad  del  Cuzco,  la  Villa  de  la  Plata,  iotras  Comuni- 
dades,  suplicandole,  que  los  dexase  por  Governador  A Vaca  de  Castro,  como  Persona,  qut 
procedia  con  rectitud,  i que  i&entendia  el  Govierno  de  aquellos  Reinos.”  Herrera,  His*, 
general,  loc.  dt. 


chap,  vii.]  ABUSES  BY  THE  CONQUERORS. 


1 77 


the  Spanish  territories  in  the  New  World  had  been  origi- 
nally acquired,  were  most  unfortunate  both  for  the  conquered 
races  and  their  masters.  Had  the  provinces  gained  by  the 
Spaniards  been  the  fruit  of  peaceful  acquisition — of  barter  and 
negotiation — or  had  their  conquest  been  achieved  under  the 
immediate  direction  of  the  government,  the  interests  of  the 
natives  would  have  been  more  carefully  protected.  From 
the  superior  civilization  of  the  Indians  in  the  Spanish  Ameri- 
can colonies,  they  still  continued  after  the  Conquest  to  re- 
main on  the  ground,  and  to  mingle  in  the  same  communities 
with  the  white  men ; in  this  forming  an  obvious  contrast  to 
the  condition  of  our  own  aborigines,  who,  shrinking  from 
the  contact  of  civilization,  have  withdrawn,  as  the  latter 
has  advanced,  deeper  and  deeper  into  the  heart  of  the  wil- 
derness. But  the  South  American  Indian  was  qualified  by  his 
previous  institutions  for  a more  refined  legislation  than  could  be 
adapted  to  the  wild  hunters  of  the  forest ; and  had  the  sover- 
eign been  there  in  person  to  superintend  his  conquests  he  could 
never  have  suffered  so  large  a portion  of  his  vassals  to  be  wan- 
tonly sacrificed  to  the  cupidity  and  cruelty  of  the  handful  of 
adventurers  who  subdued  them. 

But,  as  it  was,  the  affair  of  reducing  the  country  was  com- 
mitted to  the  hands  of  irresponsible  individuals,  soldiers  of 
fortune,  desperate  adventurers,  who  entered  on  conquest  as  a 
game,  which  they  were  to  play  in  the  most  unscrupulous  man- 
ner, with  little  care  but  to  win  it.  Receiving  small  encourage- 
ment from  the  government,  they  were  indebted  to  their  own 
valor  for  success;  and  the  right  of  conquest,  they  conceived, 
extinguished  every  existing  right  in  the  unfortunate  natives. 
The  lands,  the  persons,  of  the  conquered  races  were  parcelled 
out  and  appropriated  by  the  victors  as  the  legitimate  spoils  of 
victory ; and  outrages  were  perpetrated  every  day,  at  the  con- 
templation of  which  humanity  shudders. 

These  outrages,  though  nowhere  perpetrated  on  so  terrific  a 
scale  as  in  the  islands,  where  in  a few  years  they  had  nearly 
annihilated  the  native  population,  were  yet  of  sufficient  magni- 
tude in  Peru  to  call  down  the  vengeance  of  Heaven  on  the 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


178 


heads  of  their  authors ; and  the  Indian  might  feel  that  this 
vengeance  was  not  long  delayed,  when  he  beheld  his  oppressors 
wrangling  over  their  miserable  spoil  and  turning  their  swords 
against  each  other.  Peru,  as  already  mentioned,  was  subdued 
by  adventurers,  for  the  most  part,  of  a lower  and  more  ferocious 
stamp  than  those  who  followed  the  banner  of  Cortbs.  The 
character  of  the  followers  partook  in  some  measure  of  that  of 
the  leaders  in  their  respective  enterprises.  It  was  a sad  fatality 
for  the  Incas  ; for  the  reckless  soldiers  of  Pizarro  were  better 
suited  to  contend  with  the  fierce  Aztec  than  with  the  more  re- 
fined and  effeminate  Peruvian.  Intoxicated  by  the  unac- 
customed possession  of  power,  and  without  the  least  notion  of 
the  responsibilities  which  attached  to  their  situation  as  masters 
of  the  land,  they  too  often  abandoned  themselves  to  the  indul- 
gence of  every  whim  which  cruelty  or  caprice  could  dictate. 
Not  unfrequently,  says  an  unsuspicious  witness,  I have  seen  the 
Spaniards,  long  after  the  Conquest,  amuse  themselves  by  hunt- 
ing down  the  natives  with  bloodhounds  for  mere  sport,  or  in 
order  to  train  their  dogs  to  the  game  ! 1 The  most  unbounded 
scope  was  given  to  licentiousness.  The  young  maiden  was 
torn  without  remorse  from  the  arms  of  her  family  to  gratify 
the  passion  of  her  brutal  conqueror.2  The  sacred  houses  of  the 
Virgins  of  the  Sun  were  broken  open  and  violated,  and  the 
cavalier  swelled  his  harem  with  a troop  of  Indian  girls,  making 
it  seem  that  the  Crescent  would  have  been  a much  more  fitting 
symbol  for  his  banner  than  the  immaculate  Cross.3 

But  the  dominant  passion  of  the  Spaniard  was  the  lust  of 
gold.  For  this  he  shrank  from  no  toil  himself,  and  was  merci- 
less in  his  exactions  of  labor  from  his  Indian  slave.  Unfort- 
unately, Peru  abounded  in  mines  which  too  well  repaid  this 
labor ; and  human  life  was  the  item  of  least  account  in  the  es- 

1 “ Espanoles  hai  que  crian  perros  carniceros  i los  avezan  £ matar  Indios,  lo  qual  pro- 
curan  £ las  veces  por  pasatiempo,  i ver  si  lo  hacen  bien  los  perros.”  Relacion  que  did  el 
Provisor  Morales  sobre  las  cosas  que  convenian  provarse  en  el  Peru,  MS. 

9 “Que  los  Justicias  dan  cedulas  de  Anaconas  que  por  otros  terminos  los  hacen  esclavos 
fe  vivir  contra  su  voluntad,  diciendo  : Por  la  presente  damos  licencia  £ vos  Fulano,  para 
que  os  podais  servir  de  tal  Indio  6 de  tal  India  e lo  podais  tomar  e sacar  donde  quiera  que 
lo  hallaredes.”  Rel.  del  Provisor  Morales,  MS. 

3 “ Es  general  el  vicio  del  amancebaraiento  con  Indian  i algunos  tienen  cantidad  dellas 
como  en  serrallo.”  Ibid.,  MS. 


chap,  vii.]  ABUSES  BY  THE  CONQUERORS. 


179 


timate  of  the  Conquerors.  Under  his  Incas,  the  Peruvian  was 
never  suffered  to  be  idle  ; but  the  task  imposed  on  him  was  al- 
ways proportioned  to  his  strength.  He  had  his  seasons  of  rest 
and  refreshment,  and  was  well  protected  against  the  inclemency 
of  the  weather.  Every  care  was  shown  for  his  personal  safety. 
But  the  Spaniards,  while  they  taxed  the  strength  of  the  native 
to  the  utmost,  deprived  him  of  the  means  of  repairing  it  when 
exhausted.  They  suffered  the  provident  arrangements  of  the 
Incas  to  fall  into  decay.  The  granaries  were  emptied ; the 
flocks  were  wasted  in  riotous  living.  They  were  slaughtered 
to  gratify  a mere  epicurean  whim,  and  many  a llama  was  de- 
stroyed solely  for  the  sake  of  the  brains — a dainty  morsel*  ' 
much  coveted  by  the  Spaniards.4  So  reckless  was  the  spirit  of 
destruction  after  the  Conquest,  says  Ondegardo,-  the  wise  gov- 
ernor of  Cuzco,  that  in  four- . years, -more  of  these  animals 
perished  than  in  four  hundred  in  the  times  of  the  Incas.5  The 
flocks,  once  so  numerous  over  the  broad  table-lands,  were  now 
thinned  to  a scanty  number,  that  sought  shelter  in  the  fast- 
nesses of  the  Andes.  The  poor  Indian,  without  food,  with- 
out the  warm  fleece  which  furnished  him  a defence  against 
the  cold,  now  wandered  half  starved  and  naked  over  the  pla- 
teau. Even  those  who  had  aided  the  Spaniards  in  the  con- 
quest fared  no  better ; and  many  an  Inca  noble  roamed  a 
mendicant  over  the  lands  where  he  once  held  rule,  and  if 
driven,  perchance,  by  his  necessities  to  purloin  something  from 
the  superfluity  of  his  conquerors,  he  expiated  it  by  a miserable 
death.6 

4 “ Muchos  Espanoles  han  muerto  i matan  increible  cantidad  de  ovejas  por  comer  solo  los 
sesos,  hacer  pasteles  del  tuetano  i candelas  de  la  grasa.  De  ai  hambre  general.”  Rel.  del 
Provisor  Morales,  MS. 

6 “ Se  puede  afirmar  que  hicieron  mas  dano  los  Espanoles  en  solos  quatro  anos  que  el 
Inga  en  quatrocientos.”  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 

6 “ Ahora  no  tienen  que  comer  ni  donde  sembrar,  i asi  van  A hurtallo  como  solian,  delito 
por  que  han  aorcado  & muchos.”  Rel.  del  Provisor  Morales,  MS.— This  and  some  of  the 
preceding  citations,  as  the  reader  will  see,  have  been  taken  from  the  MS.  of  the  Bachelor 
Luis  de  Morales,  who  lived  eighteen  or  twenty  years  in  Cuzco,  and  in  1541,  about  the  time 
of  Vaca  de  Castro’s  coming  to  Peru,  prepared  a Memorial  for  the  government,  embracing  a 
hundred  and  nine  chapters.  It  treats  of  the  condition  of  the  country,  and  the  remedies 
which  suggested  themselves  to  the  benevolent  mind  of  its  author.  The  emperor’s  notes  on 
the  margin  show  that  it  received  attention  at  court.  There  is  no  reason,  so  far  as  I am 
aware,  to  distrust  the  testimony  of  the  writer,  and  Munoz  has  made  some  sensible  extracts 
from  it  for  his  inestimable  collection. 


i8o 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


It  is  true,  there  were  good  men,  missionaries,  faithful  to 
their  calling,  who  wrought  hard  in  the  spiritual  conversion  of 
the  native,  and  who,  touched  by  his  misfortunes,  would  gladly 
have  interposed  their  arm  to  shield  him  from  his  oppressors.7 
But  too  often  the  ecclesiastic  became  infected  by  the  general 
spirit  of  licentiousness  ; and  the  religious  fraternities,  who  led 
a life  of  easy  indulgence  on  the  lands  cultivated  by  their  Indian 
slaves,  were  apt  to  think  less  of  the  salvation  of  their  souls  than 
of  profiting  by  the  labor  of  their  bodies.8 

Yet  still  there  were  not  wanting  good  and  wise  men  in  the 
colonies,  who  from  time  to  time  raised  the  voice  of  remon- 
Stzance  against  these  abuses,  and  who  carried  their  complaints 
to  the  foot  of  the  throne.  To  the  credit  of  the  government,  it 
must  also  be  confessed  that  it  was  solicitous  to  obtain  such  in- 
formation as  it  could,  D'Oi.b.frC'nfits  own  officers  and  from  com- 
missioners deputed  expressly  for  the  purpose,  whose  voluminous 
communciations  throw  a flood  of  light  on  the  internal  condition 
of  the  country  and  furnish  the  best  materials  for  the  historian.9 

7 Father  Naharro  notices  twelve  missionaries,  some  of  his  own  order,  whose  zealous 

labors  and  miracles  for  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  he  deems  worthy  of  comparison  with 
those  of  the  twelve  Apostles  of  Christianity.  It  is  a pity  that  history,  while  it  has  commem- 
orated the  names  of  so  many  persecutors  of  the  poor  heathen,  should  have  omitted  those 
of  their  benefactors  : “ Tom6  su  divina  Magestad  por  instrumento  12  solos  religiosos 

pobres,  descalzos  i desconocidos,  5 del  orden  de  la  Merced,  4 de  Predicadores,  i 3 de  San 
Francisco,  obraron  lo  mismo  que  los  12  apostolos  en  la  conversion  de  todo  el  universo  mun- 
do.”  Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. 

8 “Todos  los  convenlos  de  Dominicos  i Mercenarios  tienen  repartimientos.  Ninguno 
dellos  ha  dotrinado  ni  convertido  un  Indio.  Procuran  sacar  dellos  quanto  pueden,  traba- 
jarles  en  grangerias  ; con  esto  i con  otras  Iimosnas  enriquecen.  Mai  egemplo.  Ademas 
convendrd  no  pasen  frailes  sino  precediendo  diligente  examen  de  vida  i dotrina.”  (Rela- 
cion de  las  cosas  que  S.  M.  deve  proveer  para  los  reynos  del  Peru,  embiada  desde  los 
Reyes  A la  Corte  por  el  Licenciado  Martel  Santoyo,  de  quien  va  firmada  en  principios  de 
1542,  MS.)  This  statement  of  the  licentiate  shows  a different  side  of  the  picture  from  that 
above  quoted  from  Father  Naharro.  Yet  they  are  not  irreconcilable.  Human  nature  has 
both  its  lights  and  its  shadows. 

9 I have  several  of  these  Memorials,  or  Relaciones , as  they  are  called,  in  my  possession, 
drawn  up  by  residents  in  answer  to  queries  propounded  by  government.  These  queries, 
while  their  great  object  is  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  existing  abuses,  and  to  invite  the  sug- 
gestion of  remedies,  are  often  directed  to  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  ancient  Incas.  The 
responses,  therefore,  are  of  great  value  to  the  historical  inquirer.  The  most  important  of 
these  documents  in  my  possession  is  that  by  Ondegardo,  governor  of  Cuzco,  covering 
nearly  four  hundred  folio  pages,  once  forming  part  of  Lord  Kingsborough’s  valuable  collec- 
tion. It  is  impossible  to  peruse  these  elaborate  and  conscientious  reports  without  a deep 
conviction  of  the  pains  taken  by  the  crown  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  the  abuses  in  the 
domestic  government  of  the  colonies,  and  its  honest  purpose  to  amend  them.  Unfortunately, 
on  this  laudable  purpose  it  was  not  often  seconded  by  the  colonists  themselves. 


CHAP.  VII] 


CODE  FOR  THE  COLONIES. 


1 8 1 


But  it  was  found  much  easier  to  get  this  information  than  to 
profit  by  it. 

In  1541,  Charles  the  Fifth,  who  had  been  much  occupied 
by  the  affairs  of  Germany,  revisited  his  ancestral  dominions, 
where  his  attention  was  imperatively  called  to  the  state  of  the 
colonies.  Several  memorials  in  relation  to  it  were  laid  before 
him  ; but  no  one  pressed  the  matter  so  strongly  on  the  royal 
conscience  as  Las  Casas,  afterward  Bishop  of  Chiapa.  This 
good  ecclesiastic,  whose  long  life  had  been  devoted  to  those 
benevolent  labors  which  gained  him  the  honorable  title  of 
Protector  of  the  Indians,  had  just  completed  his  celebrated 
treatise  on  the  Destruction  of  the  Indians,  the  most  re- 
markable record,  probably,  to  be  found  of  human  wicked- 
ness, but  which,  unfortunately,  loses  much  of  its  effect  from 
the  credulity  of  the  writer  and  his  obvious  tendency  to  exag- 
gerate. 

In  1542  Las  Casas  placed  his  manuscript  in  the  hands  of 
his  royal  master.  That  same  year  a council  was  called  at 
Valladolid,  composed  chiefly  of  jurists  and  theologians,  to 
devise  a system  of  laws  for  the  regulation  of  the  American 
colonies. 

Las  Casas  appeared  before  this  body,  and  made  an  elaborate 
argument,  of  which  a part  only  has  been  given  to  the  public. 
He  there  assumes,  as  a fundamental  proposition,  that  the  In- 
dians were  by  the  law  of  nature  free  ; that,  as  vassals  of  the 
crown,  they  had  a right  to  its  protection,  and  should  be  de- 
clared free  from  that  time,  without  exception  and  forever.10 
He  sustains  this  proposition  by  a great  variety  of  arguments, 
comprehending  the  substance  of  most  that  has  been  since  urged 
in  the  same  cause  by  the  friends  of  humanity.  He  touches  on 


10  The  perpetual  emancipation  of  the  Indians  is  urged  in  the  most  emphatic  manner 
by  another  bishop,  also  a Dominican,  but  bearing  certainly  very  little  resemblance  to  Las 
Casas.  Fray  Valverde  makes  this  one  of  the  prominent  topics  in  a communication,  already 
cited,  to  the  government,  the  general  scope  of  which  must  be  admitted  to  do  more  credit  to 
his  humanity  than  some  of  the  passages  recorded  of  him  in  history  : “A.  V M.  represen- 

taran  alia  los  conquistadores  muchos  servicios,  dandolos  por  causa  para  que  los  dexe  servir 
de  los  indios  como  de  esclavos  : V.  M.  se  los  tiene  mui  bien  pagados  en  los  provechos  que 
han  avido  desta  tierra,  y no  los  ha  de  pagar  con  hazer  A sus  vasallos  esclavoe.”  Carta  de 
Valverde  al  Emperador,  MS. 


1 82  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 

the  ground  of  expediency,  showing  that  without  the  interfer- 
ence of  government  the  Indian  race  must  be  gradually  exter- 
minated by  the  systematic  oppression  of  the  Spaniards.  In 
conclusion,  he  maintains  that  if  the  Indians,  as  it  was  pre- 
tended, would  not  labor  unless  compelled,  the  white  man 
would  still  find  it  for  his  interest  to  cultivate  the  soil ; and 
that  if  he  should  not  be  able  to  do  so,  that  circumstance  would 
give  him  no  right  over  the  Indian,  since  God  does  not  allow 
evil  that  good  may  come  of  it}x  This  lofty  morality,  it  will  be 
remembered,  was  from  the  lips  of  a Dominican,  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  one  of  the  order  that  founded  the  Inquisition, 
and  in  the  very  country  where  the  fiery  tribunal  was  then  in 
most  active  operation  ! 12 

The  arguments  of  Las  Casas  encountered  all  the  opposition 
naturally  to  be  expected  from  indifference,  selfishness,  and 
bigotry.  They  were  also  resisted  by  some  persons  of  just  and 
benevolent  views  in  his  audience,  who,  while  they  admitted 
the  general  correctness  of  his  reasoning  and  felt  deep  sympathy 
for  the  wrongs  of  the  natives,  yet  doubted  whether  his  scheme 
of  reform  was  not  fraught  with  greater  evils  than  those  it  was 
intended  to  correct.  For  Las  Casas  was  the  uncompromising 
friend  of  freedom.  He  intrenched  himself  strongly  on  the 
ground  of  natural  right,  and,  like  some  of  the  reformers  of  our 
own  day,  disdained  to  calculate  the  consequences  of  carrying 
out  the  principle  to  its  full  and  unqualified  extent.  His  ear- 
nest eloquence,  instinct  with  the  generous  love  of  humanity 
and  fortified  by  a host  of  facts,  which  it  was  not  easy  to  assail, 
prevailed  over  his  auditors.  The  result  of  their  deliberations 
was  a code  of  ordinances  which,  however,  far  from  being 
limited  to  the  wants  of  the  natives,  had  particular  reference  to 
the  European  population  and  the  distractions  of  the  country. 

1 1 “ La  loi  de  Dieu  defend  de  fairs  le  mal  pour  qu’il  en  resuite  du  bien.”  CEuvres  de  Las 
Casas,  eveque  de  Chiapa,  trad,  par  Llorente  (Paris,  1822),  tom.  i.,  p.  251. 

19  It  is  a curious  coincidence  that  this  argument  of  Las  Casas  should  have  been  first  pub- 
lished—in  a translated  form,  indeed— by  a secretary  of  the  Inquisition,  Llorente.  The  orig- 
inal still  remains  in  MS.  It  is  singular  that  these  volumes,  containing  the  views  of  ^his 
great  philanthropist  on  topics  of  such  interest  to  humanity,  should  not  have  been  more 
freely  consulted,  or  at  least  cited,  by  those  who  have  since  trod  in  his  footsteps.  They  are 
an  arsenal  from  which  many  a serviceable  weapon  for  the  good  cause  might  be  borrowed. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


CODE  FOR  THE  COLONIES. 


183 


It  was  of  general  application  to  all  the  American  colonies.  It 
will  be  necessary  here  only  to  point  out  some  of  the  provisions 
having  immediate  reference  to  Peru. 

The  Indians  were  declared  true  and  loyal  vassals  of  the 
crown,  and  their  freedom  as  such  was  fully  recognized.  Yet, 
to  maintain  inviolate  the  guarantee  of  the  government  to  the 
Conquerors,  it  was  decided  that  those  lawfully  possessed  of 
slaves  might  still  retain  them  ; but  at  the  death  of  the  present 
proprietors  they  were  to  revert  to  the  crown. 

It  was  provided,  however,  that  slaves,  in  any  event,  should 
be  forfeited  by  all  those  who  had  shown  themselves  unworthy 
to  hold  them  by  neglect  or  ill  usage  ; by  all  public  function- 
aries, or  such  as  had  held  offices  under  the  government ; by 
ecclesiastics  and  religious  corporations  ; and,  lastly — a sweep- 
ing clause — by  all  who  had  taken  a criminal  part  in  the  feuds 
of  Almagro  and  Pizarro. 

It  was  further  ordered  that  the  Indians  should  be  moder- 
ately taxed ; that  they  should  not  be  compelled  to  labor  where 
they  did  not  choose  ; and  that  where,  from  particular  circum- 
stances, this  was  made  necessary,  they  should  receive  a fair 
compensation.  It  was  also  decreed  that,  as  the  repartimientos 
of  land  were  often  excessive,  they  should  in  such  cases  be  re- 
duced ; and  that  where  proprietors  had  been  guilty  of  a notori- 
ous abuse  of  their  slaves  their  estates  should  be  forfeited  alto- 
gether. 

As  Peru  had  always  shown  a spirit  of  insubordination,  which 
required  a more  vigorous  interposition,  of  authority  than  was 
necessary  in  the  other  colonies,  it  was  resolved  to  send  a vice- 
roy to  that  country,  who  should  display  a state  and  be  armed 
with  powers  that  might  make  him  a more  fitting  representative 
of  the  sovereign.  He  wras  to  be  accompanied  by  a Royal 
Audience,  consisting  of  four  judges,  with  extensive  powers  of 
jurisdiction,  both  criminal  and  civil,  who,  besides  a court  of 
justice,  should  constitute  a sort  of  council  to  advise  with  and 
aid  the  viceroy.  The  Audience  of  Panama  was  to  be  dis- 
solved, and  the  new  tribunal,  with  the  vice-king’s  court,  was 
to  be  established  at  Los  Reyes,  or  Lima,  as  it  now  began  to 


1 84  CIVIL  WARS  OP  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 

be  called,  henceforth  the  metropolis  of  the  Spanish  empire 
on  the  Pacific.13 

Such  were  some  of  the  principal  features  of  this  remarkable 
code,  which,  touching  on  the  most  delicate  relations  of  soci- 
ety,  broke  up  the  very  foundations  of  property,  and  by  a 
stroke  of  the  pen,  as  it  were,  converted  a nation  of  slaves  into 
freemen.  It  would  have  required,  we  may  suppose,  but  little 
forecast  to  divine  that  in  the  remote  regions  of  America,  and 
especially  in  Peru,  where  the  colonists  had  been  hitherto  ac- 
customed to  unbounded  license,  a reform  so  salutary  in  essen- 
tial points  could  be  enforced  thus  summarily  only  at  the  price 
of  a revolution.  Yet  the  ordinances  received  the  sanction  of 
the  emperor  that  same  year,  and  in  November,  1543,  were  pub- 
lished at  Madrid.14 

No  sooner  was  their  import  known  than  it  was  conveyed  by 
numerous  letters  to  the  colonists  from  their  friends  in  Spam. 
The  tidings  flew  like  wildfire  over  the  land,  from  Mexico  to 
Chili.  Men  were  astounded  at  the  prospect  of  the  ruin  that 
awaited  them.  In  Peru,  particularly,  there  was  scarcely  one 
that  could  hope  to  escape  the  operation  of  the  law.  Few  there 
were  who  had  not  taken  part,  at  some  time  or  other,  in  the 
civil  feuds  of  Almagro  and  Pizarro ; and  still  fewer  of  those 
that  remained  who  would  not  be  entangled  in  some  one  of 
other  of  the  insidious  clauses  that  seemed  spread  out,  like  a web, 
to  ensnare  them. 

The  whole  country  was  thrown  into  commotion.  Men  as- 
sembled tumultuously  in  the  squares  and  public  places,  and,  a® 
the  regulations  were  made  known,  they  were  received  with  uni- 
versal groans  and  hisses.  “ Is  this  the  fruit,”  they  cried  “of 
all  our  toil  ? Is  it  for  this  that  we  have  poured  out  our  blood 
like  water  ? Now  that  we  are  broken  down  by  hardships  and 
sufferings,  to  be  left  at  the  end  of  our  campaigns  as  poor  as  at 

13  The  provisions  of  this  celebrated  code  are  to  be  found,  with  more  or  less — generally 
less — accuracy,  in  the  various  contemporary  writers.  Herrera  gives  them  in  cxtenso • 
Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  6,  cap.  5. 

14  Las  Casas  pressed  the  matter  home  on  the  royal  conscience,  by  representing  that  the 
Papal  See  had  conceded  the  right  of  Conquest  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns  on  the  exclusive 
condition  of  converting  the  heathen,  and  that  the  Almighty  would  hold  him  accountable  for 
the  execution  of  this  trust  CEuvres  de  Las  Casas,  ubi  supra. 


chap,  vn.]  GREAT  EXCITEMENT  IN  PERU. 


185 


the  beginning  ? Is  this  the  way  government  rewards  our  ser- 
vices in  winning  for  it  an  empire  ? The  government  has  done 
little  to  aid  us  in  making  the  conquest,  and  for  what  we  have 
we  may  thank  our  own  good  swords;  and  with  these  same 
swords,”  they  continued,  warming  into  menace,  “ we  know 
how  to  defend  it.”  Then,  stripping  up  his  sleeve,  the  war- 
worn veteran  bared  his  arm,  or,  exposing  his  naked  bosom, 
pointed  to  his  scars,  as  the  best  title  to  his  estates.15 

The  governor,  Vaca  de  Castro,  watched  the  storm  thus 
gathering  from  all  quarters  with  the  deepest  concern.  He  was 
himself  in  the  very  heart  of  disaffection  ; for  Cuzco,  tenanted 
by  a mixed  and  lawless  population,  was  so  far  removed  in  the 
depths  of  the  mountains  that  it  had  much  less  intercourse  with 
the  parent  country,  and  was  consequently  much  less  under  her 
influence  than  the  great  towns  on  the  coast.  The  people  now 
invoked  the  governor  to  protect  them  against  the  tyranny  of 
the  court ; but  he  endeavored  to  calm  the  agitation  by  repre- 
senting that  by  these  violent  measures  they  would  only  defeat 
their  own  object.  He  counselled  them  to  name  deputies  to  lay 
their  petition  before  the  crown,  stating  the  impracticability  of 
the  present  scheme  of  reform,  and  praying  for  the  repeal  of  it ; 
and  he  conjured  them  to  wait  patiently  for  the  arrival  of  the 
viceroy,  who  might  be  prevailed  on  to  suspend  the  ordinances 
till  further  advices  could  be  received  from  Castile. 

But  it  was  not  easy  to  still  the  tempest  ; and  the  people  now 
eagerly  looked  for  someone  whose  interests  and  sympathies 
might  lie  with  theirs,  and  whose  position  in  the  community 
might  afford  them  protection.  The  person  to  whom  they  nat- 
urally turned  in  this  crisis  was  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  the  last  in  the 
land  of  that  family  who  had  led  the  armies  of  the  Conquest — 
a cavalier  whose  gallantry  and  popular  manners  had  made  him 

f6  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  £ Pedro  de  Valdivia,  MS,,  desde  Los  Reyes,  31  de  Oct., 
1538.— Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  1.— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  6,  cap. 
10,  11. — Benalcazar,  in  a letter  to  Charles  the  Fifth,  indulges  in  a strain  of  invective  againsf 
the  ordinances,  which,  by  stripping  the  planters  of  their  Indian  slaves,  must  inevitably  re- 
duce the  country  to  beggary.  Benalcazar  was  a conqueror,  and  one  of  the  most  respecta- 
ble of  his  caste.  His  argument  is  a good  specimen  of  the  reasoning  of  his  party  on  this 
subject,  and  presents  a decided  counterblast  to  that  of  Las  Casas,  Carta,  die  Benalcazar  al 
Emperador,  MS.,  desde  Cali,  26  de  Diciembre,  1544. 


1 86 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


always  a favorite  with  the  people.  He  was  now  beset  with  ap- 
plications to  interpose  in  their  behalf  with  the  government  and 
shield  them  from  the  oppressive  ordinances. 

But  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  at  Charcas,  busily  occupied  in  ex- 
ploring the  rich  veins  of  Potosi,  whose  silver  fountains,  just 
brought  into  light,  were  soon  to  pour  such  streams  of  wealth 
over  Europe.  Though  gratified  with  this  appeal  to  his  protec- 
tion, the  cautious  cavalier  was  more  intent  on  providing  for  the 
means  of  enterprise  than  on  plunging  prematurely  into  it ; and, 
while  he  secretly  encouraged  the  malcontents,  he  did  not  com. 
mit  himself  by  taking  part  in  any  revolutionary  movement. 
At  the  same  period  he  received  letters  from  Vaca  de  Castro — - 
whose  vigilant  eye  watched  all  the  aspects  of  the  time — cau- 
tioning him  and  his  friends  not  to  be  seduced,  by  any  wild 
schemes  of  reform,  from  their  allegiance.  And,  to  check  still 
further  these  disorderly  movements,  the  governor  ordered  his 
alcaldes  to  arrest  every  man  guilty  of  seditious  language  and 
bring  him  at  once  to  punishment.  By  this  firm  yet  temperate 
conduct  the  minds  of  the  populace  were  overawed,  and  there 
was  a temporary  lull  in  the  troubled  waters,  while  all  looked 
anxiously  for  the  coming  of  the  viceroy.16 

The  person  selected  for  this  critical  post  was  a knight  of 
Avila,  named  Blasco  Nunez  Vela.  He  was  a cavalier  of  an- 
cient family,  handsome  in  person,  though  now  somewhat  ad- 
vanced in  years,  and  reputed  brave  and  devout.  He  had  filled 
some  offices  of  responsibility  to  the  satisfaction  of  Charles  the 
Fifth,  by  whom  he  was  now  appointed  to  this  post  in  Peru. 
The  selection  did  no  credit  to  the  monarch’s  discernment. 

It  may  seem  strange  that  this  important  place  should  not  have 
been  bestowed  on  Vaca  de  Castro,  already  on  the  spot,  and 
who  had  shown  himself  so  well  qualified  to  fill  it.  But  ever 
since  that  officer’s  mission  to  Peru,  there  had  been  a series  of 
assassinations,  insurrections,  and  civil  wars,  that  menaced  the 
wretched  colony  with  ruin  ; and,  though  his  wide  administra- 


19  Carta  de  Benalcazar  al  Emperador,  MS.,  ubi  supra. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ubi 
supra. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  .i  Valdivia,  MS. 
— Montetinoi,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1543. 


chap.  vn.  1 BLASCO  NUNEZ  THE  VICEROY.  I 87 

tion  had  now  brought  things  into  order,  the  communication 
with  the  Indies  was  so  tardy  that  the  results  of  his  policy  were 
not  yet  fully  disclosed.  As  it  was  designed,  moreover,  to  make 
important  innovations  in  the  government,  it  was  thought  better 
to  send  someone  who  would  have  no  personal  prejudices  to  en- 
counter, from  the  part  he  had  already  taken,  and  who,  coming 
directly  from  the  court  and  clothed  with  extraordinary  powers, 
might  present  himself  with  greater  authority  than  could  one 
who  had  become  familiar  to  the  people  in  an  inferior  capacity. 
The  monarch,  however,  wrote  a letter  with  his  own  hand  to 
Vaca  de  Castro,  in  which  he  thanked  that  officer  for  his  past 
services,  and  directed  him,  after  aiding  the  new  viceroy  with 
the  fruits  of  his  large  experience,  to  return  to  Castile  and  take 
his  seat  in  the  Royal  Council.  Letters  of  a similar  compli- 
mentary kind  were  sent  to  the  loyal  colonists  who  had  stood 
by  the  governor  in  the  late  troubles  of  the  country.  Freight- 
ed with  these  testimonials,  and  with  the  ill-starred  ordinances, 
Blasco  Nunez  embarked  at  San  Lucar  on  the  3d  of  November, 
1543.  He  was  attended  by  the  four  judges  of  the  Audience, 
and  by  a numerous  retinue,  that  he  might  appear  in  the  state 
befitting  his  distinguished  rank.17 

About  the  middle  of  the  following  January,  1544,  the  vice- 
roy, after-a  favorable  passage,  landed  at  Nombre  de  Dios.  He 
found  there  a vessel  laden  with  silver  from  the  Peruvian  mines, 
ready  to  sail  for  Spain.  His  first  act  was  to  lay  an  embargo 
on  it  for  the  government,  as  containing  the  proceeds  of  slave 
labor.  After  this  extraordinary  measure,  taken  in  opposition 
to  the  advice  of  the  Audience,  he  crossed  the  Isthmus  to  Pan- 
ama. Here  he  gave  sure  token  of  his  future  policy,  by  caus- 
ing more  than  three  hundred  Indians,  who  had  been  brought  by 
their  owners  from  Peru,  to  be  liberated  and  sent  back  to  their 
own  country.  This  high-handed  measure  created  the  greatest 
sensation  in  the  city,  and  was  strongly  resisted  by  the  judges 
of  the  Audience.  They  besought  him  not  to  begin  thus  pre- 
cipitately to  execute  his  commission,  but  to  wait  till  his  arri* 

17  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  A Valdivia,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  ^ lib.  6, 
cap.  9‘ — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  x,  cap.  6. — Zarate,  MS. 


i88 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


val  in  the  colony,  when  he  should  have  taken  time  to  acquaint 
himself  somewhat  with  the  country  and  with  the  temper  of  the 
people.  But  Blasco  Nunez  coldly  replied  that  “ he  had  come, 
not  to  tamper  with  the  laws,  nor  to  discuss  their  merits,  but 
to  execute  them — and  execute  them  he  would,  to  the  letter, 
whatever  might  be  the  consequence.”  18  This  answer,  and 
the  peremptory  tone  in  which  it  was  delivered,  promptly  ad- 
journed the  debate ; for  the  judges  saw  that  debate  was  useless 
with  one  who  seemed  to  consider  all  remonstrance  as  an  at- 
tempt to  turn  him  from  his  duty,  and  whose  ideas  of  duty  pre- 
cluded all  discretionary  exercise  of  authority,  even  where  the 
public  good  demanded  it. 

Leaving  the  Audience,  as  one  of  its  body  was  ill,  at  Pan- 
ama, the  viceroy  proceeded  on  his  way,  and,  coasting  down 
the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  on  the  4th  of  March  he  disembarked  at 
Tumbez.  He  was  well  received  by  the  loyal  inhabitants  ; his 
authority  was  publicly  proclaimed,  and  the  people  were  over- 
awed by  the  display  of  a magnificence  and  state  such  as  had 
not  till  then  been  seen  in  Peru.  He  took  an  early  occasion 
to  intimate  his  future  line  of  policy  by  liberating  a number  of 
Indian  slaves  on  the  application  of  their  caciques.  He  then 
proceeded  by  land  toward  the  south,  and  showed  his  deter- 
mination to  conform  in  his  own  person  to  the  strict  letter  of 
the  ordinances,  by  causing  his  baggage  to  be  carried  by  mules, 
where  it  was  practicable  ; and  where  absolutely  necessary  to 
make  use  of  Indians,  he  paid  them  fairly  for  their  services.19 

The  whole  country  was  thrown  into  consternation  by  re- 
ports of  the  proceedings  of  the  viceroy,  and  of  his  conversa- 
tions, most  unguarded,  which  were  eagerly  circulated,  and,  no 
doubt,  often  exaggerated.  Meetings  were  again  called  in  the 
cities.  Discussions  were  held  on  the  expediency  of  resisting 
his  farther  progress,  and  a deputation  of  citizens  from  Cuczo, 


**  Estas  y otras  cosas  le  dixo  el  Liceaciado  Qarate  • que  no  fueron  al  gusto  del  Virey : 
antes  se  enojd  mucho  por  ello,  y respondio  con  alguna  aspereza  : jurando,  que  auia  de 
executar  las  ordenangas  como  en  ellas  se  contenia  : sin  esperarpara  ello  terminos  algunos, 
oi  dilaciones.”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  6. 

*•  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  2. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  ubl  supra. — Carta 
de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  & Valdivia,  MS. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1544. 


CHAP.  VILj 


HIS  SEVERE  POLICY. 


189 

who  were  then  in  Lima,  strongly  urged  the  people  to  close  the 
gates  of  that  capital  against  him.  But  Vaca  de  Castro  had 
also  left  Cuzco  for  the  latter  city  on  the  earliest  intimation  of 
the  viceroy’s  approach,  and,  with  some  difficulty,  he  pre- 
vailed on  the  inhabitants  not  to  swerve  from  their  loyalty,  but 
to  receive  their  new  ruler  with  suitable  honors,  and  trust  to 
his  calmer  judgment  for  postponing  the  execution  of  the  law 
till  the  case  could  be  laid  before  the  throne. 

But  the  great  body  of  the  Spaniards,  after  what  they  had 
heard,  had  slender  confidence  in  the  relief  to  be  obtained  from 
this  quarter.  They  now  turned  with  more  eagerness  than  ever 
toward  Gonzalo  Pizarro ; and  letters  and  addresses  poured  in 
upon  him  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  inviting  him  to  take 
on  himself  the  office  of  their  protector.  These  applications 
found  a more  favorable  response  than  on  the  former  occasion. 

There  were,  indeed,  many  motives  at  work  to  call  Gonzalo 
into  action.  It  was  to  his  family  mainly  that  Spain  was  in- 
debted for  this  extension  of  her  colonial  empire  ; and  he  had 
felt  deeply  aggrieved  that  the  government  of  the  colony  should 
be  trusted  to  other  hands  than  his.  He  had  felt  this  on  the 
arrival  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  and  much  more  so  when  the  ap- 
pointment of  a viceroy  proved  it  to  be  the  settled  policy  of 
the  crown  to  exclude  his  family  from  the  management  of  af- 
fairs. His  brother  Hernando  still  languished  in  prison,  and  he 
himself  was  now  to  be  sacrificed  as  the  principal  victim  of  the 
fatal  ordinances.  For  who  had  taken  so  prominent  a part  in 
the  civil  war  with  the  elder  Almagro  ? And  the  viceroy  was 
currently  reported — it  may  have  been  scandal — to  have  inti- 
mated that  Pizarro  would  be  dealt  with  accordingly.20  Yet 
there  was  no  one  in  the  country  who  had  so  great  a stake,  who 
had  so  much  to  lose  by  the  revolution.  Abandoned  thus  by 

90  " it  was  not  fair/’  the  viceroy  said,  “ that  the  country  should  remain  longer  in  the 
hands  of  muleteers  and  swineherds  (alluding  to  the  origin  of  the  Pizarros),  and  ho 
would  take  measures  to  restore  it  to  the  crown.”  “ Que  asi  me  la  havia  de  cortar  [la  ca« 
beza]  & mi  i A todos  los  que  havian  seido  no  tablemen  te,  como  el  decia,  culpados  en  la  ba- 
talla  de  las  Salinas  i en  las  diferencias  de  Almagro,  i que  una  tierra  como  esta  no  era  justo 
que  estuviese  en  poder  de  gente  tan  vaxa  que  llamava  el  & los  desta  tierra  porqueros  1 
arrirros,  smo  que  estuviese  to  da  en  la  Corona  real,”  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  & Valdivia, 
MS. 


I90  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.  [BOOK  rv. 

the  government,  he  conceived  that  it  was  now  time  to  take 
care  of  himself. 

Assembling  some  eighteen  or  twenty  cavaliers  in  whom  he 
most  trusted,  and  taking  a large  amount  of  silver,  drawn  from 
the  mines,  he  accepted  the  invitation  to  repair  to  Cuzco.  As 
he  approached  this  capital,  he  was  met  by  a numerous  body  of 
the  citizens,  who  came  out  to  welcome  him,  making  the  air 
ring  with  their  shouts,  as  they  saluted  him  with  the  title  of 
Procurator-General  of  Peru.  The  title  was  speedily  confirmed 
by  the  municipality  of  the  city,  who  invited  him  to  head  a 
deputation  to  Lima,  in  order  to  state  their  grievances  to  the 
viceroy  and  solicit  the  present  suspension  of  the  ordinances. 

But  the  spark  of  ambition  was  kindled  in  the  bosom  of 
Pizarro.  He  felt  strong  in  the  affections  of  the  people  ; and, 
from  the  more  elevated  position  in  which  he  now  stood,  his 
desires  took  a loftier  and  more  unbounded  range.  Yet,  if  he 
harbored  a criminal  ambition  in  his  breast,  he  skilfully  veiled 
it  from  others — perhaps  from  himself.  The  only  object  he  pro- 
fessed to  have  in  view  was  the  good  of  the  people,21  a suspi- 
cious phrase,  usually  meaning  the  good  of  the  individual.  He 
now  demanded  permission  to  raise  and  organize  an  armed 
force,  with  the  further  title  of  Captain-General.  His  views 
were  entirely  pacific ; but  it  was  not  safe,  unless  strongly  pro- 
tected, to  urge  them  on  a person  of  the  viceroy’s  impatient  and 
arbitrary  temper.  It  was  further  contended  by  Pizarro’s  friends 
that  such  a force  was  demanded  to  rid  the  country  of  their 
old  enemy,  the  Inca  Manco,  who  hovered  in  the  neighboring 
mountains  with  a body  of  warriors,  ready  at  the  first  opportu- 
nity to  descend  on  the  Spaniards.  The  municipality  of  Cuzco 
hesitated,  as  well  it  might,  to  confer  powers  so  far  beyond  its 
legitimate  authority.  But  Pizarro  avowed  his  purpose,  in  case 
of  refusal,  to  decline  the  office  of  Procurator ; and  the  efforts 
of  his  partisans,  backed  by  those  of  the  people,  at  length 
silenced  the  scruples  of  the  magistrates,  who  bestowed  on  the 
ambitious  chief  the  military  command  to  which  he  aspired. 

11  #iDiciendo  que  no  queria  nada  para  sino  si,  para  el  beneficio  universal,  i que  por  todos 
feavia  de  poner  todas  sus  fuercas.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  7,  cap.  2©. 


chap,  vin.)  THE  VICEROY  ARRIVES  AT  LIMA.  IQI 

Pizarro  accepted  it  with  the  modest  assurance  that  he  did  so 
" purely  from  regard  to  the  interests  of  the  king,  of  the  Indies, 
and,  above  all,  of  Peru  ! ” 22 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Viceroy  arrives  at  Lima. — Gonzalo  Pizarro  marches  from  Cuzco.— 
Death  of  the  Inca  Manco. — Rash  Conduct  of  the  Viceroy. — Seized 
and  deposed  by  the  Audience. — Gonzalo  proclaimed  Governor  of 
Peru. 

1544- 

While  the  events  recorded  in  the  preceding  pages  were  in 
progress,  Blasco  Nunez  had  been  journeying  toward  Lima. 
But  the  alienation  which  his  conduct  had  already  caused  in 
the  minds  of  the  colonists  was  shown  in  the  cold  reception 
which  he  occasionally  experienced  on  the  route,  and  in  the 
scanty  accommodations  provided  for  him  and  his  retinue.  In 
one  place  where  he  took  up  his  quarters  he  found  an  ominous 
inscription  over  the  door  : “ He  that  takes  my  property  must 
expect  to  pay  for  it  with  his  life.”  1 Neither  daunted  nor  di- 
verted from  his  purpose,  the  inflexible  viceroy  held  on  his  way 
toward  the  capital,  where  the  inhabitants,  preceded  by  Vaca  de 
Castro  and  the  municipal  authorities,  came  out  to  receive  him. 
He  entered  in  great  state,  under  a canopy  of  crimson  cloth  em- 
broidered with  the  arms  of  Spain  and  supported  by  stout  poles 
or  staves  of  solid  silver,  which  were  borne  by  the  members  of 
the  municipality.  A cavalier  holding  a mace,  the  emblem 
of  authority,  rode  before  him  ; and  after  the  oaths  of  office 
were  administered  in  the  council-chamber  the  procession 
moved  toward  the  cathedral,  where  Te  Deurn  was  sung,  and 


“ Accept®  lo  por  ver  que  on  ello  hacia  servicio  A Dios  i A S.  M.,  i gran  bien  A esta  tier- 
rai  generalmente  A todas  las  Indias.”  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  A Valdivia,  MS. — Her- 
rera, Hist,  general,  dec.  7t  lib.  7,  cap.  19,  20. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  4,  8. — 
Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1.  lib.  jt  cap.  8. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1544. 

1 “A  quien  me  viniere  & quitar  mi  hacienda,  quitarle  he  la  vida.”  Herrera,  Hist,  gene* 
mi,  dec.  7,  lib.  7,  cap.  18. 


192 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS . [book  iv. 


Blasco  Nufiez  was  installed  in  his  new  dignity  of  viceroy  of 
Peru.2 

His  first  act  was  to  proclaim  his  determination  in  respect  to 
the  ordinances.  He  had  no  warrant  to  suspend  their  execu- 
tion. He  should  fulfil  his  commission  ; but  he  offered  to  join 
the  colonists  in  a memorial  to  the  emperor  soliciting  the  repeal 
of  a code  which  he  now  believed  would  be  for  the  interests 
neither  of  the  country  nor  of  the  crown.3  With  this  avowed 
view  of  the  subject,  it  may  seem  strange  that  Blasco  Nunez 
should  not  have  taken  the  responsibility  of  suspending  the  law 
until  his  sovereign  could  be  assured  of  the  inevitable  conse- 
quences of  enforcing  it.  The  pacha  of  a Turkish  despot,  who 
had  allowed  himself  this  latitude  for  the  interests  of  his  master, 
might,  indeed,  have  reckoned  on  the  bowstring.  But  the 
example  of  Mendoza,  the  prudent  viceroy  of  Mexico,  who 
adopted  this  course  in  a similar  crisis  and  precisely  at  the  same 
period,  showed  its  propriety  under  existing  circumstances. 
The  ordinances  were  suspended  by  him  till  the  crown  could 
be  warned  of  the  consequences  of  enforcing  them  ; and  Mexico 
was  saved  from  revolution.4  But  Blasco  Nunez  had  not  the 
wisdom  of  Mendoza. 

The  public  apprehension  was  now  far  from  being  allayed. 
Secret  cabals  were  formed  in  Lima,  and  communications  held 
with  the  different  towns.  No  distrust,  however,  was  raised 
in  the  breast  of  the  viceroy,  and  when  informed  of  the  prepara- 
tions of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  he  took  no  other  step  than  to  send  a 

3 “ Entr6  en  la  cibdad  de  Lima  i 17  dc  Mayo  de  1544  r saliole  d recibir  todo  el  pueblo  d 
pie  y d caballo  dos  tiros  de  ballesta  del  pueblo  y d la  entrada  de  la  cibdad  estaba  un  arco 
triunfal  de  verde  con  las  Armas  de  Espana,  y las  de  la  misma  cibdad  ; estaban  le  espe- 
rando  el  Regimiento  y Justicia,  y oficiales  del  Rey  con  ropas  largas,  hasta  en  pies  de  car- 
mesi,  y un  palio  del  mesmo  carmesi  aforrado  en  lo  mesmo,  con  ocho  baras  guarnecidas  de 
plata  y tomaronle  debajo  todos  d pie,  cada  Regidor  y justicia  con  una  bara  del  palio,  y el 
Virrey  en  su  caballo  con  las  mazas  delante  tomaronle  juramento  en  un  libro  misal,  y jur<S 
de  las  guardar  y cumplir  todassus  libertades  y provisiones  de  S.  M.  ; y luego  fueron  desta 
manera  hasta  la  iglesia,  salieron  los  clerigos  con  la  cruz  d la  puerta  y le  metieron  dentro 
cantando  Te  deum  laudamus,  y despues  que  obo  dicho  su  oracion,  fue  con  el  cabildo  y 
toda  la  ciudad  d su  palacio  donde  fue  recebido  y hizo  un  parlamento  breve  en  que  content^ 
d toda  la  gente,"  Relacion  de  los  Sucesos  del  Peru  desde  que  entrd  el  virrey  Blasco 
Nufiez  acaecidos  en  mar  y tierra,  MS. 

3 “ Porque  llanamente  el  confesaba,  que  as!  para  su  Mageetad,  como  para  aquello*  Rei* 
nos,  eran  perjudiciales."  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  5. 

• Fernandez,  Hist  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib-  1,  cap.  a-5. 


CHAP.  VIII.) 


MARCH  FROM  CUZCO . 


193 


message  to  his  camp,  announcing  the  extraordinary  powers  with 
which  he  was  himself  invested,  and  requiring  that  chief  to 
disband  his  forces.  He  seemed  to  think  that  a mere  word 
from  him  would  be  sufficient  to  dissipate  rebellion.  But  it 
required  more  than  a breath  to  scatter  the  iron  soldiery  of 
Peru. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro,  meanwhile,  was  busily  occupied  in  muster- 
ing his  army.  His  first  step  was  to  order  from  Guamanga 
sixteen  pieces  of  artillery,  sent  there  by  Vaca  de  Castro,  who 
in  the  present  state  of  excitement  was  unwilling  to  trust  the 
volatile  people  of  Cuzco  with  these  implements  of  destruction. 
Gonzalo,  who  had  no  scruples  as  to  Indian  labor,  appropriated 
six  thousand  of  the  natives  to  the  service  of  transporting  this 
train  of  ordnance  across  the  mountains.5 

By  his  exertions  and  those  of  his  friends,  the  active  chief 
soon  mustered  a force  of  nearly  four  hundred  men,  which,  if 
not  very  imposing  in  the  outset,  he  conceived  would  be  swelled, 
in  his  descent  to  the  coast,  by  tributary  levies  from  the  towns 
and  villages  on  the  way.  All  his  own  funds  were  expended  in 
equipping  his  men  and  providing  for  the  march  ; and  to  supply 
deficiencies  he  made  no  scruple — since,  to  use  his  words,  it  was 
for  the  public  interest — to  appropriate  the  moneys  in  the  royal 
treasury.  With  this  seasonable  aid,  his  troops,  well  mounted 
and  thoroughly  equipped,  were  put  in  excellent  fighting  order ; 
and,  after  making  them  a brief  harangue,  in  which  he  was 
careful  to  insist  on  the  pacific  character  of  his  enterprise,  some- 
what at  variance  with  its  military  preparations,  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
sallied  forth  from  the  gates  of  the  capital. 

Before  leaving  it,  he  received  an  important  accession  of 
strength  in  the  person  of  Francisco  de  Carbajal,  the  veteran  who 
performed  so  conspicuous  a part  in  the  battle  of  Chupas.  He 
was  at  Charcas  when  the  news  of  the  ordinances  reached  Peru ; 
and  he  instantly  resolved  to  quit  the  country  and  return  to 
Spain,  convinced  that  the  New  World  would  be  no  longer  the 
land  for  him — no  longer  the  golden  Indies.  Turning  his 
effects  into  money,  he  prepared  to  embark  them  on  board  the 

•Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  8 

P 


25 


Yol.  2 


194 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THR  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


first  ship  that  offered.  But  no  opportunity  occurred,  and  he 
could  have  little  expectation  now  of  escaping  the  vigilant  eye 
of  the  viceroy.  Yet,  though  solicited  by  Pizarro  to  take  com- 
mand  under  him  in  the  present  expedition,  the  veteran  de- 
clined, saying  he  was  eighty  years  old,  and  had  no  wish  but  to 
return  home  and  spend  his  few  remaining  days  in  quiet.6  Well 
had  it  been  for  him  had  he  persisted  in  his  refusal.  But  he 
yielded  to  the  importunities  of  his  friend  ; and  the  short  space 
that  yet  remained  to  him  of  life  proved  long  enough  to  brand 
his  memory  with  perpetual  infamy. 

Soon  after  quitting  Cuzco,  Pizarro  learned  the  death  of  the 
Inca  Manco.  He  was  massacred  by  a party  of  Spaniards,  of 
the  faction  of  Almagro,  who,  on  the  defeat  of  their  young  leader, 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  Indian  camp.  They,  in  turn,  were  all 
slain  by  the  Peruvians.  It  is  impossible  to  determine  on  whom 
the  blame  of  the  quarrel  should  rest,  since  no  one  present  at  the 
time  has  recorded  it.7 

The  death  of  Manco  Inca,  as  he  was  commonly  called,  is  an 
event  not  to  be  silently  passed  over  in  Peruvian  history  ; for  he 
was  the  last  of  his  race  that  may  be  said  to  have  been  animated 
by  the  heroic  spirit  of  the  ancient  Incas.  Though  placed  on 
the  throne  by  Pizarro,  far  from  remaining  a mere  puppet  in  his 
hands,  Manco  soon  showed  that  his  lot  was  not  to  be  cast  with 
that  of  his  conquerors.  With  the  ancient  institutions  of  his 
country  lying  a wreck  around  him,  he  yet  struggled  bravely,  like 
Guatemozin,  the  last  of  the  Aztecs,  to  uphold  her  tottering 
fortunes,  or  to  bury  his  oppressors  under  her  ruins.  By  the 
assault  on  his  own  capital  of  Cuzco,  in  which  so  large  a portion 
of  it  was  demolished,  he  gave  a check  to  the  arms  of  Pizarro, 
and  for  a season  the  fate  of  the  Conquerors  trembled  in  the  bal- 
ance. Though  foiled,  in  the  end,  by  the  superior  science  of 
his  adversary,  the  young  barbarian  still  showed  the  same  uncon- 
querable spirit  as  before.  He  withdrew  into  the  fastnesses  of 
his  native  mountains,  whence,  sallying  forth  as  occasion  offered, 
he  fell  on  the  caravan  of  the  traveller,  or  on  some  scattered 

• Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  7 cap.  aa. 

1 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.—  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  a,  lib.  4«  cap.  % 


chap,  viii.]  DEATH  OF  THE  INCA  MANCO. 


195 


party  of  the  military,  and,  in  the  event  of  a civil  war,  was  sure 
to  throw  his  own  weight  into  the  weaker  scale,  thus  prolonging 
the  contest  of  his  enemies  and  feeding  his  revenge  by  the  sight 
of  their  calamities.  Moving  lightly  from  spot  to  spot,  he 
eluded  pursuit  amid  the  wilds  of  the  Cordilleras ; and,  hover- 
ing in  the  neighborhood  of  the  towns,  or  lying  in  ambush  on 
the  great  thoroughfares  of  the  country,  the  Inca  Manco  made 
his  name  a terror  to  the  Spaniards.  Often  did  they  hold  out 
to  him  terms  of  accommodation  ; and  every  succeeding  ruler, 
down  to  Blasco  Nunez,  bore  instructions  from  the  crown  to 
employ  every  art  to  conciliate  the  formidable  warrior.  But 
Manco  did  not  trust  the  promises  of  the  white  man ; and  he 
chose  rather  to  maintain  his  savage  independence  in  the  moun- 
tains, with  the  few  brave  spirits  around  him,  than  to  live  a 
slave  in  the  land  which  had  once  owned  the  sway  of  his  an- 
cestors. 

The  death  of  the  Inca  removed  one  of  the  great  pretexts  for 
Gonzalo  Pizarro’s  military  preparations ; but  it  had  little  in- 
fluence on  him,  as  may  be  readily  imagined.  He  was  much 
more  sensible  to  the  desertion  of  some  of  his  followers,  which 
took  place  early  on  the  march.  Several  of  the  cavaliers  of 
Cuzco,  startled  by  his  unceremonious  appropriation  of  the 
public  moneys  and  by  the  belligerent  aspect  of  affairs,  now 
for  the  first  time  seemed  to  realize  that  they  were  in  the 
path  of  rebellion.  A number  of  these,  including  some  prin- 
cipal men  of  the  city,  secretly  withdrew  from  the  army,  and, 
hastening  to  Lima,  offered  their  services  to  the  viceroy.  The 
troops  were  disheartened  by  this  desertion,  and  even  Pizarro 
for  a moment  faltered  in  his  purpose,  and  thought  of  retiring 
with  some  fifty  followers  to  Charcas  and  there  making  his  com- 
position with  the  government.  But  a little  reflection,  aided  by 
the  remonstrances  of  the  courageous  Carbajal,  who  never  turned 
his  back  on  an  enterprise  which  he  had  once  assumed,  con- 
vinced him  that  he  had  gone  too  far  to  recede — that  his  only 
safety  was  to  advance. 

He  was  reassured  by  more  decided  manifestations,  which  he 
soon  after  received,  of  the  public  opinion.  An  officer  named 


196 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


Puelles,  who  commanded  at  Guanuco,  joined  him  with  a body 
of  horse  with  which  he  had  been  intrusted  by  the  viceroy. 
This  defection  was  followed  by  that  of  others,  and  Gonzalo,  as 
he  descended  the  sides  of  the  table-land,  found  his  numbers 
gradually  swelled  to  nearly  double  the  amount  with  which  he 
left  the  Indian  capital. 

As  he  traversed  with  a freer  step  the  bloody  field  of  Chupas, 
Carbajal  pointed  out  the  various  localities  of  the  battle-ground, 
and  Pizarro  might  have  found  food  for  anxious  reflection  as  he 
meditated  on  the  fortunes  of  a rebel.  At  Guamanga  he  was 
received  with  open  arms  by  the  inhabitants,  many  of  whom 
eagerly  enlisted  under  his  banner ; for  they  trembled  for  their 
property,  as  they  heard  from  all  quarters  of  the  inflexible  tem- 
per of  the  viceroy.8 

That  functionary  began  now  to  be  convinced  that  he  was  in 
a critical  position.  Before  Puelles’s  treachery,  above  noticed, 
had  been  consummated,  the  viceroy  had  received  some  vague 
intimation  of  his  purpose.  Though  scarcely  crediting  it,  he 
detached  one  of  his  company,  named  Diaz,  with  a force  to  in- 
tercept him.  But,  although  that  cavalier  undertook  the  mis- 
sion with  alacrity,  he  was  soon  after  prevailed  on  to  follow  the 
example  of  his  comrade,  and,  with  the  greater  part  of  the  men 
under  his  command,  went  over  to  the  enemy.  In  the  civil 
feuds  of  this  unhappy  land,  parties  changed  sides  so  lightly  that 
treachery  to  a commander  had  almost  ceased  to  be  a stain  on 
the  honor  of  a cavalier.  Yet  all,  on  whichever  side  they  cast 
their  fortunes,  loudly  proclaimed  their  loyalty  to  the  crown. 

Thus  betrayed  by  his  own  men,  by  those  apparently  most 
devoted  to  his  service,  Blasco  Nunez  became  suspicious  of 
everyone  around  him.  Unfortunately,  his  suspicions  fell  on 
some  who  were  most  deserving  of  his  confidence.  Among 
these  was  his  predecessor,  Vaca  de  Castro.  That  officer  had 
conducted  himself,  in  the  delicate  situation  in  which  he  had 
been  placed,  with  his  usual  discretion,  and  with  perfect  integ- 


8 Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  14,  16. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib. 
5,  cap.  9,  10. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  8,  cap.  5-9. — Carta  de  Gonzalo  P maw® 
k Valdivia,  MS. — Relacion  de  lot  Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS. 


chap,  viii.]  RASH  CONDUCT  OF  THE  VICEROY. 


197 


rity  and  honor.  He  had  frankly  communicated  with  the  vice- 
roy, and  well  had  it  been  for  Blasco  Nunez  if  he  had  known 
how  to  profit  by  it.  But  he  was  too  much  puffed  up  by  the 
arrogance  of  office,  and  by  the  conceit  of  his  own  superior 
wisdom,  to  defer  much  to  the  counsels  of  his  experienced 
predecessor.  The  latter  was  now  suspected  by  the  viceroy  of 
maintaining  a secret  correspondence  with  his  enemies  at  Cuzco 
— a suspicion  which  seems  to  have  had  no  better  foundation 
than  the  personal  friendship  which  Vaca  de  Castro  was  known 
to  entertain  for  these  individuals.  But,  with  Blasco  Nuriez,  to 
suspect  was  to  be  convinced ; and  he  ordered  De  Castro  to  be 
placed  under  arrest  and  confined  on  board  of  a vessel  lying  in 
the  harbor.  This  high-handed  measure  was  followed  by  the 
arrest  and  imprisonment  of  several  other  cavaliers,  probably  on 
grounds  equally  frivolous.9 

He  now  turned  his  attention  toward  the  enemy.  Notwith- 
standing his  former  failure,  he  still  did  not  altogether  despair 
of  effecting  something  by  negotiation,  and  he  sent  another 
embassy,  having  the  Bishop  of  Lima  at  its  head,  to  Gonzalo 
Pizarro’s  camp,  with  promises  of  a general  amnesty,  and  some 
proposals  of  a more  tempting  character  to  the  commander. 
But  this  step,  while  it  proclaimed  his  own  weakness,  had  no 
better  success  than  the  preceding.10 

The  viceroy  now  vigorously  prepared  for  war.  His  first  care 
was  to  put  the  capital  in  a posture  of  defence  by  strengthening  its 
fortifications  and  throwing  barricades  across  the  streets.  He  or- 
dered a general  enrolment  of  the  citizens,  and  called  in  levies 
from  the  neighboring  towns — a call  not  very  promptly  answered. 
A squadron  of  eight  or  ten  vessels  was  got  ready  in  the  port  to 
act  in  concert  with  the  land  forces.  The  bells  were  taken 
from  the  churches  and  used  in  the  manufacture  of  muskets  ; u 

•Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  3. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Fernan- 
dez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  10. 

10  Loaysa,  the  bishop,  was  robbed  of  his  despatches,  and  not  even  allowed  to  enter  the 
camp,  lest  his  presence  should  shake  the  constancy  of  the  soldiers.  (Relacion  de  los  Suce- 
sos  del  Peru,  MS.)  The  account  occupies  more  space  than  it  deserves  in  most  of  the  au- 
thorities. 

11  “ Higo  hacer  gran  Copia  de  Arcabuces,  asi  de  Hierro,  como  de  Fundicion  de  ciertas 

Cannpanas  de  la  Iglesia  Maior,  que  para  ell©  quitd.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  Sib.  5,  cap.  6. 


198  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 

and  funds  were  procured  from  the  fifths  which  had  accumulated 
in  the  royal  treasury.  The  most  extravagant  bounty  was  of- 
fered to  the  soldiers,  and  prices  were  paid  for  mules  and  horses 
which  showed  that  gold,  or  rather  silver,  was  the  commodity  of 
least  value  in  Peru.12  By  these  efforts  the  active  commander 
soon  assembled  a force  considerably  larger  than  that  of  his 
adversary.  But  how  could  he  confide  in  it  ? 

While  these  preparations  were  going  forward,  the  judges  of 
the  Audience  arrived  at  Lima.  They  had  shown,  throughout 
their  progress,  no  great  respect  either  for  the  ordinances  or  the 
will  of  the  viceroy  ; for  they  had  taxed  the  poor  natives  as 
freely  and  unscrupulously  as  any  of  the  Conquerors.  We 
have  seen  the  entire  want  of  cordiality  subsisting  between 
them  and  their  principal  in  Panama.  It  became  more  appar- 
ent on  their  landing  at  Lima.  They  disapproved  of  his  pro- 
ceedings in  every  particular  ; of  his  refusal  to  suspend  the 
ordinances — although,  in  fact,  he  had  found  no  opportunity, 
of  late,  to  enforce  them  ; of  his  preparations  for  defence,  de- 
claring that  he  ought  rather  to  trust  to  the  effect  of  negotiation  ; 
and,  finally,  of  his  imprisonment  of  so  many  loyal  cavaliers, 
which  they  pronounced  an  arbitrary  act,  altogether  beyond  the 
bounds  of  his  authority  ; and  they  did  not  scruple  to  visit  the 
prison  in  person  and  discharge  the  captives  from  their  confine- 
ment.13 

This  bold  proceeding,  while  it  conciliated  the  good  will  of 
the  people,  severed  at  once  all  relations  with  the  viceroy. 
There  was  in  the  Audience  a lawyer  named  Cepeda,  a cunning, 
ambitious  man,  with  considerable  knowledge  in  the  way  of  his 
profession,  and  with  still  greater  talent  for  intrigue.  He  did 
not  disdain  the  low  arts  of  a demagogue  to  gain  the  favor  of 
the  populace,  and  trusted  to  find  his  own  account  in  fomenting 
a misunderstanding  with  Blasco  Nunez.  The  latter,  it  must 

13  Blasco  Nunez  paid,  according  to  Zarate,  who  had  the  means  of  knowing,  twelve  thou- 
sand ducats  for  thirty-five  mules : “ El  Visorrei  les  mandd  comprar,  de  la  Hacienda  Real, 
treinta  i cinco  Machos,  en  que  hiciesen  la  Jornada,  que  costaron  mas  de  doce  mil  duca- 
dos.”  (Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  10.)  The  South  American  of  our  day  might 
well  be  surprised  at  such  prices  for  animals  since  so  abundant  in  his  country. 

13  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  10. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  ^ 
lib.  8.  cap.  a,  10. — Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  4 Valdivia,  MS, 


CHAP,  vm.]  RASH  CONDUCT  OF  TH£  VICEROY.  1 99 

be  confessed,  did  all  in  his  power  to  aid  his  counsellor  in  this 
laudable  design. 

A certain  cavalier  in  the  place,  named  Suarez  de  Carbajal, 
who  had  long  held  an  office  under  the  government,  fell  under 
the  viceroy’s  displeasure,  on  suspicion  of  conniving  at  the  seces- 
sion of  some  of  his  kinsmen,  who  had  lately  taken  part  with 
the  malcontents.  The  viceroy  summoned  Carbajal  to  attend 
him  at  his  palace,  late  at  night,  and  when  conducted  to  his 
presence  he  bluntly  charged  him  with  treason.  The  latter 
stoutly  denied  the  accusation,  in  tones  as  haughty  as  those  of 
his  accuser.  The  altercation  grew  warm,  until,  in  the  heat  of 
passion,  Blasco  Nunez  struck  him  with  his  poniard.  In  an 
instant,  the  attendants,  taking  this  as  a signal,  plunged  their 
swords  into  the  body  of  the  unfortunate  man,  who  fell  lifeless 
on  the  floor.14 

Greatly  alarmed  for  the  consequences  of  his  rash  act — for 
Carbajal  was  much  beloved  in  Lima — Blasco  Nunez  ordered 
the  corpse  of  the  murdered  man  to  be  removed  by  a private 
stairway  from  the  house,  and  carried  to  the  cathedral,  where, 
rolled  in  his  bloody  cloak,  it  was  laid  in  a grave  hastily  dug  to 
receive  it.  So  tragic  a proceeding,  known  to  so  many  wit- 
nesses, could  not  long  be  kept  secret.  Vague  rumors  of  the 
fact  explained  the  mysterious  disappearance  of  Carbajal.  The 
grave  was  opened,  and  the  mangled  remains  of  the  slaughtered 
cavalier  established  the  guilt  of  the  viceroy.15 

From  this  hour  Blasco  Nunez  was  held  in  universal  abhor- 
rence ; and  his  crime  in  this  instance  assumed  the  deeper  dye 
of  ingratitude,  since  the  deceased  was  known  to  have  had  the 
greatest  influence  in  reconciling  the  citizens  early  to  his  govern- 

14  44  He  struck  him  in  the  bosom  with  his  dagger,  as  some  say,  but  the  viceroy  denies  it.” 
— So  says  Zarate,  in  the  printed  copy  of  his  history.  (Lib.  5,  cap.  11.)  In  the  original 
manuscript  of  this  work,  still  extant  at  Simancas,  he  states  the  fact  without  any  qualification 
at  all ; " Luego  el  dicho  Virrei  echo  mano  a una  daga,  i arremetio  con  61,  i Ie  did  una  pu- 
fialada,  i A grandes  voces  mando  qu*  le  matasen.”  (Zarate,  MS.)  This  was  doubtless  his 
honest  conviction,  when  on  the  spot  soon  after  the  event  occurred.  The  politic  historian 
thought  it  prudent  to  qualify  his  remark  before  publication. — ■“  They  say,”  says  another 
contemporary,  familiar  with  these  events  and  friendly  to  the  viceroy,  44  that  he  gave  him 
several  wounds  with  his  dagger.”  And  he  makes  no  attempt  to  refute  the  charge.  (Rela- 
tion de  los  Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS.)  Indeed,  this  version  of  the  story  seems  to  have  bcea 
generally  received  at  the  time  by  those  who  had  the  best  means  of  knowing  the  truub. 

16  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ubi  supra. 


200  CIVIL  WARS  OR  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 

ment.  No  one  knew  where  the  blow  would  fall  next,  or  how 
soon  he  might  himself  become  the  victim  of  the  ungovernable 
passions  of  the  viceroy.  In  this  state  of  things,  some  looked  to 
the  Audience,  and  yet  more  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  to  protect  them. 

That  chief  was  slowly  advancing  toward  Lima,  from  which, 
indeed,  he  was  removed  but  a few  days’  march.  Greatly  per- 
plexed, Blasco  Nunez  now  felt  the  loneliness  of  his  condition. 
Standing  aloof,  as  it  were,  from  his  own  followers,  thwarted  by 
the  Audience,  betrayed  by  his  soldiers,  he  might  well  feel  the 
consequences  of  his  misconduct.  Yet  there  seemed  no  other 
course  for  him  but  either  to  march  out  and  meet  the  enemy,  or 
to  remain  in  Lima  and  defend  it.  He  had  placed  the  town  in 
a posture  of  defence,  which  argued  this  last  to  have  been  his 
original  purpose.  But  he  felt  he  could  no  longer  rely  on  his 
troops,  and  he  decided  on  a third  course,  most  unexpected. 

This  was  to  abandon  the  capital  and  withdraw  to  Truxillo, 
about  eighty  leagues  distant.  The  women  would  embark  on 
board  the  squadron,  and,  with  the  effects  of  the  citizens,  be 
transported  by  water.  The  troops,  with  the  rest  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, would  march  by  land,  laying  waste  the  country  as  they 
proceeded.  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  when  he  arrived  at  Lima,  would 
find  it  without  supplies  for  his  army,  and,  thus  straitened,  he 
would  not  care  to  take  a long  march  across  a desert  in  search 
of  his  enemy.16 

What  the  viceroy  proposed  to  effect  by  this  movement  is  not 
clear,  unless  it  was  to  gain  time ; and  yet  the  more  time  he  had 
gained,  thus  far,  the  worse  it  had  proved  for  him.  But  he  was 
destined  to  encounter  a decided  opposition  from  the  judges. 
They  contended  that  he  had  no  warrant  for  such  an  act,  and 
that  the  Audience  could  not  lawfully  hold  its  sessions  out  of  the 
capital.  Blasco  Nunez  persisted  in  his  determination,  menacing 
that  body  with  force  if  necessary.  The  judges  appealed  to  the 
citizens  to  support  them  in  resisting  such  an  arbitrary  measure. 
They  mustered  a force  for  their  own  protection,  and  that  same 
day  passed  a decree  that  the  viceroy  should  be  arrested. 

18  Zarate,  Conq.  4el  Peru,  lib.  j,  cap.  la. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  I, 
cap.  18. 


chap.  vni. ] SEIZED  BY  THE  AUDIENCE.  201 

Late  at  night,  Blasco  Nunez  was  informed  of  the  hostile  prep- 
arations of  the  judges.  He  instantly  summoned  his  followers, 
to  the  number  of  more  than  two  hundred,  put  on  his  armor, 
and  prepared  to  march  out  at  the  head  of  his  troops  against  the 
Audience.  This  was  the  true  course ; for  in  a crisis  like  that 
in  which  he  was  placed,  requiring  promptness  and  decision,  the 
presence  of  the  leader  is  essential  to  insure  success.  But,  un- 
luckily, he  yielded  to  the  remonstrances  of  his  brother  and 
other  friends,  who  dissuaded  him  from  rashly  exposing  his  life 
in  such  a venture. 

What  Blasco  Nufiez  neglected  to  do  was  done  by  the  judges. 
They  sallied  forth  at  the  head  of  their  followers,  whose  number, 
though  small  at  first,  they  felt  confident  would  be  swelled  by 
volunteers  as  they  advanced.  Rushing  forward,  they  cried  out, 
“ Liberty  ! Liberty  ! Long  live  the  king  and  the  Audience  ! ” 
It  was  early  dawn,  and  the  inhabitants,  startled  from  their 
slumbers,  ran  to  the  windows  and  balconies,  and,  learning  the 
object  of  the  movement,  some  snatched  up  their  arms  and  joined 
in  it,  while  the  women,  waving  their  scarfs  and  kerchiefs, 
cheered  on  the  assault. 

When  the  mob  arrived  before  the  viceroy’s  palace,  they 
halted  for  a moment,  uncertain  what  to  do.  Orders  were  given 
to  fire  on  them  from  the  windows,  and  a volley  passed  over 
their  heads.  No  one  was  injured  ; and  the  greater  part  of  the 
viceroy’s  men,  with  most  of  the  officers — including  some  of 
those  who  had  been  so  anxious  for  his  personal  safety — now 
openly  joined  the  populace.  The  palace  was  then  entered,  and 
abandoned  to  pillage.  Blasco  Nunez,  deserted  by  all  but  a few 
faithful  adherents,  made  no  resistance.  He  surrendered  to  the 
assailants,  was  led  before  the  judges,  and  by  them  was  placed 
in  strict  confinement.  The  citizens,  delighted  with  the  result, 
provided  a collation  for  the  soldiers  ; and  the  affair  ended  with- 
out the  loss  of  a single  life.  Never  was  there  so  bloodless  a 
revolution.17 


17  Relacion  de  los  Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS. — Relacion  anonima,  MS.— Pedro  Pbarro, 
Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  i,  cap.  19. — Zarate,  Conq. 
del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  xi. — Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pisarro  £ Valdivia,  MS.— -Gonzalo  Pizarro 


302 


CIVIL  WARS  OR  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


The  first  business  of  the  judges  was  to  dispose  of  the  pris- 
oner. He  was  sent,  under  a strong  guard,  to  a neighboring 
island,  till  some  measures  could  be  taken  respecting  him.  He 
was  declared  to  be  deposed  from  his  office ; a provisional  gov- 
ernment was  established,  consisting  of  their  own  body,  with 
Cepeda  at  its  head,  as  president ; and  its  first  act  was  to  pro- 
nounce the  detested  ordinances  suspended  till  instructions 
could  be  received  from  the  court.  It  was  also  decided  to  send 
Blasco  Nunez  back  to  Spain  with  one  of  their  own  body,  who 
should  explain  to  the  emperor  the  nature  of  the  late  disturb- 
ances and  vindicate  the  measures  of  the  Audience.  This  was 
soon  put  in  execution.  The  Licentiate  Alvarez  was  the  person 
selected  to  bear  the  viceroy  company ; and  the  unfortunate 
commander,  after  passing  several  days  on  the  desolate  island, 
with  scarcely  any  food,  and  exposed  to  all  the  inclemencies 
of  the  weather,  took  his  departure  for  Panama.18 

A more  formidable  adversary  yet  remained,  in  Gonzalo  Pi* 
zarro,  who  had  now  advanced  to  Xauxa,  about  ninety  miles 
from  Lima.  Here  he  halted,  while  numbers  of  the  citizens 
prepared  to  join  his  banner,  choosing  rather  to  take  service 
under  him  than  to  remain  under  the  self-constituted  authority 
of  the  Audience.  The  judges,  meanwhile,  who  had  tasted  the 
sweets  of  office  too  short  a time  to  be  content  to  resign  them, 
after  considerable  delay,  sent  an  embassy  to  the  Procurator. 
They  announced  to  him  the  revolution  that  had  taken  place, 
and  the  suspension  of  the  ordinances.  The  great  object  of  his 
mission  had  been  thus  accomplished  ; and,  as  a new  govern- 
ment was  now  organized,  they  called  on  him  to  show  his  obe- 
dience to  it  by  disbanding  his  forces  and  withdrawing  to  the 
unmolested  enjoyment  of  his  estates.  It  was  a bold  demand 
— though  couched  in  the  most  courteous  and  complimentary 
phrase — to  make  of  one  in  Pizarro’s  position.  It  was  attempt- 


voutly  draw9  si  conclusion  from  this,  that  the  revolution  was  clearly  brought  about  by  the 
hand  of  God  for  the  good  of  the  land  : “ E hizose  sin  que  muriose  un  hombre,  ni  fuese 
herido,  como  obra  que  Dios  la  guiava  para  el  bien  desta  tierra.”  Carta,  MS.,  ubi  supra. 

18  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  d Valdivia,  MS. — Relacionde  los  Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS.— - 
The  story  of  the  seizure  of  the  viceroy  is  well  told  by  the  writer  of  the  last  MS.,  who  seem* 
here  at  least,  not  unduly  biased  in  favor  of  Blasco  Nufiez,  though  a partisan. 


CHAP,  via]  GONZALO  PROCLAIMED  GOVERNOR. 


203 


ing  to  scare  away  the  eagle  just  ready  to  swoop  on  his  prey. 
If  the  chief  had  faltered,  however,  he  would  have  been  reas- 
sured by  his  lion-hearted  lieutenant.  “Never  show  faint 
heart,”  exclaimed  the  latter,  “ when  you  are  so  near  the  goal. 
Success  has  followed  every  step  of  your  path.  You  have  now 
only  to  stretch  forth  your  hand  and  seize  the  government. 
Everything  else  will  follow.”  The  envoy  who  brought  the 
message  from  the  judges  was  sent  back  with  the  answer  that 
“ the  people  had  called  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to  the  government  of 
the  country,  and,  if  the  Audience  did  not  at  once  invest  him 
with  it,  the  city  should  be  delivered  up  to  pillage.”  19 

The  bewildered  magistrates  were  thrown  into  dismay  by  this 
decisive  answer.  Yet,  loath  to  resign,  they  took  counsel,  in 
their  perplexity,  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  still  detained  on  board  of 
one  of  the  vessels.  But  that  commander  had  received  too  little 
favor  at  the  hands  of  his  successors  to  think  it  necessary  to 
peril  his  life  on  their  account  by  thwarting  the  plans  of  Pizarro. 
He  maintained  a discreet  silence,  therefore,  and  left  the  matter 
to  the  wisdom  of  the  Audience. 

Meanwhile,  Carbajal  was  sent  into  the  city  to  quicken  their 
deliberations.  He  came  at  night,  attended  only  by  a small 
party  of  soldiers,  intimating  his  contempt  of  the  power  of  the 
judges.  His  first  act  was  to  seize  a number  of  cavaliers,  whom 
he  dragged  from  their  beds  and  placed  under  arrest.  They 
were  men  of  Cuzco,  the  same  already  noticed  as  having  left  Pi- 
zarro’s  ranks  soon  after  his  departure  from  that  capital.  While 
the  Audience  still  hesitated  as  to  the  course  they  should  pursue, 
Carbajal  caused  three  of  his  prisoners,  persons  of  consideration 
and  property,  to  be  placed  on  the  backs  of  mules  and  escorted 
out  of  town  to  the  suburbs,  where,  with  brief  space  allowed  foi 
confession,  he  hung  them  all  on  the  branches  of  a tree.  He 
superintended  the  execution  himself,  and  tauntingly  compli- 
mented one  of  his  victims  by  telling  him  that,  “in  considera- 
tion of  his  higher  rank,  he  should  have  the  privilege  of  select- 

19  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  13. — It  required  some  courage  to  carry  the  mes 
gage  of  the  Audience  to  Gonzalo  and  his  desperate  followers.  The  historian  Zarate,  th& 
royal  comptroller,  was  the  envoy : not  much,  as  it  appears,  to  his  own  satisfaction.  H* 
escaped,  however,  unharmed,  and  has  made  a full  report  of  the  affair  in  his  chronicle 


204 


CIVIL  IV A ft  S OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  nr. 


ing  the  bough  on  which  to  be  hanged  ! ” 20  The  ferocious 
officer  would  have  proceeded  still  further  in  his  executions,  it 
is  said,  had  it  not  been  for  orders  received  from  his  leader. 
But  enough  was  done  to  quicken  the  perceptions  of  the  Audi- 
ence as  to  their  course,  for  they  felt  their  own  lives  suspended 
by  a thread  in  such  unscrupulous  hands.  Without  further  de- 
lay, therefore,  they  sent  to  invite  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to  enter 
the  city,  declaring  that  the  security  of  the  country  and  the 
general  good  required  the  government  to  be  placed  in  his 
hands.21 

That  chief  had  now  advanced  within  half  a league  of  the 
capital,  which  soon  after,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  October, 
1544,  he  entered  in  battle-array.  His  whole  force  was  little 
short  of  twelve  hundred  Spaniards,  besides  several  thousand 
Indians,  who  dragged  his  heavy  guns  in  the  advance.22  Then 
came  the  files  of  spearmen  and  arquebusiers,  making  a formi- 
dable corps  of  infantry  for  a colonial  army  ; and  lastly  the  cav- 
alry, at  the  head  of  which  rode  Pizarro  himself,  on  a powerful 
charger,  gayly  caparisoned.  The  rider  was  in  complete  mail, 
over  which  floated  a richly  embroidered  surcoat,  and  his  head 
was  protected  by  a crimson  cap,  highly  ornamented — his 
showy  livery  setting  off  his  handsome,  soldier-like  person  to 
advantage.23  Before  him  was  borne  the  royal  standard  of 

8e  41  Le  queria  dar  su  muerte  con  una  preeminencia  senalada,  que  escogicse  en  qual  de 
las  Ramas  de  aquel  Arbol  queria  que  le  colgasen.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap. 
23. — See  also  Relacion  anonima,  MS. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  25. 

31  According  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  the  Audience  gave  this  invitation  in  obedience  to  the 
demands  of  the  representatives  of  the  cities  : " Y A esta  sazon  llegue  yo  A Lima,  i todos  los 
procuradores  de  las  cibdades  destos  reynos  suplicaron  al  Audiencia  me  hiciesen  Govema- 
dor  para  resistir  los  robos  e fuerzas  que  Blasco  Nunez  andava  faciendo,  i para  tener  la 
tierra  en  justicia  hasta  que  S.  M.  proveyese  lo  que  mas  A su  real  servicio  convenia.  Los 
Oydores  visto  que  asi  convenia  al  servicio  de  Dios  i al  de  S.  M.  i al  bien  destos  reynos, ” 
etc.  (Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  A Valdivia,  MS.)  But  Gonzalo’ s account  of  himself  must 
be  received  with  more  than  the  usual  grain  of  allowance.  His  letter,  which  is  addressed 
to  Valdivia,  the  celebrated  conqueror  of  Chili,  contains  a full  account  of  the  rise  and  prog- 
ress of  his  rebellion.  It  is  the  best  vindication,  therefore,  to  be  found  of  himself,  and,  as  a 
counterpoise  to  the  narratives  of  his  enemies,  is  of  inestimable  value  to  the  historian. 

23  He  employed  twelve  thousand  Indians  on  this  service,  says  the  writer  of  the  Relacion 
anonima,  MS.  But  this  author,  although  living  in  the  colonies  at  the  time,  talks  too  much 
at  random  to  gain  our  implicit  confidence. 

3i  •«  Y el  armado  y con  una  capa  de  grana  cubierta  con  muchas  guarniclones  de  oro  k 
eon  sayo  de  brocado  sobre  las  armas.”  Relacion  de  los  Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS.— Abo 
karate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  23. 


chap,  ix.]  MEASURES  OF  GONZALO  PIZARRO. 


205 


Castile ; for  everyone,  royalist  or  rebel,  was  careful  to  fight 
under  that  sign.  This  emblem  of  loyalty  was  supported  on 
the  right  by  a banner  emblazoned  with  the  arms  of  Cuzco, 
and  by  another  on  the  left  displaying  the  armorial  bearings 
granted  by  the  crown  to  the  Pizarros.  As  the  martial  pageant 
swept  through  the  streets  of  Lima,  the  air  was  rent  with 
acclamations  from  the  populace,  and  from  the  spectators  in  the 
balconies.  The  cannon  sounded  at  intervals,  and  the  bells  of 
the  city — those  that  the  viceroy  had  spared — rang  out  a joyous 
peal,  as  if  in  honor  of  a victory  ! 

The  oaths  of  office  were  duly  administered  by  the  judges  of 
the  Royal  Audience,  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  proclaimed 
Governor  and  Captain -General  of  Peru  till  his  Majesty’s  pleas- 
ure could  be  known  in  respect  to  the  government.  The  new 
ruler  then  took  up  his  quarters  in  the  palace  of  his  brother — 
where  the  stains  of  that  brother’s  blood  were  not  yet  effaced. 
Fetes , bull-fights,  and  tournaments  graced  the  ceremony  of  in- 
auguration, and  were  prolonged  for  several  days,  while  the 
giddy  populace  of  the  capital  abandoned  themselves  to  jubilee, 
as  if  a new  and  more  auspicious  order  of  things  had  commenced 
for  Peru  1 24 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Measures  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro. — Escape  of  Vaca  de  Castro. — Reappearance 
of  the  Viceroy, — His  disastrous  Retreat. — Defeat  and  Death  of  the 
Viceroy. — Gonzalo  Pizarro  Lord  of  Peru. 

I544—I546- 

The  first  act  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  to  cause  those  persons 
to  be  apprehended  who  had  taken  the  most  active  part  against 
him  in  the  late  troubles.  Several  he  condemned  to  death,  but 
afterward  commuted  the  sentence  and  contented  himself  with 

11  For  the  preceding  pages  relating  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  see  Relacion  anonima,  MS. ; 
Fernandez,  Hist  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  i,  cap.  25. ; Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. ; 
Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  4 Valdivia,  MS. ; Zarate,  loc.  dt.  ; Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  7,  lib.  8,  cap.  16-19.  • Relacion  de  los  Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS. ; Montesinos,  Annalee, 
MS.,  ano  1544. 


206 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


driving  them  into  banishment  and  confiscating  their  estates.1 
His  next  concern  was  to  establish  his  authority  on  a firm  basis. 
He  filled  the  municipal  government  of  Lima  with  his  own  par- 
tisans. He  sent  his  lieutenants  to  take  charge  of  the  principal 
cities.  He  caused  galleys  to  be  built  at  Arequipa  to  secure  the 
command  of  the  seas,  and  brought  his  forces  into  the  best  pos- 
sible condition,  to  prepare  for  future  emergencies. 

The  Royal  Audience  existed  only  in  name ; for  its  powers 
were  speedily  absorbed  by  the  new  ruler,  who  desired  to  place 
the  government  on  the  same  footing  as  under  the  marquis  his 
brother.  Indeed,  the  Audience  necessarily  fell  to  pieces,  from 
the  position  of  its  several  members.  Alvarez  had  been  sent 
with  the  viceroy  to  Castile.  Cepeda,  the  most  aspiring  of  the 
court,  now  that  he  had  failed  in  his  own  schemes  of  ambition, 
was  content  to  become  a tool  in  the  hands  of  the  military  chief 
who  had  displaced  him.  Zarate,  a third  judge,  who  had  from 
the  first  protested  against  the  violent  measures  of  his  colleagues, 
was  confined  to  his  house  by  a mortal  illness  ; 2 and  Tepeda, 
the  remaining  magistrate,  Gonzalo  now  proposed  to  send  back 
to  Castile  with  such  an  account  of  the  late  transactions  as 
should  vindicate  his  own  conduct  in  the  eyes  of  the  emperor. 
This  step  was  opposed  by  Carbajal,  who  bluntly  told  his  com- 
mander that  “he  had  gone  too  far  to  expect  favor  from  the 
crown,  and  that  he  had  better  rely  for  his  vindication  on  his 
pikes  and  muskets  ! ” 3 

But  the  ship  which  was  to  transport  Tepeda  was  found  to 
have  suddenly  disappeared  from  the  port.  It  was  the  same  in 
which  Vaca  de  Castro  was  confined  ; and  that  officer,  not  car- 
ing to  trust  to  the  forbearance  of  one  whose  advances  on  a 
former  occasion  he  had  so  unceremoniously  repulsed,  and  con- 


1 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.— The  honest  soldier  who  tells  us  this  was  more 
true  to  his  king  than  to  his  kindred.  At  least,  lie  did  not  attach  himself  to  Gonzalo’s  party, 
and  was  among  those  who  barely  escaped  hanging  on  this  occasion.  He  seems  to  have  had 
little  respect  for  his  namesake. 

8 Zarate  the  judge  must  not  be  confounded  with  Zarate  the  historian,  who  went  out  to 
Peru  with  the  Court  of  Audience  as  contactor  real— royal  comptroller— having  before  filled 
the  office  of  secretary  of  the  royal  council  in  Spain. 

3 Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  17a.— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  a,  lib.  4, 
cap.  as. 


J 


chap,  ix.]  REAPPEARANCE  OF  THE  VICEROY.  20 7 

vinced,  moreover,  that  his  own  presence  could  profit  nothing 
in  a land  where  he  held  no  legitimate  authority,  had  prevailed 
on  the  captain  to  sail  with  him  to  Panama.  He  then  crossed 
the  Isthmus  and  embarked  for  Spain.  The  rumors  of  his 
coming  had  already  preceded  him,  and  charges  were  not  want- 
ing against  him  from  some  of  those  whom  he  had  offended  by 
his  administration.  He  was  accused  of  having  carried  meas- 
ures with  a high  hand,  regardless  of  the  rights  both  of  the 
colonist  and  of  the  native,  and,  above  all,  of  having  embezzled 
the  public  moneys  and  of  returning  with  his  coffers  richly 
freighted  to  Castile.  This  last  was  an  unpardonable  crime. 

No  sooner  had  the  governor  set  foot  in  his  own  country  than 
he  was  arrested  and  hurried  to  the  fortress  of  Arevalo ; and, 
though  he  was  afterward  removed  to  better  quarters,  where  he 
was  treated  with  the  indulgence  due  to  his  rank,  he  was  still 
kept  a prisoner  of  state  for  twelve  years,  when  the  tardy  tribu- 
nals of  Castile  pronounced  a judgment  in  his  favor.  He  was 
acquitted  of  every  charge  that  had  been  brought  against  him, 
and,  so  far  from  peculation,  was  proved  to  have  returned  home 
no  richer  than  he  went.  He  was  released  from  confinement, 
reinstated  in  his  honors  and  dignities,  took  his  seat  anew  in  the 
royal  council,  and  enjoyed,  during  the  remainder  of  his  days, 
the  consideration  to  which  he  was  entitled  by  his  deserts.4 
The  best  eulogium  on  the  wisdom  of  his  administration  was  af- 
forded by  the  troubles  brought  on  the  colonies  by  that  of  his 
successor.  The  nation  became  gradually  sensible  of  the  value 
of  his  services  ; though  the  manner  in  which  they  were  re- 
quited by  the  government  must  be  allowed  to  form  a cold 
commentary  on  the  gratitude  of  princes. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  doomed  to  experience  a still  greater 
disappointment  than  that  caused  by  the  escape  of  Vaca  de 
Castro,  in  the  return  of  Blasco  Nunez.  The  vessel  which  bore 
him  from  the  country  had  hardly  left  the  shore,  when  Alvarez, 
the  judge,  whether  from  remorse  at  the  part  which  he  had 


4 Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  15. — Relacion  anonima,  MS.—  Relacion  de  lot 
Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS.— Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1545, — Fernandez,  Hist  del  Peru* 
Parte  x,  lib.  x,  cap.  a 8. 


208 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


taken,  or  apprehensive  of  the  consequences  of  carrying  back 
the  viceroy  to  Spain,  presented  himself  before  that  dignitary 
and  announced  that  he  was  no  longer  a prisoner.  At  the  same 
time  he  excused  himself  for  the  part  he  had  taken,  by  his  de- 
sire to  save  the  life  of  Blasco  Nunez  and  extricate  him  from  his 
perilous  situation.  He  now  placed  the  vessel  at  his  disposal, 
and  assured  him  it  should  take  him  wherever  he  chose. 

The  viceroy,  whatever  faith  he  may  have  placed  in  the 
judge’s  explanation,  eagerly  availed  himself  of  his  offer.  His 
proud  spirit  revolted  at  the  idea  of  returning  home  in  disgrace, 
foiled,  as  he  had  been,  in  every  object  of  his  mission.  He  de- 
termined to  try  his  fortune  again  in  the  land,  and  his  only 
doubt  was  on  what  point  to  attempt  to  rally  his  partisans 
around  him.  At  Panama  he  might  remain  in  safety,  while  he 
invoked  assistance  from  Nicaragua  and  other  colonies  at  the 
north.  But  this  would  be  to  abandon  his  government  at  once ; 
and  such  a confession  of  weakness  would  have  a bad  effect  on 
his  followers  in  Peru.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  direct  his 
steps  toward  Quito,  which,  while  it  was  within  his  jurisdic- 
tion, was  still  removed  far  enough  from  the  theatre  of  the  late 
troubles  to  give  him  time  to  rally  and  make  head  against  his 
enemies. 

In  pursuance  of  this  purpose,  the  viceroy  and  his  suite  dis- 
embarked at  Tumbez,  about  the  middle  of  October,  1544.  On 
landing,  he  issued  a manifesto  setting  forth  the  violent  pro- 
ceedings of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  and  his  followers,  whom  he  de- 
nounced as  traitors  to  their  prince,  and  he  called  on  all  true 
! subjects  in  the  colony  to  support  him  in  maintaining  the  royal 
authority.  The  call  was  not  unheeded,  and  volunteers  came 
in,  though  tardily,  from  San  Miguel,  Puerto  Viejo,  and  other 
places  on  the  coast,  cheering  the  heart  of  the  viceroy  with  the 
conviction  that  the  sentiment  of  loyalty  was  not  yet  extinct  in 
the  bosoms  of  the  Spaniards. 

But,  while  thus  occupied,  he  received  tidings  of  the  arrival 
of  one  of  Pizarro’s  captains  on  the  coast,  with  a force  superior 
to  his  own.  Their  number  was  exaggerated  ; but  Blasco  Nufiez, 
without  waiting  to  ascertain  the  truth,  abandoned  his  position 


CHAP.  IX.  1 


HIS  DISASTROUS  RETREAT. 


209 


at  Tumbez,  and,  with  as  much  expedition  as  he  could  make 
across  a wild  and  mountainous  country  half  buried  in  snow,  he 
marched  to  Quito.  But  this  capital,  situated  at  the  northern 
extremity  of  his  province,  was  not  a favorable  point  for  the 
rendezvous  of  his  followers  ; and,  after  prolonging  his  stay  till  he 
had  received  assurance  from  Benalcazar,  the  loyal  commander 
at  Popayan,  that  he  would  support  him  with  all  his  strength 
in  the  coming  conflict,  he  made  a rapid  countermarch  to  the 
coast  and  took  up  his  position  at  the  town  of  San  Miguel. 
This  was  a spot  well  suited  to  his  purposes,  as  lying  on  the 
great  high-road  along  the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  besides  being 
the  chief  mart  for  commercial  intercourse  with  Panama  and  the 
north. 

Here  the  viceroy  erected  his  standard,  and  in  a few  weeks 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  a force  amounting  to  nearly  five 
hundred  in  all,  horse  and  foot,  ill  provided  with  arms  and  am- 
munition, but  apparently  zealous  in  the  cause.  Finding  him- 
self in  sufficient  strength  to  commence  active  operations,  he 
now  sallied  forth  against  several  of  Pizarro’s  captains  in  the 
neighborhood,  over  whom  he  obtained  some  decided  advant- 
ages, which  renewed  his  confidence  and  flattered  him  with 
the  hopes  of  re-establishing  his  ascendency  in  the  country.5 

During  this  time,  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  not  idle.  He  had 
watched  with  anxiety  the  viceroy’s  movements,  and  was  now 
convinced  that  it  was  time  to  act,  and  that,  if  he  would  not  be 
unseated  himself,  he  must  dislodge  his  formidable  rival.  He 
accordingly  placed  a strong  garrison  under  a faithful  officer  in 
Lima,  and,  after  sending  forward  a force  of  some  six  hundred 
men  by  land  to  Truxillo,  he  embarked  for  the  same  port  him- 
self on  the  4th  of  March,  1545,  the  very  day  on  which  the 
viceroy  had  marched  from  Quito. 

At  Truxillo,  Pizarro  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  little 

6 Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  d Valdivia,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  14, 
15. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  8,  cap.  19,  20. — Relacion  anoniraa,  MS. — Fernan- 
dez, Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  23. — Relacion  de  los  Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS. — The 
author  of  the  document  last  cited  notices  the  strong  feeling  for  the  crown  existing  in  several 
of  the  cities,  and  mentions  also  the  rumor  of  a meditated  assault  on  Cuzco  by  the  Indiana. 
The  writer  belonged  to  the  discomfited  party  of  Bla9co  Nufiez  ; and  the  facility  with  whidh 
OKfles  credit  reports  in  their  own  favor  is  proverbial. 


210 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.  [book  iv. 


army  and  moved  without  loss  of  time  against  San  Miguel. 
His  rival,  eager  to  bring  their  quarrel  to  an  issue,  would  fain 
have  marched  out  to  give  him  battle  ; but  his  soldiers,  mostly 
young  and  inexperienced  levies,  hastily  brought  together,  were 
intimidated  by  the  name  of  Pizarro.  They  loudly  insisted  on 
being  led  into  the  upper  country,  where  they  would  be  rein- 
forced by  Benalcazar  ; and  their  unfortunate  commander,  like 
the  rider  of  some  unmanageable  steed  to  whose  humors  he  is 
obliged  to  submit,  was  hurried  away  in  a direction  contrary  to 
his  wishes.  It  was  the  fate  of  Blasco  Nunez  to  have  his  pur- 
poses baffled  alike  by  his  friends  and  his  enemies. 

On  arriving  before  San  Miguel,  Gonzalo  Pizarro  found,  to 
his  great  mortification,  that  his  antagonist  had  left  it.  With- 
out entering  the  town,  he  quickened  his  pace,  and  after 
traversing  a valley  of  some  extent,  reached  the  skirts  of  a 
mountain-chain,  into  which  Blasco  Nunez  had  entered  but  a 
few  hours  before.  It  was  late  in  the  evening,  but  Pizarro, 
knowing  the  importance  of  despatch,  sent  forward  Carbajal 
with  a party  of  light  troops  to  overtake  the  fugitives.  That 
captain  succeeded  in  coming  up  with  their  lonely  bivouac 
among  the  mountains  at  midnight,  when  the  weary  troops  were 
buried  in  slumber.  Startled  from  their  repose  by  the  blast  of 
the  trumpet,  which,  strange  to  say,  their  enemy  had  incau- 
tiously sounded,6  the  viceroy  and  his  men  sprang  to  their  feet, 
mounted  their  horses,  grasped  their  arquebuses,  and  poured 
such  a volley  into  the  ranks  of  their  assailants  that  Carbajal, 
disconcerted  by  his  reception,  found  it  prudent,  with  his  in- 
ferior force,  to  retreat.  The  viceroy  followed,  till,  fearing  an 
ambuscade  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  he  withdrew,  and 
allowed  his  adversary  to  rejoin  the  main  body  of  the  army 
under  Pizarro. 

This  conduct  of  Carbajal,  by  which  he  allowed  the  game  to 
slip  through  his  hands  from  mere  carelessness,  is  inexplicable. 
It  forms  a singular  exception  to  the  habitual  caution  and  vigi- 

• “ Mas  Francisco  Caruajal  que  los  yua  siguiendo,  llego  quatro  bora*  de  la  noche  A ddde 
eitauan  ; y con  vna  Trompeta  que  lleuaua  les  toed  arraa  : y sentido  por  el  Virey  se  leuantd 
luego  el  primero.”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  i,  cap.  40. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


HIS  DISASTROUS  RETREAT. 


211 


lance  displayed  in  his  military  career.  Had  it  been  the  act  of 
any  other  captain,  it  would  have  cost  him  his  head.  But 
Pizarro,  although  greatly  incensed,  set  too  high  a value  on  the 
services  and  well-tried  attachment  of  his  lieutenant  to  quarrel 
with  him.  Still,  it  was  considered  of  the  last  importance  to 
overtake  the  enemy  before  he  had  advanced  much  farther  to 
the  north,  where  the  difficulties  of  the  ground  would  greatly 
embarrass  the  pursuit.  Carbajal,  anxious  to  retrieve  his  error, 
was  accordingly  again  placed  at  the  head  of  a corps  of  light 
troops,  with  instructions  to  harass  the  enemy’s  march,  cut  off 
his  stores,  and  keep  him  in  check,  if  possible,  till  the  arrival  of 
Pizarro.7 

But  the  viceroy  had  profited  by  the  recent  delay  to  gain 
considerably  on  his  pursuers.  His  road  led  across  the  valley 
of  Caxas,  a broad,  uncultivated  district,  affording  little  suste- 
nance for  man  or  beast.  Day  after  day  his  troops  held  on  their 
march  through  this  dreary  region,  intersected  with  barrancas 
and  rocky  ravines  that  added  incredibly  to  their  toil.  Their 
principal  food  was  the  parched  corn,  which  usually  formed  the 
nourishment  of  the  travelling  Indians,  though  held  of  much 
less  account  by  the  Spaniards ; and  this  meagre  fare  was  rein- 
forced by  such  herbs  as  they  found  on  the  wayside,  which,  for 
want  of  better  utensils,  the  soldiers  were  fain  to  boil  in  their 
helmets.8  Carbajal,  meanwhile,  pressed  on  them  so  close  that 
their  baggage,  ammunition,  and  sometimes  their  mules,  fell 
into  his  hands.  The  indefatigable  warrior  was  always  on  their 
track,  by  day  and  by  night,  allowing  them  scarcely  any  re- 
pose. They  spread  no  tent,  and  lay  down  in  their  arms,  with 
their  steeds  standing  saddled  beside  them ; and  hardly  had 
the  weary  soldier  closed  his  eyes  when  he  was  startled  by  the 
cry  that  the  enemy  was  upon  him.9 

7 Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  ubi  supra. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  9,  cap.  22. 
— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  lib.  4,  eap.  26. 

8 “ Caminando,  pues,  comiendo  algunas  Jervas,  que  cocian  en  las  Celadas,  quando 
paraban  A dar  aliento  a los  Caballos.”  Herrera.  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  9,  cap.  24. 

* “I  sin  que  en  todo  el  camino  los  vnos,  ni  los  otros,  quitasen  las  Sillas  A los  Caballos, 
aunque  en  este  caso  estaba  mas  alerta  la  Gente  del  Visorei,  porque  si  algun  pequeno  rato 
de  la  Noche  reposaban,  era  vestidos,  i teniendo  siempre  los  Caballos  del  Cabestro,  sin  es- 
perar  A poner  Toldos,  ni  A adere£ar  las  otras  formas  que  se  suelen  tener  para  atar  los 
Caballos  de  Noche.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  29. 


212  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.  [book  iv. 

At  length  the  harassed  followers  of  Blasco  Nufiez  reached 
the  depoblado,  or  desert  of  Paltos,  which  stretches  toward  the 
north  for  many  a dreary  league.  The  ground,  intersected  by 
numerous  streams,  has  the  character  of  a great  quagmire,  and 
men  and  horses  floundered  about  in  the  stagnant  waters,  or 
with  difficulty  worked  their  way  over  the  marsh,  or  opened  a 
passage  through  the  tangled  underwood  that  shot  up  in  rank 
luxuriance  from  the  surface.  The  wayworn  horses,  without 
food,  except  such  as  they  could  pick  up  in  the  wilderness, 
were  often  spent  with  travel,  and,  becoming  unserviceable,  were 
left  to  die  on  the  road,  with  their  hamstrings  cut,  that  they 
might  be  of  no  use  to  the  enemy  ; though  more  frequently 
they  were  despatched  to  afford  a miserable  banquet  to  their 
masters.10  Many  of  the  men  now  fainted  by  the  way  from  mere 
exhaustion,  or  loitered  in  the  woods,  unable  to  keep  up  with 
the  march.  And  woe  to  the  straggler  who  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Carbajal,  at  least  if  he  had  once  belonged  to  the  party  of 
Pizarro.  The  mere  suspicion  of  treason  sealed  his  doom  with 
the  unrelenting  soldier.11 

The  sufferings  of  Pizarro  and  his  troop  were  scarcely  less 
than  those  of  the  viceroy ; though  they  were  somewhat  miti- 
gated by  the  natives  of  the  country,  who,  with  ready  instinct, 
discerned  which  party  was  the  strongest,  and,  of  course,  the 
most  to  be  feared.  But,  with  every  alleviation,  the  chieftain’s 
sufferings  were  terrible.  It  was  repeating  the  dismal  scenes  of 
the  expedition  to  the  Amazon.  The  soldiers  of  the  Conquest 
must  be  admitted  to  have  purchased  their  triumphs  dearly. 

Yet  the  viceroy  had  one  source  of  disquietude  greater  per- 
haps than  any  arising  from  physical  suffering.  This  was  the 
distrust  of  his  own  followers.  There  were  several  of  the  prin- 
cipal cavaliers  in  his  suite  whom  he  suspected  of  being  in  cor- 
respondence with  the  enemy,  and  even  of  designing  to  betray 


10  u I en  cansandose  el  Caballo,  le  desjarretaba,  i le  dcxaba,  porque  sus  contrarios  no  se 
aprovechasen  de  el.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  loc.  cit. 

11  “ Had  it  not  been  for  Gonzalo  Pizarro’s  interference,”  says  Fernandez,  44  many  more 
would  have  been  hung  up  by  his  lieutenant,  who  pleasantly  quoted  the  old  Spanish  pro- 
verb, ' The  fewer  of  our  enemies  the  better.’  ” De  los  enemigos , los  menos.  Hist  del  Peru, 
Parte  i,  lib.  i,  cap.  40. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


HIS  DISASTROUS  RETREAT. 


213 


him  into  their  hands.  He  was  so  well  convinced  of  this  that 
he  caused  two  of  these  officers  to  be  put  to  death  on  the  march  ; 
and  their  dead  bodies,  as  they  lay  by  the  roadside,  meeting  the 
eye  of  the  soldier,  told  him  that  there  were  others  to  be  feared 
in  these  frightful  solitudes  besides  the  enemy  in  his  rear.12 

Another  cavalier,  who  held  the  chief  command  under  the 
viceroy,  was  executed,  after  a more  formal  investigation  of  his 
case,  at  the  first  place  where  the  army  halted.  At  this  dis- 
tance of  time  it  is  impossible  to  determine  how  far  the  sus- 
picions of  Blasco  Nunez  were  founded  on  truth.  The  judg- 
ments of  contemporaries  are  at  variance.13  In  times  of  polit- 
ical ferment  the  opinion  of  the  writer  is  generally  determined 
by  the  complexion  of  his  party.  To  judge  from  the  character 
of  Blasco  Nunez,  jealous  and  irritable,  we  might  suppose  him 
to  have  acted  without  sufficient  cause.  But  this  consider- 
ation is  counterbalanced  by  that  of  the  facility  with  which 
his  followers  swerved  from  their  allegiance  to  their  command- 
er, who  seems  to  have  had  so  light  a hold  on  their  affections 
that  they  were  shaken  off  by  the  least  reverse  of  fortune. 
Whether  his  suspicions  were  well  or  ill  founded,  the  effect  was 
the  same  on  the  mind  of  the  viceroy.  With  an  enemy  in  his 
rear  whom  he  dared  not  fight,  and  followers  whom  he  dared 
not  trust,  the  cup  of  his  calamities  was  nearly  full. 

At  length  he  issued  forth  on  firm  ground,  and,  passing 
through  Tomebamba,  Blasco  Nunez  re-entered  his  northern 
capital  of  Quito.  But  his  reception  was  not  so  cordial  as  that 
which  he  had  before  experienced.  He  now  came  as  a fugitive, 
with  a formidable  enemy  in  pursuit  ; and  he  was  soon  made  to 
feel  that  the  surest  way  to  receive  support  is  not  to  need  it. 

18  “ Los  afligidos  Soldados,  que  por  el  cansancio  de  los  Caballos  iban  d pie  con  terrible 
angustia,  por  la  persecucion  de  los  Enemigos,  que  iban  cerca,  i por  la  fatiga  de  la  hambre, 
quando  vieron  los  Cuerpos  de  los  dos  Capitanes  muertos  en  aquel  camino  quedaron  atoni- 
tos.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  9,  cap.  25. 

13  Fernandez,  who  held  a loyal  pen,  and  one  sufficiently  friendly  to  the  viceroy,  after 
stating  that  the  officers  whom  the  latter  put  to  death  had  served  him  to  that  time  with  their 
lives  and  fortunes,  dismisses  the  affair  with  the  temperate  reflection  that  men  formed  differ- 
ent judgments  on  it : “ Sobre  estas  muertes  uno  en  el  Peru  varios  y contrarios  juyzios  y 
©piniones,  de  culpa  y de  su  descargo.1’  (Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap,  41.)  Gomara 
says,  more  unequivocally,  “ All  condemned  it.”  (Hist,  de  las  IndM  cap.  167.)  The  weigh* 
of  opinion  seems  to  have  been  against  the  viceroy. 


214 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


Shaking  from  his  feet  the  dust  of  the  disloyal  city,  whose 
superstitious  people  were  alive  to  many  an  omen  that  boded 
his  approaching  ruin,14  the  unfortunate  commander  held  on  his 
way  toward  Pastos,  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Benalcazar.  Pizarro 
and  his  forces  entered  Quito  not  long  after,  disappointed  that, 
with  all  his  diligence,  the  enemy  still  eluded  his  pursuit.  He 
halted  only  to  breathe  his  men,  and,  declaring  that  “ he  would 
follow  up  the  viceroy  to  the  North  Sea  but  he  would  overtake 
him,”  15  he  resumed  his  march.  At  Pastos  he  nearly  accom- 
plished his  object.  His  advance-guard  came  up  with  Blasco 
Nunez  as  the  latter  was  halting  on  the  opposite  bank  of  a riv- 
ulet. Pizarro’s  men,  fainting  from  toil  and  heat,  staggered 
feebly  to  the  water-side  to  slake  their  burning  thirst,  and  it 
would  have  been  easy  for  the  viceroy’s  troops,  refreshed  by 
repose  and  superior  in  number  to  their  foes,  to  have  routed 
them.  But  Blasco  Nunez  could  not  bring  his  soldiers  to  the 
charge.  They  had  fled  so  long  before  their  enemy  that  the 
mere  sight  of  him  filled  their  hearts  with  panic,  and  they 
would  have  no  more  thought  of  turning  against  him  than  the 
hare  would  turn  against  the  hound  that  pursues  her.  Their 
safety,  they  felt,  was  to  fly,  not  to  fight,  and  they  profited  by 
the  exhaustion  of  their  pursuers  only  to  quicken  their  retreat. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  continued  the  chase  some  leagues  beyond 
Pastos;  when,  finding  himself  carried  farther  than  he  desired 
into  the  territories  of  Benalcazar,  and  not  caring  to  encounter 
this  formidable  captain  at  a disadvantage,  he  came  to  a halt, 
and,  notwithstanding  his  magnificent  vaunt  about  the  North 
Sea,  ordered  a retreat,  and  made  a rapid  countermarch  on 
Quito.  Here  he  found  occupation  in  repairing  the  wasted 
spirits  of  his  troops,  and  in  strengthening  himself  with  fresh 
reinforcements,  which  much  increased  his  numbers  ; though 
these  were  again  diminished  by  a body  that  he  detached  under 
Carbajal  to  suppress  an  insurrection  which  he  now  learned  had 

14  Some  of  these  omens  recorded  by  the  historian— as  the  howling  of  dogs— were  cer- 
tainly no  miracles  : “ En  esta  lamentable  i angustiosa  partida,  muchos  afirmaron,  haver 
visto  por  el  Aire  muchos  Cometas,  i que  quadrillas  de  Perros  andaban  por  las  Calles,  dando 
grandes  i temerosos  ahullidos,  i los  Hombres  andaban  asombrados,  i fuera  de  si.n  Her- 
rera, Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  10,  cap.  4. 

Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  10,  cap.  4. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


HIS  DISASTROUS  RETREAT. 


215 


broken  out  in  the  south.  It  was  headed  by  Diego  Centeno, 
one  of  his  own  officers,  whom  he  had  established  in  La  Plata, 
the  inhabitants  of  which  place  had  joined  in  the  revolt  and 
raised  the  standard  for  the  crown.  With  the  rest  of  his  forces, 
Pizarro  resolved  to  remain  at  Quito,  awaiting  the  hour  when 
the  viceroy  would  re-enter  his  dominions  ; as  the  tiger  crouches 
by  some  spring  in  the  wilderness,  patiently  awaiting  the  re- 
turn of  his  victims. 

Meanwhile  Blasco  Nunez  had  pushed  forward  his  retreat  to 
Popayan,  the  capital  of  Benalcazar’s  province.  Here  he  was 
kindly  received  by  the  people ; and  his  soldiers,  reduced  by 
desertion  and  disease  to  one-fifth  of  their  original  number, 
rested  from  the  unparalleled  fatigues  of  a march  which  had  con- 
tinued for  more  than  two  hundred  leagues.16  It  was  not  long 
before  he  was  joined  by  Cabrera,  Benalcazar’s  lieutenant,  with 
a stout  reinforcement,  and,  soon  after,  by  that  chieftain  him- 
self. His  whole  force  now  amounted  to  nearly  four  hundred 
men,  most  of  them  in  good  condition  and  well  trained  in  the 
school  of  American  warfare.  His  own  men  were  sorely  defi- 
cient both  in  arms  and  ammunition  ; and  he  set  about  repair- 
ing the  want  by  building  furnaces  for  manufacturing  arquebuses 
and  pikes.17  One  familiar  with  the  history  of  these  times  is 
surprised  to  see  the  readiness  with  which  the  Spanish  adventur- 
ers turned  their  hands  to  various  trades  and  handicrafts  usually 
requiring  a long  apprenticeship.  They  displayed  the  dexterity 
so  necessary  to  settlers  in  a new  country,  where  every  man 
must  become  in  some  degree  his  own  artisan.  But  this  state 
of  things,  however  favorable  to  the  ingenuity  of  the  artist,  is 
not  very  propitious  to  the  advancement  of  the  art ; and  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  the  weapons  thus  made  by  the  soldiers 

1S  This  retreat  of  Blasco  Nunez  may  undoubtedly  compare,  if  not  in  duration,  at  least 
in  sharpness  of  suffering,  with  any  expedition  in  the  New  World — save,  indeed,  that  of 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  himself  to  the  Amazon.  The  particulars  of  it  may  be  found,  with  more  or 
less  amplification,  in  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  19,  29  ; Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
4 Valdivia,  MS.  ; Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  9,  cap.  20-26  ; Fernandez,  Hist,  del 
Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  40  et  seq.  ; Relacion  de  los  Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS.  ; Relacion 
anonima,  MS.  ; Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1545. 

17  “Proveio,  que  se  tragese  alii  todo  el  hierro  que  se  pudo  haver  en  la  Provincia,  ibusc6 
Maestros,  i hi^o  adere^ar  Fraguas,  i en  breve  tiempo  se  forjaron  en  ellas  doGientos  Arcabu- 
cea,  con  todos  sus  aparejos.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  34. 


21 6 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


of  Blasco  Nufiez  were  of  the  most  rude  and  imperfect  construc- 
tion. 

As  week  after  week  rolled  away,  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  though 
fortified  with  the  patience  of  a Spanish  soldier,  felt  uneasy  at 
the  protracted  stay  of  Blasco  Nunez  in  the  north,  and  he  re- 
sorted to  stratagem  to  decoy  him  from  his  retreat.  He  marched 
out  of  Quito  with  the  greater  part  of  his  forces,  pretending  that 
he  was  going  to  support  his  lieutenant  in  the  south,  while  he 
left  a garrison  in  the  city  under  the  command  of  Puelles,  the 
same  officer  who  had  formerly  deserted  from  the  viceroy. 
These  tidings  he  took  care  should  be  conveyed  to  the  enemy's 
camp.  The  artifice  succeeded  as  he  wished.  Blasco  Nunez 
and  his  followers,  confident  in  their  superiority  over  Puelles, 
did  not  hesitate  for  a moment  to  profit  by  the  supposed  absence 
of  Pizarro.  Abandoning  Popayan,  the  viceroy,  early  in  Jan- 
uary, 1546,  moved  by  rapid  marches  toward  the  south.  But 
before  he  reached  the  place  of  his  destination  he  became  ap- 
prised of  the  snare  into  which  he  had  been  drawn.  He 
communicated  the  fact  to  his  officers ; but  he  had  already 
suffered  so  much  from  suspense  that  his  only  desire  now  was  to 
bring  his  quarrel  with  Pizarro  to  the  final  arbitrament  of  arms. 

That  chief,  meanwhile,  had  been  well  informed,  through 
his  spies,  of  the  viceroy’s  movements.  On  learning  the  de- 
parture of  the  latter  from  Popayan,  he  had  re-entered  Quito, 
joined  his  forces  with  those  of  Puelles,  and,  issuing  from  the 
capital,  had  taken  up  a strong  position  about  three  leagues  to 
the  north,  on  a high  ground  that  commanded  a stream  across 
which  the  enemy  must  pass.  It  was  not  long  before  the  latter 
came  in  sight,  and  Blasco  Nunez,  as  night  began  to  fall,  estab- 
lished himself  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  rivulet.  It  was  so 
near  to  the  enemy’s  quarters  that  the  voices  of  the  sentinels 
could  be  distinctly  heard  in  the  opposite  camps,  and  they  did 
not  fail  to  salute  one  another  with  the  epithet  of  “ traitors.” 
In  these  civil  wars,  as  we  have  seen,  each  party  claimed  for 
itself  the  exclusive  merit  of  loyalty.18 

**  “ Que  se  llegaron  A hablar  los  Corredores  de  ambas  partes,  llamandose  Traidores  loa 
vnos  A los  otros,  fundando,  que  cada  vno  sustentaba  la  voz  del  Rei,  i a si  estuvieron  toda 
aquefla  noche  aguardando.7’  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  34. 


CHAP.  IX. } 


HIS  DISASTROUS  RETREAT. 


217 


But  Benalcazar  soon  saw  that  Pizarro’s  position  was  too 
strong  to  be  assailed  with  any  chance  of  success.  He  pro- 
posed, therefore,  to  the  viceroy  to  draw  off  his  forces  secretly 
in  the  night,  and,  making  a detour  round  the  hills,  to  fall  on 
the  enemy’s  rear,  where  he  would  be  least  prepared  to  receive 
them.  The  counsel  was  approved ; and  no  sooner  were  the 
two  hosts  shrouded  from  each  other’s  eyes  by  the  darkness 
than,  leaving  his  camp-fires  burning  to  deceive  the  enemy, 
Blasco  Nunez  broke  up  his  quarters  and  began  his  circuitous 
march  in  the  direction  of  Quito.  But  either  he  had  been  mis- 
informed or  his  guides  misled  him ; for  the  roads  proved  so 
impracticable  that  he  was  compelled  to  make  a circuit  of  such 
extent  that  dawn  broke  before  he  drew  near  the  point  of  at- 
tack. Finding  that  he  must  now  abandon  the  advantage  of  a 
surprise,  he  pressed  forward  to  Quito,  where  he  arrived  with 
men  and  horses  sorely  fatigued  by  a night-march  of  eight 
leagues  from  a point  which  by  the  direct  route  would  not 
have  exceeded  three.  It  was  a fatal  error  on  the  eve  of  an 
engagement. 19 

He  found  the  capital  nearly  deserted  by  the  men.  They 
had  all  joined  the  standard  of  Pizarro ; for  they  had  now 
caught  the  general  spirit  of  disaffection,  and  looked  upon  that 
chief  as  their  protector  from  the  oppressive  ordinances.  Pi- 
zarro was  the  representative  of  the  people.  Greatly  moved 
at  this  desertion,  the  unhappy  viceroy,  lifting  his  hands  to 
heaven,  exclaimed,  “Is  it  thus,  Lord,  that  thou  abandonest 
thy  servants?”  The  women  and  children  came  out,  and  in 
vain  offered  him  food,  of  which  he  stood  obviously  in  need, 


10  For  the  preceding  pages,  see  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  34,  35  ; Gomara, 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  167  ; Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  d Valdivia,  MS.  ; Montesinos,  An- 
nales,  MS.,  afio  1546  ; Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  x,  lib.  1,  cap  50-52.  — Herrera,  in 
his  account  of  these  transactions,  has  fallen  into  a strange  confusion  of  daces,  fixing  the 
time  of  the  viceroy’s  entry  into  Quito  on  the  10th  of  January,  and  that  of  his  batde  with 
Pizarro  nine  days  later.  (Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  1,  cap.  1.)  This  last  event,  which,  by 
the  testimony  of  Fernandez,  was  on  the  18th  of  the  month,  was,  by  the  agreement  of  such 
contemporary  authorities  as  I have  consulted — as  stated  in  the  text — on  the  evening  of 
the  same  day  in  which  the  viceroy  entered  Quito.  Herrera,  though  his  work  is  arranged 
on  the  chronological  system  of  annals,  is  by  no  means  immaculate  as  to  his  dates.  Quintana 
has  exposed  several  glaring  anachronisms  of  the  historian  m the  earlier  period  of  the  Peru- 
vian conquest.  See  his  Espafioles  cdlebres,  tom.  ii.,  Appendix  No.  7. 

P 26 


Vol.  2 


218 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iy. 


asking  him,  at  the  same  time,  “ why  he  had  come  there  to 
die.”  His  followers,  with  more  indifference  than  their  com- 
mander, entered  the  houses  of  the  inhabitants,  and  uncere- 
moniously appropriated  whatever  they  could  find  to  appease 
the  cravings  of  appetite. 

Benalcazar,  who  saw  the  temerity  of  giving  battle  in  their 
present  condition,  recommended  the  viceroy  to  try  the  effect 
of  negotiation,  and  offered  himself  to  go  to  the  enemy’s  camp 
and  arrange,  if  possible,  terms  of  accommodation  with  Pizarro. 
But  Blasco  Nufiez,  if  he  had  desponded  for  a moment,  had  now 
recovered  his  wonted  constancy,  and  he  proudly  replied, 
“ There  is  no  faith  to  be  kept  with  traitors.  We  have  come 
to  fight,  not  to  parley ; and  we  must  do  our  duty  like  good 
and  loyal  cavaliers.  I will  do  mine,”  he  continued;  “and 
be  assured  I will  be  the  first  man  to  break  a lance  with  the 
enemy.  ’ ’ 20 

He  then  called  his  troops  together,  and  addressed  to  them  a 
few  words  preparatory  to  marching.  “ You  are  all  brave  men,” 
he  said,  “and  loyal  to  your  sovereign.  For  my  own  part  I 
hold  life  as  little  in  comparison  with  my  duty  to  my  prince. 
Yet  let  us  not  distrust  our  success : the  Spaniard,  in  a good 
cause,  has  often  overcome  greater  odds  than  these.  And  we 
are  fighting  for  the  right : it  is  the  cause  of  God — the  cause  of 
God,”  21  he  concluded  ; and  the  soldiers,  kindled  by  his  gen- 
erous ardor,  answered  him  with  huzzas  that  went  to  the  heart 
of  the  unfortunate  commander,  little  accustomed  of  late  to  this 
display  of  enthusiasm. 

It  was  January  18,  1546,  when  Blasco  Nufiez  marched  out 
at  the  head  of  his  array  from  the  ancient  city  of  Quito.  He 
had  proceeded  but  a mile  22  when  he  came  in  view  of  the  en- 
emy formed  along  the  crest  of  some  high  lands  which,  by  a 
gentle  swell,  rose  gradually  from  the  plains  of  Anaquito. 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  greatly  chagrined  on  ascertaining  the  depart- 

30  " Yo  os  prometo,  que  la  primera  liga  que  sea  rompa  en  los  enemigos  sea  la  mia  (y  assi 
lo  cumplio).”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  53. 

21  “ Que  de  Dios  es  la  causa,  de  Dios  es  la  causa,  de  Dios  es  la  causa.’ ’ Zarate,  Conq. 
del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  35. 

23  “ Un  quarto  de  legua  de  la  ciudad.”  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  & Valdivia,  MS. 


CH.  IX.]  DEFEAT  AND  DEATH  OF  THE  VICEROY.  219 


ure  of  the  viceroy,  early  in  the  morning  had  broken  up  his 
camp  and  directed  his  march  on  the  capital,  fully  resolved  that 
his  enemy  should  not  escape  him. 

The  viceroy’s  troops,  now  coming  to  a halt,  were  formed  in 
order  of  battle.  A small  body  of  arquebusiers  was  stationed 
in  the  advance  to  begin  the  fight.  The  remainder  of  that 
corps  was  distributed  among  the  spearmen,  who  occupied  the 
centre,  protected  on  the  flanks  by  the  horse,  drawn  up  in  two 
nearly  equal  squadrons.  The  cavalry  amounted  to  about  one 
hundred  and  forty,  being  little  inferior  to  that  on  the  other 
side,  though  the  whole  number  of  the  viceroy’s  forces,  being 
less  than  four  hundred,  did  not  much  exceed  the  half  of  his 
rival’s.  On  the  right,  and  in  front  of  the  royal  banner, 
Blasco  Nunez,  supported  by  thirteen  chosen  cavaliers,  took  his 
station,  prepared  to  head  the  attack. 

Pizarro  had  formed  his  troops  in  a corresponding  manner 
with  that  of  his  adversary.  They  mustered  about  seven  hun- 
dred in  all,  well  appointed,  in  good  condition,  and  officered 
by  the  best  knights  in  Peru.23  As,  notwithstanding  his  su- 
periority of  numbers,  Pizarro  did  not  seem  inclined  to  aban- 
don his  advantageous  position,  Blasco  Nunez  gave  orders  to 
advance.  The  action  commenced  with  the  arquebusiers,  and 
in  a few  moments  the  dense  clouds  of  smoke,  rolling  over  the 
field,  obscured  every  object ; for  it  was  late  in  the  day,  and 
the  light  was  rapidly  fading. 

The  infantry,  levelling  their  pikes,  now  advanced  under 
cover  of  the  smoke,  and  were  soon  hotly  engaged  with  the  op- 
posite files  of  spearmen.  Then  came  the  charge  of  the  cavalry, 
which — notwithstanding  they  were  thrown  into  some  disorder 
by  the  fire  of  Pizarro’s  arquebusiers,  far  superior  in  number  to 
their  own — was  conducted  with  such  spirit  that  the  enemy’s 
horse  were  compelled  to  reel  and  fall  back  before  it.  But  it 


88  The  amount  of  the  numbers  on  both  sides  is  variously  given,  as  usual,  making,  how- 
ever, more  than  the  usual  difference  in  the  relative  proportions,  since  the  sum  total  is  so 
Small.  I have  conformed  to  the  statements  of  the  best-instructed  writers.  Pizarro  esti- 
Dates  his  adversary’s  force  at  four  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and  his  own  at  only  six  hundred 

— an  estimate,  it  may  be  remarked,  that  does  not  make  that  given  in  the  text  any  lest 
credible. 


320 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iy. 


was  only  to  gather  up  their  strength,  and,  like  an  overwhelm* 
ingwave,  Pizarro’s  troopers  rushed  on  their  foes,  driving  them 
along  the  slope  and  bearing  down  man  and  horse  in  indis- 
criminate ruin.  Yet  these,  in  turn,  at  length  rallied,  cheered 
on  by  the  cries  and  desperate  efforts  of  their  officers.  The 
lances  were  shivered,  and  they  fought  hand  to  hand  with  swords 
and  battle-axes  mingled  together  in  wild  confusion.  But  the 
struggle  was  of  no  long  duration  ; for,  though  the  numbers  were 
nearly  equal,  the  viceroy’s  cavalry,  jaded  by  the  severe  march 
of  the  previous  night,24  were  no  match  for  their  antagonists. 
The  ground  was  strewn  with  the  wreck  of  their  bodies;  and 
horses  and  riders,  the  dead  and  the  dying,  lay  heaped  on  one 
another.  Cabrera,  the  brave  lieutenant  of  Benalcazar,  was 
slain,  and  that  commander  was  thrown  under  his  horse’s  feet, 
covered  with  wounds,  and  left  for  dead  on  the  field.  Alvarez, 
the  judge,  was  mortally  wounded.  Both  he  and  his  colleague 
Cepeda  were  in  the  action,  though  ranged  on  opposite  sides, 
fighting  as  if  they  had  been  bred  to  arms,  not  to  the  peaceful 
profession  of  the  law. 

Yet  Blasco  Nunez  and  his  companions  maintained  a brave 
struggle  on  the  right  of  the  field.  The  viceroy  had  kept  his 
word  by  being  the  first  to  break  his  lance  against  the  enemy, 
and  by  a well-directed  blow  had  borne  a cavalier,  named  Alon- 
so de  Montalvo,  clean  out  of  his  saddle.  But  he  was  at  length 
overwhelmed  by  numbers,  and,  as  his  companions  one  after 
another  fell  by  his  side,  he  was  left  nearly  unprotected.  He 
was  already  wounded,  when  a blow  on  the  head  from  the  battle- 
axe  of  a soldier  struck  him  from  his  horse,  and  he  fell 
stunned  on  the  ground.  Had  his  person  been  known,  he 
might  have  been  taken  alive  ; but  he  wore  a sobre-vest  of 
Indian  cotton  over  his  armor,  which  concealed  the  military 
order  of  St.  James  and  the  other  badges  of  his  rank.25 

24  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  35. 

28  He  wore  this  dress,  says  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  that  he  might  fare  no  better  than  a 
common  soldier,  but  take  his  chance  with  the  rest.  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  4,  cap.  34.) 
Pizarro  gives  him  credit  for  no  such  magnanimous  intent.  According  to  him,  the  vieeroy 
assumed  this  disguise  that,  his  rank  being  unknown,  he  might  have  the  better  chanoe  for 
escape.  It  must  be  confessed  that  this  is  the  general  motive  for  a disguise.  “I  Blasco 
Nunec  puso  mucha  diligeneia  por  poder  huirse  si  pudiera,  porque  venia  vestido  con  una 


CH.  ix.]  DEFEAT  AND  DEATH  OF  THE  VICEROY.  221 

His  person,  however,  was  soon  recognized  by  one  of  PL 
zarro’s  followers,  who  not  improbably  had  once  followed  the 
viceroy’s  banner.  The  soldier  immediately  pointed  him  out 
to  the  Licentiate  Carbajal.  This  person  was  the  brother  of 
the  cavalier  whom,  as  the  reader  may  remember,  Blasco  Nu- 
fiez  had  so  rashly  put  to  death  in  his  palace  at  Lima.  The 
licentiate  had  afterward  taken  service  under  Pizarro,  and  with 
several  of  his  kindred,  was  pledged  to  take  vengeance  on  the 
viceroy.  Instantly  riding  up,  he  taunted  the  fallen  comman- 
der with  the  murder  of  his  brother,  and  was  in  the  act  of 
dismounting  to  despatch  him  with  his  own  hand,  when  Puel- 
les,  remonstrating  on  this  as  an  act  of  degradation,  comipanded 
one  of  his  attendants,  a black  slave,  to  cut  off  the  viceroy’s 
head.  This  the  fellow  executed  with  a single  stroke  of  his 
sabre,  while  the  wretched  man,  perhaps  then  dying  of  his 
wounds,  uttered  no  word,  but,  with  eyes  imploringly  turned  up 
toward  heaven,  received  the  fatal  blow.26  The  head  was  then 
borne  aloft  on  a pike,  and  some  were  brutal  enough  to  pluck 
out  the  gray  hairs  from  the  beard  and  set  them  in  their  caps, 
as  grisly  trophies  of  their  victory.27  The  fate  of  the  day  was 
now  decided.  Yet  still  the  infantry  made  a brave  stand,  keep- 
ing Pizarro’s  horse  at  bay  with  their  bristling  array  of  pikes. 
But  their  numbers  were  thinned  by  the  arquebusiers  ; and, 
thrown  into  disorder,  they  could  no  longer  resist  the  onset  of 
the  horse,  who  broke  into  their  column  and  soon  scattered 
and  drove  them  off  the  ground.  The  pursuit  was  neither  long 
nor  bloody ; for  darkness  came  on,  and  Pizarro  bade  his 
trumpets  sound,  to  call  his  men  together  under  their  ban- 
ners. 

camiseta  de  Yndlos  por  no  ser  conocido,  i no  quiso  Dios  porque  pagase  quantos  mates  por 
su  causa  se  havian  hecho.”  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  A Valdivia,  MS. 

38  Fernandez,  Hist  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  z,  cap.  54. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5* 
cap.  35* — “Mandd  A un  Negro  que  traia,  que  le  cortase  la  Cabega,  i en  todo  esto  no  se 
conocid  flaque^a  en  el  Visorrei,  ni  habld  palabra,  ni  hi^o  mas  movimiento,  que  al^ar  los 
ojos  al  Cielo,  dando  muestras  de  mucha  Christiandad,  i constancia.”  Herrera,  Hist  gen- 
eral, dec.  8,  lib.  x,  cap.  3. 

87  **  Aviendo  algunos  capitanes  y personas  arrancado  y pelado  algunas  de  sus  blancas 
y leaks  baruas,  para  traer  por  empresa,  y Jua  de  la  Torre  las  traxo  despues  publicamente 
en  la  gorra  por  la  dud&d  de  los  Reyes.’*  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap. 


222 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  I'HE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


Though  the  action  lasted  but  a short  time,  nearly  one-third 
of  the  viceroy’s  troops  had  perished.  The  loss  of  their  oppo- 
nents was  inconsiderable.28  Several  of  the  vanquished  cavaliers 
took  refuge  in  the  churches  of  Quito.  But  they  were  dragged 
from  the  sanctuary,  and  some — probably  those  who  had  once 
espoused  the  cause  of  Pizarro — were  led  to  execution,  and  others 
banished  to  Chili.  The  greater  part  were  pardoned  by  the 
conqueror.  Benalcazar,  who  recovered  from  his  wounds,  was 
permitted  to  return  to  his  government,  on  condition  of  no 
more  bearing  arms  against  Pizarro.  His  troops  were  invited 
to  take  service  under  the  banner  of  the  victor,  who,  however, 
never  treated  them  with  the  confidence  shown  to  his  ancient 
partisans.  He  was  greatly  displeased  at  the  indignities  offered 
to  the  viceroy,  whose  mangled  remains  he  caused  to  be  buried, 
with  the  honors  due  to  his  rank,  in  the  cathedral  at  Quito. 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  attired  in  black,  walked  as  chief  mourner 
in  the  procession.  It  was  usual  with  the  Pizarros,  as  we  have 
seen,  to  pay  these  obituary  honors  to  their  victims.29 

Such  was  the  sad  end  of  Blasco  Nunez  Vela,  first  viceroy  of 
Peru.  It  was  less  than  two  years  since  he  had  set  foot  in  the 
country*  a period  of  unmitigated  disaster  and  disgrace.  His 
misfortunes  may  be  imputed  partly  to  circumstances  and  partly 
to  his  own  character.  The  minister  of  an  odious  and  oppres- 
sive law,  he  was  intrusted  with  no  discretionary  power  in  the 
execution  of  it.30  Yet  every  man  may,  to  a certain  extent, 

80  The  estimates  of  killed  and  wounded  in  this  action  are  as  discordant  as  usual.  Some 
carry  the  viceroy’s  loss  to  two  hundred,  while  Gonzalo  Pizarro  rates  his  own  at  only  seven 
killed  and  but  a few  wounded.  But  how  rarely  is  it  that  a faithful  bulletin  is  issued  by  the 
parties  engaged  in  the  action  ! 

89  For  the  accounts  of  the  battle  of  Anaquito,  rather  summarily  despatched  by  mo*t 
writers,  see  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  A Valdivia,  MS.  ; Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap. 
170;  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  1,  cap.  1-3;  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq., 
MS.;  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  35;  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1546; 
Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  4,  cap.  33-35  ; Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1, 
lib.  1,  cap.  53,  54. — Gonzalo  Pizarro  seems  to  regard  the  battle  as  a sort  of  judicial  trial  by 
combat,  in  which  Heaven,  by  the  result,  plainly  indicated  the  right.  His  remarks  are 
edifying  : “ Por  donde  parecerd  claramente  que  Nuestro  Senor  fue  servido  este  se  viniese 
A meter  en  las  manos  para  quitamos  de  tantos  cuidados,  i que  pagase  quantos  males  havia 
fccho  en  la  tierra,  la  qual  quedo  tan  asosegada  i tan  en  paz  i servicio  de  S.  M.  como  lo 
estuvo  en  tiempo  del  Marques  mi  hermano.”  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  A Valdivia,  MS. 

30  Garcilasso’s  reflections  on  this  point  are  commendably  tolerant  : “ Assi  acab6  este 
buen  cauallero,  por  querer  porflar  tanto  en  la  execucion  de  lo  que  ni  A su  Rey  ni  A aquel 


cm.  ix.]  DEFEAT  AND  DEATH  OF  THE  VICEROY.  223 


claim  the  right  to  such  a power ; since  to  execute  a commis- 
sion which  circumstances  show  must  certainly  defeat  the  object 
for  which  it  was  designed  would  be  absurd.  But  it  requires 
sagacity  to  determine  the  existence  of  such  a contingency,  and 
moral  courage  to  assume  the  responsibility  of  acting  on  it. 
Such  a crisis  is  the  severest  test  of  character.  To  dare  to 
disobey  from  a paramount  sense  of  duty  is  a paradox  that  a 
little  soul  can  hardly  comprehend.  Unfortunately,  Blasco 
Nufiez  was  a pedantic  martinet,  a man  of  narrow  views,  who 
could  not  feel  himself  authorized  under  any  circumstances 
to  swerve  from  the  letter  of  the  law.  Puffed  up  by  his  brief 
authority,  moreover,  he  considered  opposition  to  the  ordi- 
nances as  treason  to  himself ; and  thus,  identifying  himself 
with  his  commission,  he  was  prompted  by  personal  feelings 
quite  as  much  as  by  those  of  a public  and  patriotic  nature. 

Neither  was  the  viceroy’s  character  of  a kind  that  tended  to 
mitigate  the  odium  of  his  measures  and  reconcile  the  people  to 
their  execution.  It  afforded  a strong  contrast  to  that  of  his 
rival,  Pizarro,  whose  frank,  chivalrous  bearing,  and  generous 
confidence  in  his  followers,  made  him  universally  popular, 
blinding  their  judgments  and  giving  to  the  worse  the  semblance 
of  the  better  cause.  Blasco  Nunez,  on  the  contrary,  irritable 
and  suspicious,  placed  himself  in  a false  position  with  all  whom 
he  approached  ; for  a suspicious  temper  creates  an  atmosphere 
of  distrust  around  it  that  kills  every  kindly  affection.  His  first 
step  was  to  alienate  the  members  of  the  Audience  who  were 
sent  to  act  in  concert  with  him.  But  this  was  their  fault  a a 
well  as  his,  since  they  were  as  much  too  lax  as  he  was  too  severe 
in  the  interpretation  of  the  law.31  He  next  alienated  and  out* 
raged  the  people  whom  he  was  appointed  to  govern.  And, 
lastly,  he  disgusted  his  own  friends,  and  too  often  turned  them 

Reyno  conuenia  : donde  se  causaron  tantos  muertes  y danos  de  Espanoles,  y de  Yndios  : 
aunque  no  tuuo  tanta  culpa  como  se  le  atribuye,  porque  lleuo  preciso  mandato  de  lo  que 
hiz6.”  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  4,  cap.  34. 

31  Blasco  Nunez  characterized  the  four  judges  of  the  Audience  in  a manner  more  concise 
than  complimentary — a boy,  a madman,  a booby,  and  a dunce  ! * 1 Decia  muchas  veces 

Blasco  Nunez,  que  le  havian  dado  el  Emperador  i su  Consejo  de  Indias  vn  Mogo,  un 
Loco,  un  Necio,  vn  Tonto  por  Oldores,  que  asi  lo  havian  hecho  como  ellos  eran.  Mo^o  era 
Cepeda,  i llamaba  Loco  a Juan  Alvarez,  i Necio  & Tejada,  que  no  sabia  Latin.”  Gomarsu 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  171. 


224 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 


into  enemies  ; so  that  in  his  final  struggle  for  power  and  for 
existence  he  was  obliged  to  rely  on  the  arm  of  the  stranger. 
Yet  in  the  catalogue  of  his  qualities  we  must  not  pass  in  silence 
over  his  virtues.  There  are  two  to  the  credit  of  which  he  is 
undeniably  entitled — a loyalty  which  shone  the  brighter  amid 
the  general  defection  around  him,  and  a constancy  under  mis- 
fortune which  might  challenge  the  respect  even  of  his  enemies. 
But,  with  the  most  liberal  allowance  for  his  merits,  it  can 
scarcely  be  doubted  that  a person  more  incompetent  to  the  task 
assigned  him  could  not  have  been  found  in  Castile.32 

The  victory  of  Anaquito  was  received  with  general  joy  in  the 
neighboring  capital : all  the  cities  of  Peru  looked  on  it  as  seal- 
ing the  downfall  of  the  detested  ordinances,  and  the  name  of 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  sounded  from  one  end  of  the  country  to 
the  other  as  that  of  its  deliverer.  That  chief  continued  to  pro- 
long his  stay  in  Quito  during  the  wet  season,  dividing  his  time 
between  the  licentious  pleasures  of  the  reckless  adventurer  and 
the  cares  of  business  that  now  pressed  on  him  as  ruler  of  the 
state.  His  administration  was  stained  with  fewer  acts  of  vio- 
lence than  might  have  been  expected  from  the  circumstances  of 
his  situation.  So  long  as  Carbajal,  the  counsellor  in  whom  he 
unfortunately  placed  greatest  reliance,  was  absent,  Gonzalo 
sanctioned  no  execution,  it  was  observed,  but  according  to  the 
forms  of  law.33  He  rewarded  his  followers  by  new  grants  of 
land,  and  detached  several  on  expeditions — to  no  greater  dis- 
tance, however,  than  would  leave  it  in  his  power  readily  to  re- 
call them.  He  made  various  provisions  for  the  welfare  of  the 
natives,  and  some,  in  particular,  for  instructing  them  in  the 
Christian  faith.  He  paid  attention  to  the  faithful  collection  of 

81  The  account  of  Blasco  Nunez  Vela  rests  chiefly  on  the  authority  of  loyal  writers,  some 
of  whom  wrote  after  their  return  to  Castile.  They  would,  therefore,  more  naturally  lean  to 
the  side  of  the  true  representative  of  the  crown  than  to  that  of  the  rebel.  Indeed,  the  only 
voice  raised  decidedly  in  favor  of  Pizarro  is  his  own — a very  suspicious  authority.  Yet, 
with  all  the  prestiges  in  his  favor,  the  administration  of  Blasco  Nunez,  from  universal  testi- 
mony, was  a total  failure.  And  there  is  little  to  interest  us  in  the  story  of  the  man,  except 
bis  unparalleled  misfortunes  and  the  firmness  with  which  he  bore  them. 

13  “ Nunca  Picarro,  en  ausencia  de  Francisco  de  Carvajal,  su  Maestre  de  Campo,  mat6, 
ci  consintid  matar  Espanol,  sin  que  todos,  los  mas  de  su  Consejo,  lo  aprobasen  : i entonces 
con  Proceso  en  forma  de  Derecho,  i confofftdos  primero.”  Gomara,  Hist  de  las  Ind.r 
oap.  17a. 


chap,  ix.]  GONZALO  PIZARRO  LORD  OF  PERU. 


225 


the  royal  dues,  urging  on  the  colonists  that  they  should  deport 
themselves  so  as  to  conciliate  the  good  will  of  the  crown  and 
induce  a revocation  of  the  ordinances.  His  administration,  in 
short,  was  so  conducted  that  even  the  austere  Gasca,  his  suc- 
cessor, allowed  “ it  was  a good  government — for  a tyrant.”  34 
At  length,  in  July,  1546,  the  new  governor  bade  adieu  to 
Quito,  and,  leaving  there  a sufficient  garrison  under  his  officer 
Puelles,  began  his  journey  to  the  south.  It  was  a triumphal 
progress,  and  everywhere  on  the  road  he  was  received  with  en- 
thusiasm by  the  people.  At  Truxillo  the  citizens  came  out  in 
a body  to  welcome  him,  and  the  clergy  chanted  anthems  in  his 
honor,  extolling  him  as  the  “ victorious  prince,”  and  imploring 
the  Almighty  “ to  lengthen  his  days  and  give  him  honor.”  35 
At  Lima  it  was  proposed  to  clear  away  some  of  the  buildings 
and  open  a new  street  for  his  entrance,  which  might  ever  after 
bear  the  name  of  the  victor.  But  the  politic  chieftain  declined 
this  flattering  tribute,  and  modestly  preferred  to  enter  the  city 
by  the  usual  way.  A procession  was  formed  of  the  citizens, 
the  soldiers,  and  the  clergy,  and  Pizarro  made  his  entry  into 
the  capital  with  two  of  his  principal  captains  on  foot  holding 
the  reins  of  his  charger,  while  the  Archbishop  of  Lima  and  the 
Bishops  of  Cuzco,  Quito,  and  Bogota,  the  last  of  whom  had 
lately  come  to  the  city  to  be  consecrated,  rode  by  his  side. 
The  streets  were  strewn  with  boughs,  the  walls  of  the  houses 
hung  with  showy  tapestries,  and  triumphal  arches  were  thrown 
over  the  way  in  honor  of  the  victor.  Every  balcony,  veran- 
da, and  house-top  was  crowded  with  spectators,  who  sent  up 
huzzas,  loud  and  long,  saluting  the  victorious  soldier  with  the 
titles  of  “ Liberator  and  Protector  of  the  people.”  The  bells 
rang  out  their  joyous  peal,  as  on  his  former  entrance  into  the 
capital ; and,  amid  strains  of  enlivening  music  and  the  blithe 
sounds  of  jubilee,  Gonzalo  held  on  his  way  to  the  palace  of  his 


34  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  ubi  supra. — Fernandez  gives  a less  favorable  picture  of 
Gonzalo’ s administration.  (Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  i,  cap.  54  ; lib.  2,  cap.  13.)  Fer- 
nandez wrote  at  the  instance  of  the  court ; Gomara,  though  present  at  court,  wrote  to  please 
himself.  The  praise  of  Gomara  is  less  suspicious  than  the  censure  of  Fernandez. 

86  “ Victorioso  Principe,  hagate  Dios  dichoso,  i bienaventurado,  el  te  maatenga,  i te  con- 
serve.” Herrera,  Hist  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  2,  cap.  9. 


226  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  iv. 

brother.  Peru  was  once  more  placed  under  the  dynasty  of  the 
Pizarros.86 

Deputies  came  from  different  parts  of  the  country,  tendering 
the  congratulations  of  their  respective  cities  ; and  everyone 
eagerly  urged  his  own  claims  to  consideration  for  the  services 
he  had  rendered  in  the  revolution.  Pizarro  at  the  same  time 
received  the  welcome  intelligence  of  the  success  of  his  arms  in 
the  south.  Diego  Centeno,  as  before  stated,  had  there  raised 
the  standard  of  rebellion,  or  rather  of  loyalty  to  his  sovereign. 
He  had  made  himself  master  of  La  Plata,  and  the  spirit  of  in* 
surrection  had  spread  over  the  broad  province  of  Charcas. 
Carbajal,  who  had  been  sent  against  him  from  Quito,  after  re- 
pairing to  Lima,  had  passed  at  once  to  Cuzco,  and  there, 
strengthening  his  forces,  had  descended  by  rapid  marches  on 
the  refractory  district.  Centeno  did  not  trust  himself  in  the 
field  against  this  formidable  champion.  He  retreated  with  his 
troops  into  the  fastnesses  of  the  sierra.  Carbajal  pursued,  fol- 
lowing on  his  track  with  the  pertinacity  of  a bloodhound,  over 
mountain  and  moor,  through  forests  and  dangerous  ravines,  al- 
lowing him  no  respite  by  day  or  by  night.  Eating,  drinking, 
sleeping  in  his  saddle,  the  veteran,  eighty  years  of  age,  saw  his 
own  followers  tire  one  after  another,  while  he  urged  on  the 
chase,  like  the  wild  huntsman  of  Burger,  as  if  endowed  with 
an  unearthly  frame,  incapable  of  fatigue  ! During  this  terrible 
pursuit,  which  continued  for  more  than  two  hundred  leagues 
over  a savage  country,  Centeno  found  himself  abandoned  by 
most  of  his  followers.  Such  of  them  as  fell  into  Carbajal’s 
hands  were  sent  to  speedy  execution ; for  that  inexorable  chief 
had  no  mercy  on  those  who  had  been  false  to  their  party.37 
At  length,  Centeno,  with  a handful  of  men,  arrived  on  the 
borders  of  the  Pacific,  and  there,  separating  from  one  another, 
they  provided,  each  in  the  best  way  he  could,  for  their  own 


9a  For  an  account  of  this  pageant,  see  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS  ; Herrera, 
Hist  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  2,  cap.  9 ; Zarate,  Conq.  del.  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  5 ; Carta  de 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  4 Valdivia,  MS. 

*7  Poblando  los  arboles  con  sus  cucrpos,  “peopling  the  trees  with  their  bodies,”  says 
Fernandez,  strongly  ; alluding  to  the  manner  in  which  the  ferocious  officer  hung  up  his 
captives  on  the  branches. 


chap,  ix.]  GONZALO  PIZARRO  LORD  OF  PERU. 


227 


safety.  Their  leader  found  an  asylum  in  a cave  in  the 
mountains,  where  he  was  secretly  fed  by  an  Indian  curaca 
till  the  time  again  came  for  him  to  unfurl  the  standard  of  re- 
volt.38 

Carbajal,  after  some  further  decisive  movements,  which  fully 
established  the  ascendency  ofPizarro  over  the  south,  returned 
in  triumph  to  La  Plata.  There  he  occupied  himself  with 
working  the  silver  mines  of  Potosi,  in  which  a vein  recently 
opened  promised  to  make  richer  returns  than  any  yet  discovered 
in  Mexico  or  Peru ; 39  and  he  was  soon  enabled  to  send  large 
remittances  to  Lima,  deducting  no  stinted  commission  for 
himself — for  the  cupidity  of  the  lieutenant  was  equal  to  his 
cruelty. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  now  undisputed  master  of  Peru.  From 
Quito  to  the  northern  confines  of  Chili,  the  whole  country  ac- 
knowledged his  authority.  His  fleet  rode  triumphant  on  the 
Pacific,  and  gave  him  the  command  of  every  city  and  hamlet 
on  its  borders.  His  admiral,  Hinojosa,  a discreet  and  gallant 
officer,  had  secured  him  Panama,  and,  marching  across  the 
Isthmus,  had  since  obtained  for  him  the  possession  of  Nombre 
de  Dios — the  principal  key  of  communication  with  Europe. 
His  forces  were  on  an  excellent  footing,  including  the  flower  of 
the  warriors  who  had  fought  under  his  brother,  and  who  now 
eagerly  rallied  under  the  name  of  Pizarro ; while  the  tide  of 
wealth  that  flowed  in  from  the  mines  of  Potosi  supplied  him 
with  the  resources  of  a European  monarch. 

The  new  governor  now  began  to  assume  a state  correspond- 

38  For  the  expedition  of  Carbajal,7  see  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  1,  cap.  9 et 
seq.  : Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  1 ; Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  4,  cap. 
28,  29,  36,  39  ; Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  1 et  seq.;  Carta  de  Gon- 
zalo Pizarro  d Valdivia,  MS. — It  is  impossible  to  give  in  a page  or  two  any  adequate  idea 
of  the  hairbreadth  escapes  and  perilous  risks  of  Carbajal,  not  only  from  the  enemy,  but 
from  his  own  men,  whose  strength  he  overtasked  in  the  chase.  They  rival  those  of  the  re- 
nowned Scanderbeg,  or  our  own  Kentucky  hero.  Colonel  Boone.  They  were,  indeed,  far 
more  wonderful  than  theirs,  since  the  Spanish  captain  had  reached  an  age  when  the  failing 
energies  usually  crave  repose.  But  the  veteran’s  body  seems  to  have  been  as  insensible  as 
his  soul. 

39  The  vein  now  discovered  at  Potosi  was  so  rich  that  the  other  mines  were  comparatively 
deserted  in  order  to  work  this.  (Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  4.)  The  effect  of  the 
sudden  influx  of  wealth  was  such,  according  to  Garcilasso,  that  in  ten  years  from  this 
period  an  iron  horseshoe,  m that  quarter,  came  to  be  worth  nearly  its  weight  m.&ilvcr.  Com. 
Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  8,  cap.  24. 


228  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS,  [book  nr. 

I i’ 

ent  with  his  full-blown  fortunes.  He  was  attended  by  a 
body-guard  of  eighty  soldiers.  He  dined  always  in  public, 
and  usually  with  not  less  than  a hundred  guests  at  table.  He 
even  affected,  it  was  said,  the  more  decided  etiquette  of 
royalty,  giving  his  hand  to  be  kissed,  and  allowing  no  one,  of 
whatever  rank,  to  be  seated  in  his  presence.40  But  this  is 
denied  by  others.  It  would  not  be  strange  that  a vain  man 
like  Pizarro,  with  a superficial,  undisciplined  mind,  when  he 
saw  himself  thus  raised  from  an  humble  condition  to  the  high- 
est post  in  the  land,  should  be  somewhat  intoxicated  by  the 
possession  of  power  and  treat  with  superciliousness  those  whom 
he  had  once  approached  with  deference.  But  one  who  had 
often  seen  him  in  his  prosperity  assures  us  that  it  was  not  so, 
and  that  the  governor  continued  to  show  the  same  frank  and 
soldier-like  bearing  as  before  his  elevation,  mingling  on  famil- 
iar terms  with  his  comrades,  and  displaying  the  same  qualities 
which  had  hitherto  endeared  him  to  the  people.41 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  there  were  not  wanting 
those  who  urged  him  to  throw  off  his  allegiance  to  the  crown 
and  set  up  an  independent  government  for  himself.  Among 
these  was  his  lieutenant,  Carbajal,  whose  daring  spirit  never 
shrank  from  following  things  to  their  consequences.  He 
plainly  counselled  Pizarro  to  renounce  his  allegiance  at  once. 
“In  fact,  you  have  already  done  so,”  he  said.  “You  have 
been  in  arms  against  a viceroy,  have  driven  him  from  the 
country,  beaten  and  slain  him  in  battle.  What  favor,  or  even 
mercy,  can  you  expect  from  the  crown  ? You  have  gone  too 
far  either  to  halt  or  to  recede.  You  must  go  boldly  on,  pro- 
claim yourself  king : the  troops,  the  people,  will  support  you.” 
And  he  concluded,  it  is  said,  by  advising  him  to  marry  the 
Coya,  the  female  representative  of  the  Incas,  that  the  two 

40  « Traia  Guarda  de  ochenta  Alabarderos,  i otros  muchos  de  Caballo,  que  le  acompa- 
flaban,  i id  en  su  presencia  ninguno  se  sentaba,  i d mui  pocos  quitaba  la  Gorra.”  Zarate, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  5. 

4A  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  4,  cap.  42. — Garcilasso  had  opportunities  of  per- 
sonal acquaintance  with  Gonzalo’s  manner  of  living;  for,  when  a boy,  he -was  sometimes 
admitted,  as  he  tells  U9,  to  a place  at  his  table.  This  courtesy,  so  rare  from  the  Conquerors 
to  any  of  the  Indian  race,  was  not  lost  on  the  historian  of  the  Incas,  who  has  depicted 
Gonzalo  Pi2arro  in  more  favorable  colors  than  most  of  his  own  countrymen. 


chap,  ix.]  GONZALO  PIZARRO  LORD  OF  PERU.  229 

races  might  henceforth  repose  in  quiet  under  a common 
sceptre  1 42 

The  advice  of  the  bold  counsellor  was  perhaps  the  most 
politic  that  could  have  been  given  to  Pizarro  under  existing  cir- 
cumstances. For  he  was  like  one  who  had  heedlessly  climbed 
far  up  a dizzy  precipice — too  far  to  descend  safely,  while  he 
had  no  sure  hold  where  he  was.  His  only  chance  was  to 
climb  still  higher,  till  he  had  gained  the  summit.  But  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro  shrank  from  the  attitude,  in  which  this  placed 
him,  of  avowed  rebellion.  Notwithstanding  the  criminal 
course  into  which  he  had  been  of  late  seduced,  the  sentiment 
of  loyalty  was  too  deeply  implanted  in  his  bosom  to  be  wholly 
eradicated.  Though  in  arms  against  the  measures  and  minis- 
ters of  his  sovereign,  he  was  not  prepared  to  raise  the  sword 
against  that  sovereign  himself.  He,  doubtless,  had  conflicting 
emotions  in  his  bosom ; like  Macbeth,  and  many  a less  noble 
nature, 

“ would  not  play  false, 

And  yet  would  wrongly  win.” 


And,  however  grateful  to  his  vanity  might  be  the  picture  of 
the  air-drawn  sceptre  thus  painted  to  his  imagination,  he  had 
not  the  audacity — we  may  perhaps  say,  the  criminal  ambition 
— to  attempt  to  grasp  it. 

Even  at  this  very  moment,  when  urged  to  this  desperate 
extremity,  he  was  preparing  a mission  to  Spain,  in  order  to 
vindicate  the  course  he  had  taken,  and  to  solicit  an  amnesty 
for  the  past,  with  a full  confirmation  of  his  authority  as  sue- 


43  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  4,  cap.  40. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap. 
172. — Fernandez,  Hist  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  13. — The  poet  Molina  has  worked 
up  this  scene  between  Carbajal  and  his  commander  with  good  effect,  in  his  Amazonas  en 
las  Itidias , where  he  uses  something  of  a poet’s  license  in  the  homage  he  pays  to  th© 
modest  merits  of  Gonzalo.  Julius  Caesar  himself  was  not  more  magnanimous! 

“ Sepa  mi  Rey,  sepa  Espana* 

Que  muero  por  no  ofenderia. 

Tan  facil  de  conservarla, 

Que  pierdo  por  no  agraviarU, 

Quanto  infame  en  poseerla 
Una  Corona  ofreckla.* 


230 


HERRERA — G OMAR  A. 


[BOOK  IV. 


cessor  to  his  brother  in  the  government  of  Peru.  Pizarro  did 
not  read  the  future  with  the  calm  prophetic  eye  of  Carbajal. 

Among  the  biographical  notices  of  the  writers  on  Spanish  colonial 
affairs,  the  name  of  Herrera,  who  has  done  more  for  this  vast  subject 
than  any  other  author,  should  certainly  not  be  omitted.  His  account  of 
Peru  takes  its  proper  place  in  his  great  work,  the  Historia  general  de  las 
Indias,  according  to  the  chronological  plan  on  which  that  history  is 
arranged.  But,  as  it  suggests  reflections  not  different  in  character  from 
those  suggested  by  other  portions  of  the  work,  I shall  take  the  liberty  to 
refer  the  reader  to  the  Postscript  to  Book  Third  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico, 
for  a full  account  of  these  volumes  and  their  learned  author. 

Another  chronicler,  to  whom  I have  been  frequently  indebted  in  the 
progress  of  the  narrative,  is  Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara.  The  reader 
will  also  find  a notice  of  this  author  in  the  Conquest  of  Mexico , vol.  ii. 
Book  5,  Postscript.  But,  as  the  remarks  on  his  writings  are  there  con- 
fined to  his  CrSnica  de  Nueva  Espaha,  it  may  be  well  to  add  here  some 
reflections  on  his  greater  work,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  in  which  the  Pe- 
ruvian story  bears  a conspicuous  part. 

The  “ History  of  the  Indies  ” is  intended  to  give  a brief  view  of  the 
whole  range  of  Spanish  conquest  in  the  islands  and  on  the  American 
continent,  as  far  as  had  been  achieved  by  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  For  this  account,  Gomara,  though  it  does  not  appear  that  he 
ever  visited  the  New  World,  was  in  a situation  that  opened  to  him  the 
best  means  of  information.  He  was  well  acquainted  with  the  principal 
men  of  the  time,  and  gathered  the  details  of  their  history  from  their  own 
lips  ; while  from  his  residence  at  the  court  he  was  in  possession  of  the 
state  of  opinion  there,  and  of  the  impression  made  by  passing  events 
on  those  most  competent  to  judge  of  them.  He  was  thus  enabled  to 
introduce  into  his  work  many  interesting  particulars  not  to  be  found  in 
other  records  of  the  period.  His  range  of  inquiry  extended  beyond  the 
mere  doings  of  the  Conquerors,  and  led  him  to  a survey  of  the  general 
resources  of  the  countries  he  describes,  and  especially  of  their  physical 
aspect  and  productions.  The  conduct  of  his  work,  no  less  than  its 
diction,  shows  the  cultivated  scholar,  practised  in  the  art  of  composition. 
Instead  of  the  naivetf  engaging,  but  childlike,  of  the  old  military 
chroniclers,  Gomara  handles  his  various  topics  with  the  shrewd  and 
piquant  criticism  of  a man  of  the  world  ; while  his  descriptions  are 
managed  with  a comprehensive  brevity  that  forms  the  opposite  to  the 
long-winded  and  rambling  paragraphs  of  the  monkish  annalist.  These 
literary  merits,  combined  with  the  knowledge  of  the  writer’s  opportunities 
for  information,  secured  his  productions  from  the  oblivion  which  too 
often  awaits  the  unpublished  manuscript ; and  he  had  the  satisfaction  to 
see  them  pass  into  more  than  one  edition  in  his  own  day.  Yet  they  do 


CHAP.  1XJ 


GOMARA—  OVIEDO. 


231 


not  bear  the  highest  stamp  of  authenticity.  The  author  too  readily 
admits  accounts  into  his  pages  which  are  not  supported  by  contemporary 
testimony.  This  he  does,  not  from  credulity,  for  his  mind  rather  leans  in 
an  opposite  direction,  but  from  a want,  apparently,  of  the  true  spirit  of 
historic  conscientiousness.  The  imputation  of  carelessness  in  his  state- 
ments— to  use  a temperate  phrase — was  brought  against  Gomara  in  his 
own  day ; and  Garcilasso  tells  us  that,  when  called  to  account  by  some  of 
the  Peruvian  cavaliers  for  misstatements  which  bore  hard  on  themselves, 
the  historian  made  but  an  awkward  explanation.  This  is  a great  blemish 
on  his  productions,  and  renders  them  of  far  less  value  to  the  modem  com- 
piler, who  seeks  for  the  well  of  truth  undefiled,  than  many  an  humbler 
but  less  unscrupulous  chronicle. 

There  is  still  another  authority  used  in  this  work,  Gonzalo  Fernandez 
de  Oviedo,  of  whom  I have  given  an  account  elsewhere  ; and  the  reader 
curious  in  the  matter  will  permit  me  to  refer  him  for  a critical  notice  of 
his  life  and  writings  to  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  Book  4,  Postscript.  His 
account  of  Peru  is  incorporated  into  his  great  work,  Natural  e general  His - 
toria  de  las  Indias,  MS. , where  it  forms  the  forty-sixth  and  forty-seventh 
books.  It  extends  from  Pizarro’s  landing  at  Tumbez  to  Almagro’s  return 
from  Chili,  and  thus  covers  the  entire  portion  of  what  may  be  called  the 
conquest  of  the  country.  The  style  of  its  execution,  corresponding  with 
that  of  the  residue  of  the  work  to  which  it  belongs,  affords  no  ground  for 
criticism  different  from  that  already  passed  on  the  general  character  of 
Oviedo’s  writings. 

This  eminent  person  was  at  once  a scholar  and  a man  of  the  world. 
Living  much  at  court,  and  familiar  with  persons  of  the  highest  distinction 
in  Castile,  he  yet  passed  much  of  his  time  in  the  colonies,  and  thus  added 
the  fruits  of  personal  experience  to  what  he  had  gained  from  the  reports 
of  others.  His  curiosity  was  indefatigable,  extending  to  every  department 
of  natural  science,  as  well  as  to  the  civil  and  personal  history  of  the  colo- 
nists. He  was  at  once  their  Pliny  and  their  Tacitus.  His  works  abound 
in  portraitures  of  character,  sketched  with  freedom  and  animation.  His 
reflections  are  piquant,  and  often  rise  to  a philosophic  tone,  which  dis- 
cards the  usual  trammels  of  the  age  ; and  the  progress  of  the  story  is  va- 
ried by  a multiplicity  of  personal  anecdotes  that  give  a rapid  insight  into 
the  characters  of  the  parties. 

With  his  eminent  qualifications,  and  with  a social  position  that  com- 
manded respect,  it  is  strange  that  so  much  of  his  writings — the  whole  of 
his  great  Historia  de  las  Indias,  and  his  curious  Quincuagenas — should 
be  so  long  suffered  to  remain  in  manuscript.  This  is  partly  chargeable 
to  the  caprice  of  fortune  ; for  the  History  was  more  than  once  on  the  eve 
of  publication,  and  is  even  now  understood  to  be  prepared  for  the  press. 
Yet  it  has  serious  defects,  which  may  have  contributed  to  keep  it  in  its 
present  form.  In  its  desultory  and  episodical  style  of  composition  it 
resembles  rather  notes  for  a great  history,  than  history  itself.  It  may  be 


232 


OVIEDO — CIE2A  DE  LEON. 


[BOOK  IV. 


regarded  in  the  light  of  commentaries,  or  as  illustrations  of  the  times. 
In  that  view  his  pages  are  of  high  worth,  and  have  been  frequently 
resorted  to  by  writers  who  have  not  too  scrupulously  appropriated  the 
statements  of  the  old  chronicler,  with  slight  acknowledgments  to  their 
author. 

It  is  a pity  that  Oviedo  should  have  shown  more  solicitude  to  tell  what 
was  new  than  to  ascertain  how  much  of  it  was  strictly  true.  Among  his 
merits  will  scarcely  be  found  that  of  historical  accuracy.  And  yet  we  may 
find  an  apology  for  this,  to  some  extent,  in  the  fact  that  his  writings,  as 
already  intimated,  are  not  so  much  in  the  nature  of  finished  compositions 
as  of  loose  memoranda,  where  everything,  rumor  as  well  as  fact — even 
the  most  contradictory  rumors — are  all  set  down  at  random,  forming  a 
miscellaneous  heap  of  materials,  of  which  the  discreet  historian  may 
avail  himself  to  rear  a symmetrical  fabric  on  foundations  of  greater 
strength  and  solidity. 

Another  author  worthy  of  particular  note  is  Pedro  Cieza  de  Leon. 
His  Crdnica  del  Peru  should  more  properly  be  styled  an  Itinerary,  or 
rather  Geography  of  Peru.  It  gives  a minute  topographical  view  of  the 
country  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest ; of  its  provinces  and  towns,  both 
Indian  and  Spanish  ; its  flourishing  sea-coast ; its  forests,  valleys,  and 
interminable  ranges  of  mountains  in  the  interior  ; with  many  interesting 
particulars  of  the  existing  population — their  dress,  manners,  architectural 
remains,  and  public  works  ; while  scattered  here  and  there  may  be  found 
notices  of  their  early  history  and  social  polity.  It  is,  in  short,  a lively 
picture  of  the  country,  in  its  physical  and  moral  relations,  as  it  met  the 
eye  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  and  in  that  transition  period  when  it 
was  first  subjected  to  European  influences.  The  conception  of  a work, 
at  so  early  a period,  on  this  philosophical  plan,  reminding  us  of  that  of 
Malte-Brun  in  our  own  time — parva  componere  magnis — was  of  itself  in- 
dicative of  great  comprehensiveness  of  mind  in  its  author.  It  was  a task 
of  no  little  difficulty,  where  there  was  yet  no  pathway  opened  by  the 
labors  of  the  antiquarian  ; no  hints  from  the  sketch-book  of  the  traveller, 
or  the  measurements  of  the  scientific  explorer.  Yet  the  distances  from 
place  to  place  are  all  carefully  jotted  down  by  the  industrious  compiler, 
and  the  bearings  of  the  different  places  and  their  peculiar  features  are 
exhibited  with  sufficient  precision,  considering  the  nature  of  the  obstacles 
he  had  to  encounter.  The  literary  execution  of  the  work,  moreover,  is 
highly  respectable,  sometimes  even  rich  and  picturesque  ; and  the  author 
describes  the  grand  and  beautiful  scenery  of  the  Cordilleras  with  a sensi- 
bility to  its  charms  not  often  found  in  the  tasteless  topographer,  still  less 
often  in  the  rude  Conqueror. 

Cieza  de  Leon  came  to  the  New  World,  as  he  informs  us,  at  the  early 
age  of  thirteen.  But  it  is  not  till  Gasca’s  time  that  we  find  his  name  en- 
rolled among  the  actors  in  th«  busy  scenes  of  civil  strife,  when  he  accom- 
panied the  president  in  his  campaign  against  Gonzalo  Pizarro.  His  Chroni- 


CHAP.  IX.1 


CJEZA  DE  LEON. 


233 


cle,  or  at  least  the  notes  for  it,  was  compiled  in  such  leisure  as  he  could 
snatch  from  his  more  stirring  avocations  ; and  after  ten  years  from  the 
time  he  undertook  it,  the  First  Part — all  we  have — was  completed  in 
1550,  when  the  author  had  reached  only  the  age  of  thirty-two.  It  ap- 
peared at  Seville  in  1553,  and  the  following  year  at  Antwerp  ; while  an 
Italian  translation  printed  at  Rome  in  1555  attested  the  rapid  celebrity 
of  the  work.  The  edition  of  Antwerp — the  one  used  by  me  in  this  com. 
pilation — is  in  the  duodecimo  form,  exceedingly  well  printed,  and  gar« 
nished  with  wood-cuts,  in  which  Satan — for  the  author  had  a full  meas* 
ure  of  the  ancient  credulity — with  his  usual  bugbear  accompaniments, 
frequently  appears  in  bodily  presence.  In  the  Preface,  Cieza  announces 
his  purpose  to  continue  the  work  in  three  other  parts,  illustrating  respec- 
tively the  ancient  history  of  the  country  under  the  Incas,  its  conquest  by 
the  Spaniards,  and  the  civil  wars  which  ensued.  He  even  gives,  with 
curious  minuteness,  the  contents  of  the  several  books  of  the  projected 
history.  But  the  First  Part,  as  already  noticed,  was  alone  completed ; 
and  the  author,  having  returned  to  Spain,  died  there  in  1560,  at  the 
premature  age  of  forty-two,  without  having  covered  any  portion  of  the 
magnificent  ground-plan  which  he  had  thus  confidently  laid  out.  The 
deficiency  is  much  to  be  regretted,  considering  the  talent  of  the  writer 
and  his  opportunities  for  personal  observation.  But  he  has  done  enough 
to  render  us  grateful  for  his  labors.  By  the  vivid  delineation  of  scenes 
and  scenery,  as  they  were  presented  fresh  to  his  own  eyes,  he  has  fur- 
nished us  with  a background  to  the  historic  picture — the  landscape,  as  it 
were,  in  which  the  personages  of  the  time  might  be  more  fitly  portrayed. 
It  would  have  been  impossible  to  exhibit  the  ancient  topography  of  the 
land  so  faithfully  at  a subsequent  period,  when  old  things  had  passed 
away,  and  the  Conqueror,  breaking  down  the  landmarks  of  ancient  civiliza- 
tion, had  effaced  many  of  the  features  even  of  the  physical  aspect  of  the 
country  as  it  existed  under  the  elaborate  culture  of  the  Incas. 


BOOK  V. 

SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Great  Sensation  in  Spain. — Pedro  de  la  Gasca. — His  Early  Life. — His 
Mission  to  Peru. — His  Politic  Conduct. — His  Offers  to  Pizarro. — 
Gains  the  Fleet. 

1545 — 1 547- 

While  the  important  revolution  detailed  in  the  preceding 
pages  was  going  forward  in  Peru,  rumors  of  it,  from  time  to 
time,  found  their  way  to  the  mother-country  ; but  the  distance 
was  so  great,  and  opportunities  for  communication  so  rare,  that 
the  tidings  were  usually  very  long  behind  the  occurrence  of  the 
events  to  which  they  related.  The  government  heard  with 
dismay  of  the  troubles  caused  by  the  ordinances  and  the 
intemperate  conduct  of  the  viceroy ; and  it  was  not  long 
before  it  learned  that  this  functionary  was  deposed  and  driven 
from  his  capital,  while  the  whole  country,  under  Gonzalo 
Pizarro,  was  arrayed  in  arms  against  him.  All  classes  were 
filled  with  consternation  at  this  alarming  intelligence ; and 
many  who  had  before  approved  the  ordinances  now  loudly 
condemned  the  ministers,  who,  without  considering  the  inflam- 
mable temper  of  the  people,  had  thus  rashly  fired  a train  which 
menaced  a general  explosion  throughout  the  colonies.1  No 


1 “Que  aquello  era  contra  una  cedilla  que  tenian  del  Emperador  que  les  daba  el  re- 
partimiento  de  los  indios  de  su  vida,  y del  hijo  mayor,  y no  teniendo  hijos  k sus  mu* 
geres,  con  mandarles  etpresamente  que  «e  casaren  como  lo  habian  ya  hecho  los  mas 


chap.  I.J  GREAT  SENSATION  IN  STAIN.  235 

such  rebellion,  within  the  memory  of  man,  had  occurred  in 
the  Spanish  empire.  It  was  compared  with  the  famous  war  of 
the  comunidades  in  the  beginning  of  the  present  reign.  But 
the  Peruvian  insurrection  seemed  the  more  formidable  of  the 
two.  The  troubles  of  Castile,  being  under  the  eye  of  the 
court,  might  be  more  easily  managed  ; while  it  was  difficult  to 
make  the  same  power  felt  on  the  remote  shores  of  the  Indies. 
Lying  along  the  distant  Pacific,  the  principle  of  attraction 
which  held  Peru  to  the  parent  country  was  so  feeble  that  this 
colony  might  at  any  time,  with  a less  impulse  than  that  now 
given  to  it,  fly  from  its  political  orbit.  It  seemed  as  if  the 
fairest  of  its  jewels  was  about  to  fall  from  the  imperial  diadem  ! 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  in  the  summer  of  1545,  when 
Charles  the  Fifth  was  absent  in  Germany,  occupied  with  the 
religious  troubles  of  the  empire.  The  government  was  in  the 
hands  of  his  son,  who,  under  the  name  of  Philip  the  Second, 
was  soon  to  sway  the  sceptre  over  the  largest  portion  of  his 
father’s  dominions,  and  who  was  then  holding  his  court  at 
Valladolid.  He  called  together  a council  of  prelates,  ju- 
rists, and  military  men  of  greatest  experience,  to  deliberate 
on  the  measures  to  be  pursued  for  restoring  order  in  the  colo- 
nies. All  agreed  in  regarding  Pizarro’s  movement  in  the  light 
of  an  audacious  rebellion ; and  there  were  few,  at  first,  who 
were  not  willing  to  employ  the  whole  strength  of  the  govern* 
ment  to  vindicate  the  honor  of  the  crown — to  quell  the  insur* 
rection  and  bring  the  authors  of  it  to  punishment.2 

But,  however  desirable  this  might  appear,  a very  little  reflec- 
tion showed  that  it  was  not  easy  to  be  done,  if  indeed  it  were 
practicable.  The  great  distance  of  Peru  required  troops  to 
be  transported  not  merely  across  the  ocean,  but  over  the  broad 
extent  of  the  great  continent.  And  how  was  this  to  be  effected, 
when  the  principal  posts,  the  keys  of  communication  with  the 


de  ellos  ; y que  tambien  era  contra  otra  cedilla  real  que  ninguno  podia  set  despojado 
de  sus  indios  sin  ser  primero  oido  a justicia  y condenado.”  Historia  de  Don  Pedro  Gasca, 
Obispo  de  Siguenza,  MS. 

* MS.  de  Caravantes. — Hist,  de  Don  Pedro  Gasca,  MS. — One  of  this  council  was  the 
great  Duke  of  Alva,  of  such  gloomy  celebrity  afterward  in  the  Netherlands.  We  may  weU 
believe  his  voice  was  for  coercion. 


236 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


country,  were  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels,  while  their  fleet  rode 
in  the  Pacific,  the  mistress  of  its  waters,  cutting  off  all  approach 
to  the  coast  ? Even  if  a Spanish  force  could  be  landed  in  Peru, 
what  chance  would  it  have,  unaccustomed  as  it  would  be  to  the 
country  and  the  climate,  of  coping  with  the  veterans  of  Pizarro, 
trained  to  war  in  the  Indies,  and  warmly  attached  to  the  per- 
son of  their  commander  ? The  new  levies  thus  sent  out  might 
become  themselves  infected  with  the  spirit  of  insurrection  and 
cast  off  their  own  allegiance.3 

Nothing  remained,  therefore,  but  to  try  conciliatory  meas- 
ures. The  government,  however  mortifying  to  its  pride,  must 
retrace  its  steps.  A free  grace  must  be  extended  to  those  who 
submitted,  and  such  persuasive  arguments  should  be  used,  and 
such  politic  concessions  made,  as  would  convince  the  refrac- 
tory colonists  that  it  was  their  interest,  as  well  as  their  duty,  to 
return  to  their  allegiance. 

But  to  approach  the  people  in  their  present  state  of  excite- 
ment, and  to  make  those  concessions  without  too  far  compro- 
mising the  dignity  and  permanent  authority  of  the  crown,  was  a 
delicate  matter,  for  the  success  of  which  they  must  rely  wholly 
on  the  character  of  the  agent.  After  much  deliberation,  a 
competent  person,  as  it  was  thought,  was  found  in  an  eccle- 
siastic, by  the  name  of  Pedro  de  la  Gasca — a name  which, 
brighter  by  contrast  with  the  gloomy  times  in  which  it  first 
appeared,  still  shines  with  undiminished  splendor  after  the  lapse 
of  ages. 

Pedro  de  la  Gasca  was  born,  probably,  toward  the  close  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  in  a small  village  in  Castile,  named  Barco 
de  Avila.  He  came,  both  by  father’s  and  mother’s  side,  from 
an  ancient  and  noble  lineage  ; ancient  indeed,  if,  as  his  biog- 
raphers contend,  he  derived  his  descent  from  Casca,  one  of  the 
conspirators  against  Julius  Caesar  ! 4 Having  the  misfortune  to 

9 “ Ventilose  la  forma  del  remedio  de  tan  grave  caso  en  que  huvo  dos  opiniones  ; la 
una  de  imbiar  un  gran  soldado  con  fuerza  de  gente  4 la  demostracion  de  este  castigo  ; 
la  otra  que  se  llevase  el  negocio  porprudentes  y suaves  medios,  por  la  imposibilidad  y falto 
de  dinero  para  llevar  gente,  cavallos,  armas,  municiones  y vestimentos,  y para  sustentarlos 
en  tierra  firme  y pasarlos  al  Pini.”  MS.  de  Cara  van  tes. 

4 44  Pasando  4 Espana  vinieron  4 tierra  de  Avila  y quedd  del  nombre  dellos  el  lugar 
y familia  de  Gasca  ; mudandose  por  la  afinidad  de  la  pronunciacion  que  hay  entre  las 


CHAP.  I.] 


PEDRO  DE  LA  GASCA. 


237 


lose  his  father  early  in  life,  he  was  placed  by  his  uncle  in  the 
famous  seminary  of  Alcala  de  Henares,  founded  by  the  great 
Ximenes.  Here  he  made  rapid  proficiency  in  liberal  studies, 
especially  in  those  connected  with  his  profession,  and  at  length 
received  the  degree  of  Master  of  Theology. 

The  young  man,  however,  discovered  other  talents  than 
those  demanded  by  his  sacred  calling.  The  war  of  the  comu- 
nidades  was  then  raging  in  the  country ; and  the  authorities  of 
his  college  showed  a disposition  to  take  the  popular  side.  But 
Gasca,  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  an  armed  force,  seized 
one  of  the  gates  of  the  city,  and,  with  assistance  from  the  royal 
troops,  secured  the  place  to  the  interests  of  the  crown.  This 
early  display  of  loyalty  was  probably  not  lost  on  his  vigilant 
sovereign.5 

From  Alcala,  Gasca  was  afterward  removed  to  Salamanca, 
where  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  skill  in  scholastic  dis- 
putation, and  obtained  the  highest  academic  honors  in  that  an- 
cient university,  the  fruitful  nursery  of  scholarship  and  genius. 
He  was  subsequently  intrusted  with  the  management  of  some 
important  affairs  of  an  ecclesiastical  nature,  and  made  a mem- 
ber of  the  Council  of  the  Inquisition. 

j.n  thir  latter  capacity  he  was  sent  to  Valencia,  about  1540, 
to  examine  into  certain  alleged  cases  of  heresy  in  that  quarter 
of  the  country.  These  were  involved  in  great  obscurity ; and, 
although  Gasca  had  the  assistance  of  several  eminent  jurists  in 
the  investigation’,  it  occupied  him  nearly  two  years.  In  the 
conduct  of  this  difficult  matter  he  showed  so  much  penetration 
and  such  perfect  impartiality  that  he  was  appointed  by  the 
cortes  of  Valencia  to  the  office  of  visitador  of  that  kingdom  ; a 

dos  letras  consonantes  c y g el  nombre  de  Casca  en  Gasca.”  Hist  de  Don  Pedro 
Gasca,  MS. — Similarity  of  name  was  a peg  quite  strong  enough  to  hang  a pedigree 
upon  in  Castile. 

6 This  account  of  the  early  history  of  Gasca  I have  derived  chiefly  from  a manuscript 
biographical  notice  written  in  1565,  during  the  prelate’s  life.  The  name  of  the  author, 
who  speaks  apparently  from  personal  knowledge,  is  not  given  ; but  it  seems  to  be  the 
work  of  a scholar,  and  is  written  with  a certain  pretension  to  elegance.  The  original 
MS.  forms  part  of  the  collection  of  Don  Pascual  de  Gayangos,  of  Madrid.  It  is  of 
much  value  for  the  light  it  throws  on  the  early  career  of  Gasca,  which  has  been  passed  over 
in  profound  silence  by  Castilian  historians.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  author  did  not 
continue  his  labors  beyond  the  period  when  the  subject  of  them  received  his  appointment  to 
the  Peruvian  mission. 


238  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 

highly  responsible  post,  requiring  great  discretion  in  the  person 
who  filled  it,  since  it  was  his  province  to  inspect  the  condition 
of  the  courts  of  justice  and  of  finance  throughout  the  land,  with 
authority  to  reform  abuses.  It  was  a proof  of  extraordinary 
consideration  that  it  should  have  been  bestowed  on  Gasca ; 
since  it  was  a departure  from  the  established  usage — and  that 
in  a nation  most  wedded  to  usage — to  confer  the  office  on  any 
but  a subject  of  the  Aragonese  crown.6 

Gasca  executed  the  task  assigned  to  him  with  independence 
and  ability.  While  he  was  thus  occupied,  the  people  of  Valen- 
cia were  thrown  into  consternation  by  a meditated  invasion  of 
the  French  and  the  Turks,  whose  combined  fleet,  under  the 
redoubtable  Barbarossa,  menaced  the  coast  and  the  neighboring 
Balearic  isles.  Fears  were  generally  entertained  of  a rising  of 
the  Morisco  population  ; and  the  Spanish  officers  who  had 
command  in  that  quarter,  being  left  without  the  protection  of 
a navy,  despaired  of  making  head  against  the  enemy.  In  this 
season  of  general  panic  Gasca  alone  appeared  calm  and  self- 
possessed.  He  remonstrated  with  the  Spanish  commanders  on 
their  unsoldierlike  despondency,  encouraged  them  to  confide  in 
the  loyalty  of  the  Moriscos,  and  advised  the  immediate  erec- 
tion of  fortifications  along  the  shores  for  their  protection.  He 
was,  in  consequence,  named  one  of  a commission  to  superintend 
these  works  and  to  raise  levies  for  defending  the  sea-coast ; 
and  so  faithfully  was  the  task  performed  that  Barbarossa,  after 
some  ineffectual  attempts  to  make  good  his  landing,  was  baf- 
fled at  all  points  and  compelled  to  abandon  the  enterprise  as 
hopeless.  The  chief  credit  of  this  resistance  must  be  assigned 
to  Gasca,  who  superintended  the  construction  of  the  defences, 
and  who  was  enabled  to  contribute  a large  part  of  the  requisite 
funds  by  the  economical  reforms  he  had  introduced  into  the 
administration  of  Valencia.7 

6 “ Era  tanta  la  opinion  que  en  Valencia  tenian  de  la  integridad  y prudencia  de  Gasca, 
que  en  las  Cortes  de  Monzon  los  Estados  de  aquel  Reyno  le  pidieron  por  Visitador  contra 
la  costumbre  y fuero  de  aquel  Reyno,  que  no  puede  serlo  sino  fuere  natural  de  la  Corona 
de  Araugon,  y consintiendo  que  aquel  fuero  se  derogase  el  Emperador  lo  concedid  A instan- 
cia  y peticion  dellos.”  Hist,  de  Don  Pedro  Gasca,  MS. 

T " Que  parece  cierto,”  says  his  enthusiastic  biographer,  “ que  por  disposicion  Divina 
vino  A hallarse  Gasca  entdnces  en  la  Ciudad  dc  Valencia,  para  remedio  de  aquel  Reyno 


CHAP.  I.J 


HIS  MISSION  TO  PERU. 


239 


It  was  at  this  time,  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1545,  that  the 
council  of  Philip  selected  Gasca  as  the  person  most  competent 
to  undertake  the  perilous  mission  to  Peru.8  His  character,  in- 
deed, seemed  especially  suited  to  it.  His  loyalty  had  been 
shown  through  his  whole  life.  With  great  suavity  of  manners 
he  combined  the  most  intrepid  resolution.  Though  his  de- 
meanor was  humble,  as  beseemed  his  calling,  it  was  feu-  from 
abject ; for  he  was  sustained  by  a conscious  rectitude  of  pur- 
pose that  impressed  respect  on  all  with  whom  he  had  inter- 
course. He  was  acute  in  his  perceptions,  had  a shrewd  knowl- 
edge of  character,  and  though  bred  to  the  cloister,  possessed 
an  acquaintance  with  affairs,  and  even  with  military  science, 
such  as  was  to  have  been  expected  only  from  one  reared  in 
courts  and  camps. 

Without  hesitation,  therefore,  the  council  unanimously  rec- 
ommended him  to  the  emperor,  and  requested  his  approba- 
tion of  their  proceedings.  Charles  had  not  been  an  inattentive 
observer  of  Gasca’s  course.  His  attention  had  been  particu- 
larly called  to  the  able  manner  in  which  he  had  conducted  the 
judicial  process  against  the  heretics  of  Valencia.9  The  monarch 
saw  at  once  that  he  was  the  man  for  the  present  emergency  ; 
and  he  immediately  wrote  to  him,  with  his  own  hand,  express- 
ing his  entire  satisfaction  at  the  appointment,  and  intimating 
his  purpose  to  testify  his  sense  of  his  worth  by  preferring  him 
to  one  of  the  principal  sees  then  vacant. 

Gasca  accepted  the  important  mission  now  tendered  to  him 
without  hesitation,  and,  repairing  to  Madrid,  received  the  in- 
structions of  the  government  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued. 
They  were  expressed  in  the  most  benign  and  conciliatory  tone, 

y Islas  de  Mallorca  y Menorca  e Iviza,  segun  la  orden,  prevencion  y diligencia  que 
en  la  defensa  contra  las  armadas  del  Turco  y Francia  tuvo,  y las  provisiones  que  para 
ello  hizo.”  Hist,  de  Don  Pedro  Gasca,  MS. 

8 “ Finding  a lion  would  not  answer,  they  sent  a lamb,”  says  Gomara  : “ Finalmente, 
quiso  embiar  una  Oveja,  pues  un  Leon  no  aprovecho  ; y asi  escogid  al  Licenciado  Pedro 
Gasca.”  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  174. 

9 Gasca  made  what  the  author  calls  una  breve  y cofiyosa  relacion  of  the  proceed- 
ings to  the  emperor  in  Valencia ; and  the  monarch  was  so  intent  on  the  inquiry  that 
he  devoted  the  whole  afternoon  to  it,  notwithstanding  his  son  Philip  was  waiting  for 
him  to  attend  a fiesta  / irrefragable  proof,  as  the  writer  conceives,  of  his  zeal  for  the 
faith  : “ Queriendo  entender  muy  de  raizo  todo  lo  que  pasaba,  como  Principe  tan  zeloso  que 
era  de  las  cosas  de  la  religion.”  Hist,  de  Don  Pedro  Gasca,  MS. 


240 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


[book  V. 


perfectly  in  accordance  with  the  suggestions  of  his  own  benev- 
olent temper.10  But,  while  he  commended  the  tone  of  the  in- 
structions, he  considered  the  powers  with  which  he  was  to  be 
intrusted  as  wholly  incompetent  to  their  object.  They  were 
conceived  in  the  jealous  spirit  with  which  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment usually  limited  the  authority  of  its  great  colonial  officers, 
whose  distance  from  home  gave  peculiar  cause  for  distrust.  On 
every  strange  and  unexpected  emergency,  Gasca  saw  that  he 
should  be  obliged  to  send  back  for  instructions.  This  must 
cause  delay,  where  promptitude  was  essential  to  success.  The 
court,  moreover,  as  he  represented  to  the  council,  was,  from 
its  remoteness  from  the  scene  of  action,  utterly  incompetent  to 
pronounce  as  to  the  expediency  of  the  measures  to  be  pursued. 
Someone  should  be  sent  out  in  whom  the  king  could-  implicit- 
ly confide,  and  who  should  be  invested  with  powers  competent 
to  every  emergency — powers  not  merely  to  decide  on  what  was 
best,  but  to  carry  that  decision  into  execution ; and  he  boldly 
demanded  that  he  should  go  not  only  as  the  representative  of 
the  sovereign,  but  clothed  with  all  the  authority  of  the  sover- 
eign himself.  Less  than  this  would  defeat  the  very  object  for 
which  he  was  to  be  sent.  “ For  myself,”  he  concluded,  “ I 
ask  neither  salary  nor  compensation  of  any  kind.  I covet  no 
display  of  state  or  military  array.  With  my  stole  and  breviary 
I trust  to  do  the  work  that  is  committed  to  me.11  Infirm  as  I 
am  in  body,  the  repose  of  my  own  home  would  have  been  more 
grateful  to  me  than  this  dangerous  mission  ; but  I will  not 
shrink  from  it  at  the  bidding  of  my  sovereign,  and  if,  as  is  very 
probable,  I may  not  be  permitted  again  to  see  my  native  land, 
I shall  at  least  be  cheered  by  the  consciousness  of  having  done 
my  best  to  serve  its  interests.”  12 


10  These  instructions,  the  patriarchal  tone  of  which  is  highly  creditable  to  the  govern- 
ment, are  given  in  extenso  in  the  MS.  of  Caravantes,  and  in  no  other  work  which  I have 
consulted. 

11  “De  suerte  qua  juzgassen  que  la  mas  fuerca  que  lleuaua,  era  su  abito  de  derigo  y 
breuiario.”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib,  a,  cap.  16. 

MS.  de  Caravantes.— Hist,  de  Don  Pedro  Gasca,  MS.— Fernandez,  Hist  del 
Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  2,  cap.  16,  i7.-r-Though  not  for  himself,  Gasca  did  solicit  one  favor  of 
the  emperor — the  appointment  of  his  brother,  an  eminent  jurist,  to  a vacant  place  on  the 
bench  of  one  of  the  Castilian  tribunals. 


CHAP.  I.J 


HIS  MISSION  TO  PERU. 


241 


The  members  of  the  council,  while  they  listened  with  ad- 
miration to  the  disinterested  avowal  of  Gasca,  were  astounded 
by  the  boldness  of  his  demands.  Not  that  they  distrusted  the 
purity  of  his  motives,  for  these  were  above  suspicion.  But  the 
powers  for  which  he  stipulated  were  so  far  beyond  those  hith- 
erto delegated  to  a colonial  viceroy  that  they  felt  they  had  no 
warrant  to  grant  them.  They  even  shrank  from  soliciting 
them  from  the  emperor,  and  required  that  Gasca  himself 
should  address  the  monarch  and  state  precisely  the  grounds  on 
which  demands  so  extraordinary  were  founded. 

Gasca  readily  adopted  the  suggestion,  and  wrote  in  the  most 
full  and  explicit  manner  to  his  sovereign,  who  had  then  trans- 
ferred his  residence  to  Flanders.  But  Charles  was  not  so  te- 
nacious, or  at  least  so  jealous,  of  authority  as  his  ministers. 
He  had  been  too  long  in  possession  of  it  to  feel  that  jealousy  ; 
and,  indeed,  many  years  were  not  to  elapse  before,  oppressed 
by  its  weight,  he  was  to  resign  it  altogether  into  the  hands  of 
his  son.  His  sagacious  mind,  moreover,  readily  comprehended 
the  difficulties  of  Gasca’s  position.  He  felt  that  the  present 
extraordinary  crisis  was  to  be  met  only  by  extraordinary  meas- 
ures. He  assented  to  the  force  of  his  vassal’s  arguments,  and, 
on  February  16,  1546,  wrote  him  another  letter  expressive  of 
his  approbation,  and  intimated  his  willingness  to  grant  him 
powers  as  absolute  as  those  he  had  requested. 

Gasca  was  to  be  styled  President  of  the  Royal  Audience. 
But  under  this  simple  title  he  was  placed  at  the  head  of  every 
department  in  the  colony,  civil,  military,  and  judicial.  He 
was  empowered  to  make  new  repartimientos,  and  to  confirm 
those  already  made.  He  might  declare  war,  levy  troops,  ap- 
point to  all  offices,  or  remove  from  them,  at  pleasure.  He  might 
exercise  the  royal  prerogative  of  pardoning  offences,  and  was 
especially  authorized  to  grant  an  amnesty  to  all,  without  ex- 
ception, implicated  in  the  present  rebellion.  He  was,  more- 
over, to  proclaim  at  once  the  revocation  of  the  odious  ordi- 
nances. These  two  last  provisions  might  be  said  to  form  the 
basis  of  all  his  operations. 

Since  ecclesiastics  were  not  to  be  reached  by  the  secular 

P 27  Vol.  2 


242 


SETTLEMENT  OP  THE  COUNTRY.  [BOOK  V. 


arm,  and  yet  were  often  found  fomenting  troubles  in  the  colo- 
nies, Gasca  was  permitted  to  banish  from  Peru  such  as  he 
thought  fit.  He  might  even  send  home  the  viceroy,  if  the 
good  of  the  country  required  it.  Agreeably  to  his  own  sug- 
gestion, he  was  to  receive  no  specified  stipend  ; but  he  had 
unlimited  orders  on  the  treasuries  both  of  Panama  and  Peru. 
He  was  furnished  with  letters  from  the  emperor  to  the  princi- 
pal authorities,  not  only  in  Peru,  but  in  Mexico  and  the 
neighboring  colonies,  requiring  their  countenance  and  sup- 
port ; and,  lastly,  blank  letters,  bearing  the  royal  signature, 
were  delivered  to  him,  which  he  was  to  fill  up  at  his  pleas- 
ure.13 

While  the  grant  of  such  unbounded  powers  excited  the 
warmest  sentiments  of  gratitude  in  Gasca  toward  the  sovereign 
who  could  repose  in  him  so  much  confidence,  it  seems — which 
is  more  extraordinary — not  to  have  raised  corresponding  feel- 
ings of  envy  in  the  courtiers.  They  knew  well  that  it  was 
not  for  himself  that  the  good  ecclesiastic  had  solicited  them. 
On  the  contrary,  some  of  the  council  were  desirous  that  he 
should  be  preferred  to  the  bishopric  already  promised  him  be- 
fore his  departure ; conceiving  that  he  would  thus  go  with 
greater  authority  than  as  an  humble  ecclesiastic,  and  fearing, 
moreover,  that  Gasca  himself,  were  it  omitted,  might  feel 
some  natural  disappointment.  But  the  president  hastened  to 
remove  these  impressions.  “ The  honor  would  avail  me 
little,”  he  said,  “where  I am  going;  and  it  would  be  mani- 
festly wrong  to  appoint  me  to  an  office  in  the  Church  while  I 
remain  at  such  a distance  that  I cannot  discharge  the  duties  of 
it.  The  consciousness  of  my  insufficiency,”  he  continued, 
“ should  I never  return,  would  lie  heavy  on  my  soul  in  my 
last  moments.”  14  The  politic  reluctance  to  accept  the  mitre 
has  passed  into  a proverb.  But  there  was  no  affectation  here ; 

**  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  6. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  i,  cap.  6. 
—MS.  de  Caravantes.— Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  2,  cap.  17,  18.— Gomara, 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  174. —Hist,  de  Don  Pedro  Gasca,  MS. 

**  “ Especialmente,  si  alia  muriesse  6 le  matassen  : que  entoces  de  nada  le  podria  ser 
buena,  sino  para  partir  desta  vida,  con  mas  congoxa  y pena  de  la  poca  cuenta  que 
daua  de  la  prouision  que  auia  accptado.”  Fernandes,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  x,  lib. 

cap.  «8. 


HIS  MISSION  TO  PERU. 


CHAP.  I.] 


243 


and  Gasca’s  friends,  yielding  to  his  arguments,  forebore  to 
urge  the  matter  further. 

The  new  president  now  went  forward  with  his  preparations. 
They  were  few  and  simple ; for  he  was  to  be  accompanied  by 
a slender  train  of  followers,  among  whom  the  most  conspicuous 
was  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  the  gallant  officer  who,  as  the  reader 
may  remember,  long  commanded  under  Francisco  Pizarro. 
He  had  resided  of  late  years  at  the  court,  and  now  at  Gasca’s 
request  accompanied  him  to  Peru,  where  his  presence  might 
facilitate  negotiations  with  the  insurgents,  while  his  military 
experience  would  prove  no  less  valuable  in  case  of  an  appeal  to 
arms.15  Some  delay  necessarily  occurred  in  getting  ready  his 
little  squadron,  and  it  was  not  till  May  26,  1546,  that  the 
president  and  his  suite  embarked  at  San  Lucar  for  the  New 
World. 

After  a prosperous  voyage,  and  not  a long  one  for  that  day, 
he  landed,  about  the  middle  of  July,  at  the  port  of  Santa 
Marta.  Here  he  received  the  astounding  intelligence  of  the 
battle  of  Anaquito,  of  the  defeat  and  death  of  the  viceroy,  and 
of  the  manner  in  which  Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  since  established 
his  absolute  rule  over  the  land.  Although  these  events  had 
occurred  several  months  before  Gasca’s  departure  from  Spain, 
yet,  so  imperfect  was  the  intercourse,  no  tidings  of  them  had 
then  reached  that  country. 

They  now  filled  the  president  with  great  anxiety,  as  he  re- 
flected that  the  insurgents,  after  so  atrocious  an  act  as  the 
slaughter  of  the  viceroy,  might  well  despair  of  grace  and  be- 
come reckless  of  consequences.  He  was  careful,  therefore,  to 
have  it  understood  that  the  date  of  his  commission  was  subse- 
quent to  that  of  the  fatal  battle,  and  that  it  authorized  an  en- 
tire amnesty  of  all  offences  hitherto  committed  against  the  gov- 
ernment.16 

Yet  in  some  points  of  view  the  death  of  Blasco  Nunez  might 
be  regarded  as  an  auspicious  circumstance  for  the  settlement  of 


14  From  this  cavalier  descended  the  noble  house  of  the  counts  of  Villamor  in  Spain. 
MS.  de  Caravantes. 

*•  Fernandez.  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  a,  cap.  ai. 


244 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [BOOK  v. 


the  country.  Had  he  lived  till  Gasca’ s arrival,  the  latter  would 
have  been  greatly  embarrassed  by  the  necessity  of  acting  in 
concert  with  a person  so  generally  detested  in  the  colony,  or  by 
the  unwelcome  alternative  of  sending  him  back  to  Castile.  The 
insurgents,  moreover,  would  in  all  probability  be  now  more 
amenable  to  reason,  since  all  personal  animosity  might  natu- 
rally be  buried  in  the  grave  of  their  enemy. 

The  president  was  much  embarrassed  by  deciding  in  what 
quarter  he  should  attempt  to  enter  Peru.  Every  port  was  in 
the  hands  of  Pizarro,  and  was  placed  under  the  care  of  his  offi- 
cers, with  strict  charge  to  intercept  any  communications  from 
Spain,  and  to  detain  such  persons  as  bore  a commission  from 
that  country  until  his  pleasure  could  be  known  respecting  them. 
Gasca  at  length  decided  on  crossing  over  to  Nombre  de  Dios, 
then  held  with  a strong  force  by  Hernan  Mexia,  an  officer  to 
whose  charge  Gonzalo  had  committed  this  strong  gate  to  his 
dominions,  as  a person  on  whose  attachment  to  his  cause  he 
could  confidently  rely. 

Had  Gasca  appeared  off  this  place  in  a menacing  attitude, 
with  a military  array,  or,  indeed,  with  any  display  of  official 
pomp  that  might  have  awakened  distrust  in  the  commander,  he 
would  doubtless  have  found  it  no  easy  matter  to  effect  a land- 
ing. But  Mexia  saw  nothing  to  apprehend  in  the  approach  of 
a poor  ecclesiastic,  without  an  armed  force,  with  hardly  even  a 
retinue  to  support  him,  coming  solely,  as  it  seemed,  on  an  er- 
rand of  mercy.  No  sooner,  therefore,  was  he  acquainted  with 
the  character  of  the  envoy  and  his  mission  than  he  prepared  to 
receive  him  with  the  honors  due  to  his  rank,  and  marched  out 
at  the  head  of  his  soldiers,  together  with  a considerable  body 
of  ecclesiastics  resident  in  the  place.  There  was  nothing  in 
the  person  of  Gasca,  still  less  in  his  humble  clerical  attire  and 
modest  retinue,  to  impress  the  vulgar  spectator  with  feelings  of 
awe  or  reverence.  Indeed,  the  poverty-stricken  aspect,  as  it 
seemed,  of  himself  and  his  followers,  so  different  from  the 
usual  state  affected  by  the  Indian  viceroys,  excited  some  merri- 
ment among  the  rude  soldiery,  who  did  not  scruple  to  break 
their  coarse  jests  on  his  appearance,  in  the  hearing  of  the  pres- 


CHAP.  1.] 


HIS  POLITIC  CONDUCT. 


245 


ident  himself.17  “ If  this  is  the  sort  of  governor  his  Majesty 
sends  over  to  us,”  they  exclaimed,  “ Pizarro  need  not  trouble 
his  head  much  about  it.” 

Yet  the  president,  far  from  being  ruffled  by  this  ribaldry  or 
from  showing  resentment  to  its  authors,  submitted  to  it  with 
the  utmost  humility,  and  only  seemed  the  more  grateful  to  his 
own  brethren,  who  by  their  respectful  demeanor  appeared  anx- 
ious to  do  him  honor. 

But,  however  plain  and  unpretending  the  manners  of  Gasca, 
Mexia,  on  his  first  interview  with  him,  soon  discovered  that  he 
had  no  common  man  to  deal  with.  The  president,  after  briefly 
explaining  the  nature  of  his  commission,  told  him  that  he  had 
come  as  a messenger  of  peace,  and  that  it  was  on  peaceful 
measures  he  relied  for  his  success.  He  then  stated  the  general 
scope  of  his  commission,  his  authority  to  grant  a free  pardon  to 
all,  without  exception,  who  at  once  submitted  to  the  govern- 
ment, and,  finally,  his  purpose  to  proclaim  the  revocation  of 
the  ordinances.  The  objects  of  the  revolution  were  thus  at- 
tained. To  contend  longer  would  be  manifest  rebellion,  and 
that  without  a motive ; and  he  urged  the  commander  by  every 
principle  of  loyalty  and  patriotism  to  support  him  in  settling 
the  distractions  of  the  country  and  bringing  it  back  to  its 
allegiance. 

The  candid  and  conciliatory  language  of  the  president,  so 
different  from  the  arrogance  of  Blasco  Nunez  and  the  austere 
demeanor  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  made  a sensible  impression  on 
Mexia.  He  admitted  the  force  of  Gasca’s  reasoning,  and  flat- 
tered himself  that  Gonzalo  Pizarro  would  not  be  insensible  to 
it.  Though  attached  to  the  fortunes  of  that  leader,  he  was 
loyal  in  heart,  and,  like  most  of  the  party,  had  been  led  by  ac- 
cident, rather  than  by  design,  into  rebellion  ; and,  now  that  so 
good  an  opportunity  occurred  to  do  it  with  safety,  he  was  not 
unwilling  to  retrace  his  steps  and  secure  the  royal  favor  by  thus 
early  returning  to  his  allegiance.  This  he  signified  to  the 

17  “ Especialmente  muchos  delos  soldados,  que  estauan  desacatados,  y decian  palabras 
feas,  y desuergocadas.  A lo  qual  el  Presidente  (viendo  que  era  necessario)  hazia  las  orejas 
sordas.”  Fernandez,  Hist  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  a,  cap.  zj. 


246 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


president,  assuring  him  of  his  hearty  co-operation  in  the  good 
work  of  reform.18 

This  was  an  important  step  for  Gasca.  It  was  yet  more  im- 
portant for  him  to  secure  the  obedience  of  Hinojosa,  the  gov- 
ernor of  Panama,  in  the  harbor  of  which  city  lay  Pizarro’s 
navy,  consisting  of  two-and-twenty  vessels.  But  it  was  not 
easy  to  approach  this  officer.  He  was  a person  of  much  higher 
character  than  was  usually  found  among  the  reckless  adventur- 
ers in  the  New  World.  He  was  attached  to  the  interests  of 
Pizarro,  and  the  latter  had  requited  him  by  placing  him  in 
command  of  his  armada  and  of  Panama,  the  key  to  his  territo- 
ries on  the  Pacific. 

The  president  first  sent  Mexia  and  Alonso  de  Alvarado  to 
prepare  the  way  for  his  own  coming,  by  advising  Hinojosa  of 
the  purport  of  his  mission.  He  soon  after  followed,  and  was 
received  by  that  commander  with  every  show  of  outward  re- 
spect. But,  while  the  latter  listened  with  deference  to  the  rep- 
resentations of  Gasca,  they  failed  to  work  the  change  in  him 
which  they  had  wrought  in  Mexia ; and  he  concluded  by  ask- 
ing the  president  to  show  him  his  powers,  and  by  inquiring 
whether  they  gave  him  authority  to  confirm  Pizarro  in  his 
present  post,  to  which  he  was  entitled  no  less  by  his  own  ser- 
vices than  by  the  general  voice  of  the  people. 

This  was  an  embarrassing  question.  Such  a concession  would 
have  been  altogether  too  humiliating  to  the  crown  ; but  to  have 
openly  avowed  this  at  the  present  juncture  to  so  stanch  an  adher- 
ent of  Pizarro,  might  have  precluded  all  further  negotiation.  The 
president  evaded  the  question,  therefore,  by  simply  stating  that 
the  time  had  not  yet  come  for  him  to  produce  his  powers,  but 
that  Hinojosa  might  be  assured  they  were  such  as  to  secure  an 
ample  recompense  to  every  loyal  servant  of  his  country.19 

Hinojosa  was  not  satisfied  ; and  he  immediately  wrote  to 
Pizarro,  acquainting  him  with  Gasca’s  arrival  and  with  the 

IS  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  2,  cap.  23. — Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  d Val- 
divia, MS. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1546. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  6. 
—Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  2,  cap.  5. 

19  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  2,  cap.  25.— Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6* 
cap.  7. — MS.  de  Caravantes. 


CHAP.  I.] 


HIS  POLITIC  CONDUCT. 


24  7 


object  of  his  mission,  at  the  same  time  plainly  intimating 
his  own  conviction  that  the  president  had  no  authority  to 
confirm  him  in  the  government.  But,  before  the  depart- 
ure of  the  ship,  Gasca  secured  the  services  of  a Dominican 
friar,  who  had  taken  his  passage  on  board  for  one  of  the 
towns  on  the  coast.  This  man  he  intrusted  with  the  mani- 
festoes setting  forth  the  purport  of  his  visit,  and  proclaiming 
the  abolition  of  the  ordinances,  with  a free  pardon  to  all 
who  returned  to  their  obedience.  He  wrote  also  to  the  prelates 
and  to  the  corporations  of  the  different  cities.  The  former 
he  requested  to  co-operate  with  him  in  introducing  a spirit 
of  loyalty  and  subordination  among  the  people,  while  he  in- 
timated to  the  towns,  his  purpose  to  confer  with  them  here- 
after in  order  to  devise  some  effectual  measures  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  country.  These  papers  the  Dominican  engaged 
to  distribute,  himself,  among  the  principal  cities  of  the  colony, 
and  he  faithfully  kept  his  word,  though,  as  it  proved,  at  no 
little  hazard  of  his  life.  The  seeds  thus  scattered  might  many 
of  them  fall  on  barren  ground ; but  the  greater  part,  the 
president  trusted,  would  take  root  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  ; 
and  he  patiently  waited  for  the  harvest. 

Meanwhile,  though  he  failed  to  remove  the  scruples  of 
Hinojosa,  the  courteous  manners  of  Gasca,  and  his  mild,  per- 
suasive discourse,  had  a visible  effect  on  other  individuals  with 
whom  he  had  daily  intercourse.  Several  of  these,  and  among 
them  some  of  the  principal  cavaliers  in  Panama,  as  well  as  in 
the  squadron,  expressed  their  willingness  to  join  the  royal  cause 
and  aid  the  president  in  maintaining  it.  Gasca  profited  by 
their  assistance  to  open  a communication  with  the  authorities 
of  Guatemala  and  Mexico,  whom  he  advised  of  his  mission, 
while  he  admonished  them  to  allow  no  intercourse  to  be 
carried  on  with  the  insurgents  on  the  coast  of  Peru.  He  at 
length  also  prevailed  on  the  governor  of  Panama  to  furnish  him 
with  the  means  of  entering  into  communication  with  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  himself ; and  a ship  was  despatched  to  Lima,  bearing 
a letter  from  Charles  the  Fifth,  addressed  to  that  chief,  with  an 
epistle  also  from  Gasca. 


248 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


The  emperor’s  communication  was  couched  in  the  most  con- 
descending and  even  conciliatory  terms.  Far  from  taxing 
Gonzalo  with  rebellion,  his  royal  master  affected  to  regard  his 
conduct  as  in  a manner  imposed  on  him  by  circumstances,  es- 
pecially by  the  obduracy  of  the  viceroy  Nunez  in  denying  the 
colonists  the  inalienable  right  of  petition.  He  gave  no  inti- 
mation of  an  intent  to  confirm  Pizarro  in  the  government,  or, 
indeed,  to  remove  him  from  it,  but  simply  referred  him  to 
Gasca  as  one  who  would  acquaint  him  with  the  royal  pleas- 
ure, and  with  whom  he  was  to  co-operate  in  restoring  tran- 
quillity to  the  country. 

Gasca’s  own  letter  was  pitched  in  the  same  politic  key. 
He  remarked,  however,  that  the  exigencies  which  had  hitherto 
determined  Gonzalo’s  line  of  conduct  existed  no  longer.  All 
that  had  been  asked  was  conceded.  There  was  nothing  now 
to  contend  for ; and  it  only  remained  for  Pizarro  and  his 
followers  to  show  their  loyalty  and  the  sincerity  of  their 
principles  by  obedience  to  the  crown.  Hitherto,  the  presi- 
dent said,  Pizarro  had  been  in  arms  against  the  viceroy,  and 
the  people  had  supported  him  as  against  a common  enemy. 
If  he  prolonged  the  contest,  that  enemy  must  be  his  sover- 
eign. In  such  a struggle,  the  people  would  be  sure  to  de- 
sert him ; and  Gasca  conjured  him,  by  his  honor  as  a cavalier 
and  his  duty  as  a loyal  vassal,  to  respect  the  royal  authority, 
and  not  rashly  provoke  a contest  which  must  prove  to  the 
world  that  his  conduct  hitherto  had  been  dictated  less  by  patri- 
otic motives  than  by  selfish  ambition. 

This  letter,  which  was  conveyed  in  language  the  most 
courteous  and  complimentary  to  the  subject  of  it,  was  of  great 
length.  It  was  accompanied  by  another,  much  more  concise, 
to  Cepeda,  the  intriguing  lawyer,  who,  as  Gasca  knew,  had 
the  greatest  influence  over  Pizarro,  in  the  absence  of  Carbajal, 
then  employed  in  reaping  the  silver  harvest  from  the  newly 
discovered  mines  of  Potosi.20  In  this  epistle,  Gasca  affected 
to  defer  to  the  cunning  politician  as  a member  of  the  Royal 

w “ El  Licenciado  Cepeda  que  tengo  yo  agora  por  teniente,  de  quien  yo  hago  mucho 
caso  i le  quiero  mucho.”  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  £ Valdivia,  MS. 


CHAP.  I.] 


HIS  OFFERS  TO  PIZARRO. 


249 


Audience,  and  he  conferred  with  him  on  the  best  manner  of 
supplying  a vacancy  in  that  body.  These  several  despatches 
were  committed  to  a cavalier  named  Paniagua,  a faithful  ad- 
herent of  the  president,  and  one  of  those  who  had  accompanied 
him  from  Castile.  To  this  same  emissary  he  also  gave  mani- 
festoes and  letters  like  those  intrusted  to  the  Dominican,  with 
orders  secretly  to  distribute  them  in  Lima  before  he  quitted  that 
capital.21 

Weeks  and  months  rolled  away,  while  the  president  still  re- 
mained at  Panama,  where,  indeed,  as  his  communications  were 
jealously  cut  off  with  Peru,  he  might  be  said  to  be  detained  as 
a sort  of  prisoner  of  state.  Meanwhile,  both  he  and  Hinojosa, 
were  looking  with  anxiety  for  the  arrival  of  some  messenger 
from  Pizarro,  who  should  indicate  the  manner  in  which  the 
president’s  mission  was  to  be  received  by  that  chief.  The 
governor  of  Panama  was  not  blind  to  the  perilous  position  in 
which  he  was  himself  placed,  nor  to  the  madness  of  provoking 
a contest  with  the  court  of  Castile.  But  he  had  a reluctance 
— not  too  often  shared  by  the  cavaliers  of  Peru — to  abandon 
the  fortunes  of  the  commander  who  had  reposed  in  him  so  great 
confidence.  Yet  he  trusted  that  this  commander  would  em- 
brace the  opportunity  now  offered  of  placing  himself  and  the 
country  in  a state  of  permanent  security. 

Several  of  the  cavaliers  who  had  given  in  their  adhesion  to 
Gasca,  displeased  by  this  obstinacy,  as  they  termed  it,  of  Hino- 
josa, proposed  to  seize  his  person  and  then  get  possession  of  the 
armada.  But  the  president  at  once  rejected  this  offer.  His 
mission,  he  said,  was  one  of  peace,  and  he  would  not  stain  it 
at  the  outset  by  an  act  of  violence.  He  even  respected  the 
scruples  of  Hinojosa ; and  a cavalier  of  so  honorable  a nature, 
he  conceived,  if  once  he  could  be  gained  by  fair  means,  would 

ai  The  letters  noticed  in  the  text  may  be  found  in  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  7, 
and  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  29,  30.  The  president’s  letter  covers 
several  pages.  Much  of  it  is  taken  up  with  historic  precedents  and  illustrations,  to  show 
the  folly,  as  well  as  wickedness,  of  a collision  with  the  imperial  authority.  The  benig- 
nant tone  of  this  homily  may  be  inferred  from  its  concluding  sentence:  “ Nuestro  sefior 

por  su  infinita  bodad  alumbre  a vuestra  merced,  y a todos  los  demas  para  que  acierten  a 
hazer  en  este  negocio  lo  que  couiene  a sus  almas,  honras,  vidas  y haziendas  : y guarde  en 
su  sancto  servicio  la  Illustre  persona  de  vuestra  merced. ’’ 


250  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 

be  much  more  likely  to  be  true  to  his  interests  than  if  over- 
come either  by  force  or  fraud.  Gasca  thought  he  might  safely 
abide  his  time.  There  was  policy,  as  well  as  honesty,  in  this : 
indeed,  they  always  go  together. 

Meantime,  persons  were  occasionally  arriving  from  Lima 
and  the  neighboring  places,  who  gave  accounts  of  Pizarro, 
varying  according  to  the  character  and  situation  of  the  parties. 
Some  represented  him  as  winning  all  hearts  by  his  open  temper 
and  the  politic  profusion  with  which,  though  covetous  of 
wealth,  he  distributed  repartimientos  and  favors  among  his  fol- 
lowers. Others  spoke  of  him  as  carrying  matters  with  a high 
hand,  while  the  greatest  timidity  and  distrust  prevailed  among 
the  citizens  of  Lima.  All  agreed  that  his  power  rested  on  too 
secure  a basis  to  be  shaken,  and  that,  if  the  president  should  go 
to  Lima,  he  must  either  consent  to  become  Pizarro’s  instru- 
ment and  confirm  him  in  the  government,  or  forfeit  his  own 
life.22 

It  was  undoubtedly  true  that  Gonzalo,  while  he  gave  atten- 
tion, as  his  friends  say,  to  the  public  business,  found  time  for 
free  indulgence  in  those  pleasures  which  wait  on  the  soldier  of 
fortune  in  his  hour  of  triumph.  He  was  the  object  of  flattery 
and  homage,  courted  even  by  those  who  hated  him.  For  such 
as  did  not  love  the  successful  chieftain  had  good  cause  to  fear 
him  ; and  his  exploits  were  commemorated  in  romances  or  bal- 
lads as  rivalling — it  was  not  far  from  truth — those  of  the  most 
doughty  paladins  of  chivalry.23 

Amid  this  burst  of  adulation,  the  cup  of  joy  commended  to 
Pizarro’s  lips  had  one  drop  of  bitterness  in  it  that  gave  its  flavor 
to  all  the  rest ; for,  notwithstanding  his  show  of  confidence,  he 
looked  with  unceasing  anxiety  to  the  arrival  of  tidings  that 
might  assure  him  in  what  light  his  conduct  was  regarded  by 
the  government  at  home.  This  was  proved  by  his  jealous  pre- 


82  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  2,  cap.  27. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8, 
lib.  2,  cap.  7. — MS.  de  Caravantes. 

28  “ Y con  esto,  estaua  siempre  en  fiestas  y recozijo,  holgandose  mucho  que  le  diessen 
musicas,  cantando  romances,  y coplas,  de  todo  lo  que  auia  hecho  : encaresciendo  sus 
hazafias,  y victorias.  En  lo  qual  mucho  se  deleytaua  como  hcmbre  de  gruesso  entedi- 
miento.”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  2,  cap.  32. 


CHAP.  I.] 


HIS  OFFERS  TO  PIZARRO. 


251 


cautions  to  guard  the  approaches  to  the  coast  and  to  detain  the 
persons  of  the  royal  emissaries.  He  learned,  therefore,  with  no 
little  uneasiness,  from  Hinojosa,  the  landing  of  President  Gasca 
and  the  purport  of  his  mission.  But  his  discontent  was  miti- 
gated when  he  understood  that  the  new  envoy  had  come  with- 
out military  array,  without  any  of  the  ostentatious  trappings 
of  office  to  impose  on  the  minds  of  the  vulgar,  but  alone,  as  it 
were,  in  the  plain  garb  of  an  humble  missionary.24  Pizarro 
could  not  discern  that  under  this  modest  exterior  lay  a moral 
power  stronger  than  his  own  steel-clad  battalions,  which, 
operating  silently  on  public  opinion — the  more  sure  that  it 
was  silent — was  even  now  undermining  his  strength,  like  a 
subterraneous  channel  eating  away  the  foundations  of  some 
stately  edifice  that  stands  secure  in  its  pride  of  place  ! 

But,  although  Gonzalo  Pizarro  could  not  foresee  this  result, 
he  saw  enough  to  satisfy  him  that  it  would  be  safest  to  exclude 
the  president  from  Peru.  The  tidings  of  his  arrival,  moreover, 
quickened  his  former  purpose  of  sending  an 'embassy  to  Spain 
to  vindicate  his  late  proceedings  and  request  the  royal  confir- 
mation of  his  authority.  The  person  placed  at  the  head  of  this 
mission  was  Lorenzo  de  Aldana,  a cavalier  of  discretion  as  well 
as  courage,  and  high  in  the  confidence  of  Pizarro,  as  one  of  his 
most  devoted  partisans.  He  had  occupied  some  important 
posts  under  that  chief,  one  secret  of  whose  successes  was  the 
sagacity  he  showed  in  the  selection  of  his  agents. 

Besides  Aldana  nd  one  or  two  cavaliers,  the  Bishop  of  Lima 
was  joined  in  the  commission,  as  likely,  from  his  position,  to 
have  a favorable  influence  on  Gonzalo’s  fortunes  at  court. 
Together  with  the  despatches  for  the  government  the  envoys 
were  intrusted  with  a letter  to  Gasca  from  the  inhabitants  of 
Lima,  in  which,  after  civilly  congratulating  the  president  on 
his  arrival,  they  announced  their  regret  that  he  had  come  too 

34  Gonzalo,  in  his  letter  to  Valdivia,  speaks  of  Gasca  as  a clergyman  of  a godly  reputa- 
tion, who,  without  recompense,  in  the  true  spirit  of  a missionary,  had  come  over  to  settle 
the  affairs  of  the  country  : “ Dicen  ques  mui  buen  christiano  i hombre  de  buena  vida  i 

clerigo,  i dicen  que  viene  a estas  partes  con  buena  intencion  i no  quiso  salario  ninguno  del 
Rey  sino  venir  para  poner  pax  en  estos  reynos  con  sus  cristiandades.”  Carta  de  Goncafcf 
Pixarro  d Valdivia,  MS. 


252 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  t. 


late.  The  troubles  of  the  country  were  now  settled  by  the 
overthrow  of  the  viceroy,  and  the  nation  was  reposing  in 
quiet  under  the  rule  of  Pizarro.  An  embassy,  they  stated, 
was  on  its  way  to  Castile,  not  to  solicit  pardo7i,  for  they  had 
committed  no  crime,25  but  to  petition  the  emperor  to  confirm 
their  leader  in  the  government,  as  the  man  in  Peru  best  entitled 
to  it  by  his  virtues.26  They  expressed  the  conviction  that 
Gasca’s  presence  would  only  serve  to  renew  the  distractions  of 
the  country,  and  they  darkly  intimated  that  his  attempt  to  land 
would  probably  cost  him  his  life.  The  language  of  this  singu- 
lar document  was  more  respectful  than  might  be  inferred  from 
its  import.  It  was  dated  the  14th  of  October,  1546,  and  was 
subscribed  by  seventy  of  the  principal  cavaliers  in  the  city.  It 
was  not  improbably  dictated  by  Cepeda,  whose  hand  is  visible 
in  most  of  the  intrigues  of  Pizarro’s  little  court.  It  is  also 
said — the  authority  is  somewhat  questionable — that  Aldana 
received  instructions  from  Gonzalo  secretly  to  offer  a bribe  of 
fifty  thousand  pesos  de  oro  to  the  president  to  prevail  on  him  to 
return  to  Castile  ; and  in  case  of  his  refusal  some  darker  and 
more  effectual  way  was  to  be  devised  to  rid  the  country  of  his 
presence.27 

Aldana,  fortified  with  his  despatches,  sped  swiftly  on  his 
voyage  to  Panama.  Through  him  the  governor  learned  the 
actual  state  of  feeling  in  the  councils  of  Pizarro  ; and  he  lis- 
tened with  regret  to  the  envoy’s  conviction  that  no  terms 

16  «<  Porque  perdo  ninguno  de  nosotros  le  pide,  porque  no  entendemos  que  cmos  errado, 
sino  seruido  A su  Magestad  : conseruado  nuestro  derecho  ; que  por  sus  leyes  Reales  A 
sus  vasallos  es  permitido.”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  33. 

26  “ Porque  el  por  sus  virtudes  es  muy  amado  de  todos  : y tenido  por  padre  del  Peru.” 
Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

37  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  loc.  cit.  —Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  2,  cap.  10. — 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  8.— Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  177. — Montesinos, 
Annales,  MS.,  afio  1546. — Pizarro,  in  his  letter  to  Valdivia,  notices  this  remonstrance  to 
Gasca,  who,  with  all  his  reputation  as  a saint , was  as  deep  as  any  man  in  Spain, 
and  had  now  come  to  send  him  home,  as  a reward,  no  doubt,  of  his  faithful  services. 
“ But  I and  the  rest  of  the  cavaliers,”  he  concludes,  “have  warned  him  not  to  set  foot 
here.”  “ Y agora  que  yo  tenia  puesta  esta  tierra  en  sosiego  embiava  su  parte  al  de  la 
Gasca  que  aunque  arriba  digo  que  dicen  ques  un  santo,  es  un  hombre  mas  mafioso  que 
havia  en  todo  Espafia  6 mas  sabio  ; € asi  venia  por  presidente  6 Governador,  A todo  quanto 
el  quiera ; A para  poderme  embiar  A mi  A Espafia,  i A cabo  de  dos  afios  quo  andavamos 
fuera  de  nuestras  casas  queria  el  Rey  darme  este  pago,  mas  yo  con  todos  los  cavalleros 
deste  Reyno  le  embiavamos  a decir  que  se  vaya,  sino  que  har^mos  con  el  como  con  Blascc 
Nufiea.”  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  A Valdivia,  MS. 


chap,  i.]  GAINS  THE  FLEET.  253 

would  be  admitted  by  that  chief  or  his  companions  that  did 
not  confirm  him  in  the  possession  of  Peru.28 

Aldana  was  soon  admitted  to  an  audience  by  the  president. 
It  was  attended  with  very  different  results  from  what  had  fol- 
lowed from  the  conferences  with  Hinojosa ; for  Pizarro’s  en- 
voy was  not  armed  by  nature  with  that  stubborn  panoply 
which  had  hitherto  made  the  other  proof  against  all  argument. 
He  now  learned  with  surprise  the  nature  of  Gasca’s  powers, 
and  the  extent  of  the  royal  concessions  to  the  insurgents.  He 
had  embarked  with  Gonzalo  Pizarro  on  a desperate  venture, 
and  he  found  that  it  had  proved  successful.  The  colony  had 
nothing  more,  in  reason,  to  demand  ; and,  though  devoted  in 
heart  to  his  leader,  he  did  not  feel  bound  by  any  principle  of 
honor  to  take. part  with  him  solely  to  gratify  his  ambition,  in 
a wild  contest  with  the  crown  that  must  end  in  inevitable  ruin. 
He  consequently  abandoned  his  mission  to  Castile,  probably 
never  very  palatable  to  him,  and  announced  his  purpose  to  ac- 
cept the  pardon  proffered  by  government  and  support  the  pres- 
ident in  settling  the  affairs  of  Peru.  He  subsequently  wrote, 
it  should  be  added,  to  his  former  commander  in  Lima,  stating 
the  course  he  had  taken,  and  earnestly  recommending  the  lat- 
ter to  follow  his  example. 

The  influence  of  this  precedent  in  so  important  a person  as 
Aldana,  aided,  doubtless,  by  the  conviction  that  no  change  was 
now  to  be  expected  in  Pizarro,  while  delay  would  be  fatal  to 
himself,  at  length  prevailed  over  Hinojosa’s  scruples,  and  he 
intimated  to  Gasca  his  willingness  to  place  the  fleet  under  his 
command.  The  act  was  performed  with  great  pomp  and  cere- 
mony. Some  of  Pizarro’s  stanchest  partisans  were  previously 
removed  from  the  vessels  ; and  on  the  19th  of  November,  1546, 
Hinojosa  and  his  captains  resigned  their  commissions  into  the 
hands  of  the  president.  They  next  took  the  oaths  of  allegiance 


28  With  Aldana’ s mission  t©  Castile  Gonzalo  Pizarro  closes  the  important  letter  so  often 
cited  in  these  pages,  and  which  may  be  supposed  to  furnish  the  best  arguments  for  hie 
own  conduct.  It  is  a curious  fact  that  Valdivia,  the  conqueror  of  Chili,  to  whom  the 
epistle  is  addressed,  soon  after  this  openly  espoused  the  cause  of  Gasca,  and  his  troops 
formed  part  of  the  forces  who  contended  with  Pizarro,  not  long  afterward,  at  Huarina. 
Such  was  the  fciend  on  whom  Gonaalo  relied  ! 


254 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


[book  v. 


to  Castile ; a free  pardon  for  all  past  offences  was  proclaimed 
by  the  herald  from  a scaffold  erected  in  the  great  square  of  the 
city ; and  the  president,  greeting  them  as  true  and  loyal  vas- 
sals of  the  crown,  restored  their  several  commissions  to  the 
cavaliers.  The  royal  standard  of  Spain  was  then  unfurled  on 
board  the  squadron,  and  proclaimed  that  this  stronghold  of 
Pizarro’s  power  had  passed  away  from  him  forever.29 

The  return  of  their  commissions  to  the  insurgent  captains 
was  a politic  act  in  Gasca.  It  secured  the  services  of  the 
ablest  officers  in  the  country,  and  turned  against  Pizarro  the 
very  arm  on  which  he  had  most  leaned  for  support.  Thus  was 
this  great  step  achieved,  without  force  or  fraud,  by  Gasca’s 
patience  and  judicious  forecast.  He  was  content  to  bide  his 
time  ; and  he  might  now  rely  with  well-grounded  confidence 
on  the  ultimate  success  of  his  mission. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Gasca  assembles  his  Forces. — Defection  of  Pizarro’s  Followers. — He 
musters  his  Levies. — Agitation  in  Lima. — He  abandons  the  City. — 
Gasca  sails  from  Panama. — Bloody  Battle  of  Huarina. 

1547- 

NO  sooner  was  Gasca  placed  in  possession  of  Panama  and 
the  fleet  than  he  entered  on  a more  decisive  course  of  policy 
than  he  had  been  hitherto  allowed  to  pursue.  He  made  levies 
of  men,  and  drew  together  supplies  from  all  quarters.  He 
took  care  to  discharge  the  arrears  already  due  to  the  soldiers, 
and  promised  liberal  pay  for  the  future  ; for,  though  mindful 
that  his  personal  charges  should  cost  little  to  the  crown,  he  did 
not  stint  his  expenditure  when  the  public  good  required  it. 


*•  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  9. — Fer- 
nandez, Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  38,  42. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  178. 
—MS.  de  Caravantes. — Garcilasso  de  la  Vega — whose  partiality  for  Gonzalo  Pizarro  forms 
a wholesome  counterpoise  to  the  unfavorable  views  taken  of  his  conduct  by  most  other 
writers — in  his  notice  of  this  transaction,  seems  disposed  to  allow  little  credit  to  that  loyalty 
which  is  shown  by  the  sacrifice  of  a benefactor.  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  4. 


chap,  ii.]  GASCA  ASSEMBLES  HIS  FORCES. 


255 


As  the  funds  in  the  treasury  were  exhausted,  he  obtained  loans 
on  the  credit  of  the  government  from  the  wealthy  citizens  of 
Panama,  who,  relying  on  his  good  faith,  readily  made  the  nec- 
essary advances.  He  next  sent  letters  to  the  authorities  of 
Guatemala  and  Mexico,  requiring  their  assistance  in  carrying 
on  hostilities,  if  necessary,  against  the  insurgents  ; and  he 
despatched  a summons,  in  like  manner,  to  Benalcazar,  in  the 
provinces  north  of  Peru,  to  meet  him,  on  his  landing  in  that 
country,  with  his  whole  available  force. 

The  greatest  enthusiasm  was  shown  by  the  people  of  Pana- 
ma in  getting  the  little  navy  in  order  for  his  intended  voyage  ; 
and  prelates  and  commanders  did  not  disdain  to  prove  their 
loyalty  by  taking  part  in  the  good  work  along  with  the  sol- 
diers and  sailors.1  Before  his  own  departure,  however,  Gasca 
proposed  to  send  a small  squadron  of  four  ships,  under  Aldana,  to 
cruise  off  the  port  of  Lima,  with  instructions  to  give  protection 
to  those  well  affected  to  the  royal  cause,  and  receive  them,  if 
need  be,  on  board  nis  vessels.  He  was  also  intrusted  with  au- 
thenticated copies  of  the  president’s  commission,  to  be  deliv- 
ered to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  that  the  chief  might  feel  there  was  yet 
time  to  return  before  the  gates  of  mercy  were  closed  against 
him.2 

While  these  events  were  going  on,  Gasca’s  proclamations  and 
letters  were  doing  their  work  in  Peru.  It  required  but  little 
sagacity  to  perceive  that  the  nation  at  large,  secured  in  the 
protection  of  person  and  property,  had  nothing  to  gain  by 
revolution.  Interest  and  duty,  fortunately,  now  lay  on  the 
same  side ; and  the  ancient  sentiment  of  loyalty,  smothered 
for  a time,  but  not  extinguished,  revived  in  the  breasts  of  the 
people.  Still,  this  was  not  manifested,  at  once,  by  any  overt 
act ; for  under  a strong  military  rule  men  dared  hardly  think 
for  themselves,  much  less  communicate  their  thoughts  to  one 

1 “ Y ponia  sus  fuergas  con  tanta  llaneza  y obecfiencia,  que  los  Obispos  y clerigos  y los 
capitanes  y mas  principales  personas  eran  los  que  primero  echauan  mano,  y tirauan  de  las 
gumenas  y cables  de  los  nauios,  para  los  sacar  A la  costa.”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru, 
Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  70. 

2 Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1546.—  Gomara,  Hist,  de  la9  Ind., 
cap.  178. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap,  9. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  3, 
cap.  3. 


256 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


another.  But  changes  of  public  opinion,  like  changes  in  the 
atmosphere  that  come  on  slowly  and  imperceptibly,  make  them- 
selves more  and  more  widely  felt,  till,  by  a sort  of  silent  sym- 
pathy, they  spread  to  the  remotest  corners  of  the  land.  Some 
intimations  of  such  a change  of  sentiment  at  length  found  their 
way  to  Lima,  although  all  accounts  of  the  president’s  mission 
had  been  jealously  excluded  from  that  capital.  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro  himself  became  sensible  of  these  symptoms  of  disaffection, 
though  almost  too  faint  and  feeble,  as  yet,  for  the  most  experi- 
enced eye  to  descry  in  them  the  coming  tempest. 

Several  of  the  president’s  proclamations  had  been  forwarded 
to  Gonzalo  by  his  faithful  partisans  ; and  Carbajal,  who  had 
been  summoned  from  Potosi,  declared  they  were  “ more  to  be 
dreaded  than  the  lances  of  Castile.”  3 Yet  Pizarro  did  not  for 
a moment  lose  his  confidence  in  his  own  strength  ; and,  with  a 
navy  like  that  now  in  Panama  at  his  command,  he  felt  he 
might  bid  defiance  to  any  enemy  on  his  coasts.  He  had  im- 
plicit confidence  in  the  fidelity  of  Hinojosa. 

It  was  at  this  period  that  Paniagua  arrived  off  the  port  with 
Gasca’s  despatches  to  Pizarro,  consisting  of  the  emperor’s  let- 
ter and  his  own.  They  were  instantly  submitted  by  that 
chieftain  to  his  trusty  counsellors,  Carbajal  and  Cepeda,  and 
their  opinions  asked  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued.  It  was 
the  crisis  of  Pizarro’s  fate. 

Carbajal,  whose  sagacious  eye  fully  comprehended  the  posi- 
tion in  which  they  stood,  was  in  favor  of  accepting  the  royal 
grace  on  the  terms  proposed  ; and  he  intimated  his  sense  of 
their  importance  by  declaring  that  “ he  would  pave  the  way 
for  the  bearer  of  them  into  the  capital  with  ingots  of  gold  and 
silver.”  4 Cepeda  was  of  a different  way  of  thinking.  He 
was  a judge  of  the  Royal  Audience,  and  had  been  sent  to  Peru 
as  the  immediate  counsellor  of  Blasco  Nunez.  But  he  had 
turned  against  the  viceroy,  had  encountered  him  in  battle,  and 
his  garments  might  be  said  to  be  yet  wet  with  his  blood  ! 

* “ Que  eran  mas  de  temer  aquellas  cartas  que  a las  lS^as  del  Rey  de  Castilla.” 
Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  2,  cap.  45. 

4 “ Y le  enladrillen  los  caminos  por  do  viniere  con  barras  de  plata,  y tejos  de  Oro.” 
Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  a,  lib.  5,  cap.  5. 


CH.  ii.J  DEFECTION  OP  PIZARRO'S  FOLLOWERS. 


What  grace  was  there,  then,  for  him  ? Whatever  respect  might 
be  shown  to  the  letter  of  the  royal  provisions,  in  point  of  fact  he 
must  ever  live  under  the  Castilian  rule  a ruined  man.  He 
accordingly  strongly  urged  the  rejection  of  Gasca’s  offers. 
"They  will  cost  you  your  government,”  he  said  to  Pizarro; 
" the  smooth-tongued  priest  is  not  so  simple  a person  as  you 
take  him  to  be.  He  is  deep  and  politic.5  He  knows  well 
what  promises  to  make ; and,  once  master  of  the  country,  he 
will  know,  too,  how  to  keep  them.” 

Carbajal  was  not  shaken  by  the  arguments  or  the  sneers  of 
his  companions ; and,  as  the  discussion  waxed  warm,  Cepeda 
taxed  his  opponent  with  giving  counsel  suggested  by  fears  for 
his  own  safety — a foolish  taunt,  sufficiently  disproved  by  the 
whole  life  of  the  doughty  old  warrior.  Carbajal  did  not  insist 
further  on  his  own  views,  however,  as  he  found  them  unwel- 
come to  Pizarro,  and  contented  himself  with  coolly  remarking 
that  "he  had,  indeed,  no  relish  for  rebellion  ; but  he  had  as 
long  a neck  for  a halter,  he  believed,  as  any  of  his  compan- 
ions ; and  as  he  could  hardly  expect  to  live  much  longer,  at 
any  rate,  it  was,  after  all,  of  little  moment  to  him.”  6 

Pizarro,  spurred  on  by  a fiery  ambition  that  overleaped  every 
obstacle,7  did  not  condescend  to  count  the  desperate  chances 
of  a contest  with  the  crown.  He  threw  his  own  weight  into 
the  scale  with  Cepeda.  The  offer  of  grace  was  rejected  ; and 
he  thus  cast  away  the  last  tie  which  held  him  to  his  country, 
and,  by  the  act,  proclaimed  himself  a rebel.8 

0 “ Que  no  lo  embiauan  por  hombre  sencillo  y llano,  sino  de  grandes  cautelas,  astucias. 
falsedades  y enganos.”  Ibid.,  Ioc.  cit. 

6 “ Por  lo  demas,  quado  acaezca  otra  cosa,  ya  yo  he  viuido  muchos  anos,  y tengo  tan  bue 
palmo  de  pescue^o  para  la  soga,  como  cada  uno  de  vuestras  mercedes.”  Garcilasso, 
Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  5. 

7 “Loca  y luciferina  soberuia,”  as  Fernandez  characterizes  the  aspiring  temper  of  Gon- 
zalo.  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  15. 

8 MS.  de  Caravantes. — According  to  Garcilasso,  Paniagua  was  furnished  with  secret 
instructions  by  the  president,  empowering  him,  in  case  he  judged  it  necessary  to  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  royal  authority,  to  confirm  Pizarro  in  the  government,  “ it  being  little  matter 
if  the  Devil  ruled  there,  provided  the  country  remained  to  the  crown  ! **  The  fact  was  so 
reported  by  Paniagua,  who  continued  in  Peru  after  these  events.  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  2, 
lib.  5,  cap.  5.)  This  is  possible.  But  it  is  more  probable  that  a credulous  gossip,  like 
Garcilasso,  should  be  in  error,  than  that  Charles  the  Fifth  should  have  been  prepared  to 
make  such  an  acknowledgment  of  his  imbecility,  or  that  the  man  selected  for  Gasca’s 
confidence  should  have  so  indiscreetly  betrayed  his  trust. 


258 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


It  was  not  long  after  the  departure  of  Paniagua  that  Pi- 
zarro received  tidings  of  the  defection  of  Aldana  and  Hi- 
nojosa, and  of  the  surrender  of  the  fleet,  on  which  he  had 
expended  an  immense  sum,  as  the  chief  bulwark  of  his 
power. 

This  unwelcome  intelligence  was  followed  by  accounts  of  the 
further  defection  of  some  of  the  principal  towns  in  the  north, 
and  of  the  assassination  of  Puelles,  the  faithful  lieutenant  to 
whom  he  had  confided  the  government  of  Quito.  It  was 
not  very  long,  also,  before  he  found  his  authority  assailed  in 
the  opposite  quarter  at  Cuzco  ; for  Centeno,  the  loyal  chief- 
tain who,  as  the  reader  may  remember,  had  been  driven  by 
Carbajal  to  take  refuge  in  a cave  near  Arequipa,  had  issued 
from  his  concealment  after  remaining  there  a year,  and,  on 
learning  the  arrival  of  Gasca,  had  again  raised  the  royal  stand- 
ard. Then,  collecting  a small  body  of  followers,  and  falling 
on  Cuzco  by  night,  he  made  himself  master  of  that  capital, 
defeated  the  garrison  who  held  it,  and  secured  it  for  the 
crown.  Marching  soon  after  into  the  province  of  Charcas, 
the  bold  chief  allied  himself  with  the  officer  who  command- 
ed for  Pizarro  in  La  Plata ; and  their  combined  forces,  to 
the  number  of  a thousand,  took  up  a position  on  the  bor- 
ders of  Lake  Titicaca,  where  the  two  cavaliers  coolly  awaited 
an  opportunity  to  take  the  field  against  their  ancient  com- 
mander. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro,  touched  to  the  heart  by  the  desertion  of 
those  in  whom  he  most  confided,  was  stunned  by  the  dismal 
tidings  of  his  losses  coming  so  thick  upon  him.  Yet  he  did 
not  waste  his  time  in  idle  crimination  or  complaint,  but 
immediately  set  about  making  preparations  to  meet  the  storm 
with  all  his  characteristic  energy.  He  wrote  at  once  to  such 
of  his  captains  as  he  believed  still  faithful,  commanding  them 
to  be  ready  with  their  troops  to  march  to  his  assistance  at 
the  shortest  notice.  He  reminded  them  of  their  obligations 
to  him,  and  that  their  interests  were  identical  with  his  own. 
The  president’s  commission,  he  added,  had  been  made  out 
before  the  news  had  reached  Spain  of  the  battle  of  Aha- 


HE  MUSTERS  HIS  LEVIES. 


CHAP.  II.] 


259 


quito,  and  could  never  cover  a pardon  to  those  concerned  in 
the  death  of  the  viceroy.9 

Pizarro  was  equally  active  in  enforcing  his  levies  in  the 
capital  and  in  putting  them  in  the  best  fighting  order.  He 
soon  saw  himself  at  the  head  of  a thousand  men,  beautifully 
equipped,  and  complete  in  all  their  appointments;  “ as  gallant 
an  array,”  says  an  old  writer,  “ though  so  small  in  number,  as 
ever  trod  the  plains  of  Italy  ” — displaying,  in  the  excellence  of 
their  arms,  their  gorgeous  uniforms,  and  the  caparisons  of  their 
horses,  a magnificence  that  could  be  furnished  only  by  the  sil- 
ver of  Peru.10  Each  company  was  provided  with  a new  stand 
of  colors,  emblazoned  with  its  peculiar  device.  Some  bore  the 
initials  and  arms  of  Pizarro,  and  one  or  two  of  these  were 
audaciously  surmounted  by  a crown,  as  if  to  intimate  the  rank 
to  which  their  commander  might  aspire.11 

Among  the  leaders  most  conspicuous  on  this  occasion  was 
Cepeda,  “who”  in  the  words  of  a writer  of  his  time,  “had 
exchanged  the  robe  of  the  licentiate  for  the  plumed  casque 
and  mailed  harness  of  the  warrior.”  12  But  the  cavalier  to 
whom  Pizarro  confided  the  chief  care  of  organizing  his  bat- 
talions was  the  veteran  Carbajal,  who  had  studied  the  art 
of  war  under  the  best  captains  of  Europe,  and  whose  life  of 
adventure  had  been  a practical  commentary  on  their  early 
lessons.  It  was  on  his  arm  that  Gonzalo  most  leaned  in  the 


9 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  n,  13.— 
Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  45,  59. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano 
1547- 

10  “ Mil  Hombres  tan  bien  armados  i aderegados,  como  se  han  visto  en  Italia,  en  la 
maior  prosperidad,  porque  ninguno  havia,  demas  de  las  Armas,  que  no  llevase  Calgas,  i 
Jubon  de  Seda,  i muchos  de  Tela  de  Oro,  i de  Krocado,  i otras  bordados  i recamados  de 
Oro,  i Plata,  con  mucha  Chaperia  de  Oro  por  los  Sombreros,  i especialmente  por  Frascos,  i 
Caxas  de  Arcabuces.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  11. 

Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Some  writers  even  assert  that  Pizarro  was  preparing  for  his  corona- 
tion at  this  time,  and  that  he  had  actually  despatched  his  summons  to  the  different 
towns  to  send  their  deputies  to  assist  at  it : “ Queria  apresurar  su  coronacion,  y para  ello 

despachd  cartas  4 todas  las  ciudades  del  Peru.”  (Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1547.) 
But  it  is  hardly  probable  he  could  have  placed  so  blind  a confidence  in  the  colonists  at  this 
crisis  as  to  have  meditated  so  rash  a step.  The  loyal  Castilian  historians  are  not  slow  to 
receive  reports  to  the  discredit  of  the  rebel . 

18  “ El  qual  en  este  tiempo,  oluidado  de  lo  que  conuenia  a sus  letras,  y profession,  y 
officio  de  Oy dor  ; salio  en  cal  9a*  jubon,  y cuera,  de  muchos  recamados;  y gorra  coa 
plumas.”  Fernandes,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  x,  lib.  a,  cap.  6a. 


260 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  {book  v. 


hour  of  danger ; and  well  had  it  been  for  him  if  he  had  profited 
by  his  counsels  at  an  earlier  period. 

It  gives  one  some  idea  of  the  luxurious  accommodations 
of  Pizarro’s  forces,  that  he  endeavored  to  provide  each  of 
his  musketeers  with  a horse.  The  expenses  incurred  by  him 
were  enormous.  The  immediate  cost  of  his  preparations,  we 
are  told,  was  not  less  than  half  a million  of  pesos  de  oro ; and 
his  pay  to  the  cavaliers,  and,  indeed,  to  the  common  soldiers, 
in  his  little  army,  was  on  an  extravagant  scale,  nowhere  to 
be  met  with  but  on  the  silver  soil  of  Peru.13 

When  his  own  funds  were  exhausted,  he  supplied  the  de- 
ficiency by  fines  imposed  on  the  rich  citizens  of  Lima  as  the 
price  of  exemption  from  service,  by  forced  loans,  and  vari- 
ous other  schemes  of  military  exaction.14  From  this  time, 
it  is  said,  the  chieftain’s  temper  underwent  a visible  change.15 
He  became  more  violent  in  his  passions,  more  impatient  of 
control,  and  indulged  more  freely  in  acts  of  cruelty  and  license. 
The  desperate  cause  in  which  he  was  involved  made  him  reck- 
less of  consequences.  Though  naturally  frank  and  confiding, 
the  frequent  defection  of  his  followers  filled  him  with  suspicion. 
He  knew  not  in  whom  to  confide.  Everyone  who  showed 
himself  indifferent  to  his  cause,  or  was  suspected  of  being  so, 
was  dealt  with  as  an  open  enemy.  The  greatest  distrust  pre- 
vailed in  Lima.  No  man  dared  confide  in  his  neighbor.  Some 
concealed  their  effects ; others  contrived  to  elude  the  vigilance 
of  the  sentinels,  and  hid  themselves  in  the  neighboring  woods 
and  mountains.16  No  one  was  allowed  to  enter  or  leave  the 
city  without  a license.  All  commerce,  all  intercourse,  with 
other  places  was  cut  off.  It  was  long  since  the  fifths  belonging 
to  the  crown  had  been  remitted  to  Castile,  as  Pizarro  had  ap- 
propriated them  to  his  own  use.  He  now  took  possession  of 

13  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  n. — Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  8,  lib.  3,  cap.  5. — Montesinos,  Annales,  ano  1547. 

14  Fernandez,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  62. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1547. 

16  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  172. 

10  “Andaba  la  Gente  tan  asombrada  con  el  temor  de  la  muerte,  que  no  se  podian 
*nte*ider,  ni  tenian  animo  para  huir,  i algunos,  que  hallaron  mejor  aparejo,  se  escondieron 
por  los  Cafiaverales,  i Cuevas,  enterrando  sus  Haciendas.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib. 
cap.  15. 


CHAP.  II.] 


AGITATION  IN  LIMA. 


26l 


the  mints,  broke  up  the  royal  stamps,  and  issued  a debased  coin, 
emblazoned  with  his  own  cipher.17  It  was  the  most  decisive 
act  of  sovereignty. 

At  this  gloomy  period  the  lawyer  Cepeda  contrived  a sol- 
emn farce,  the  intent  of  which  was  to  give  a sort  of  legal  sanc- 
tion to  the  rebel  cause  in  the  eyes  of  the  populace.  He  caused 
a process  to  be  prepared  against  Gasca,  Hinojosa,  and  Aldana, 
in  which  they  were  accused  of  treason  against  the  existing  gov- 
ernment of  Peru,  were  convicted,  and  condemned  to  death. 
This  instrument  he  submitted  to  a number  of  jurists  in  the  cap- 
ital, requiring  their  signatures.  But  they  had  no  mind  thus 
inevitably  to  implicate  themselves  by  affixing  their  names  to 
such  a paper ; and  they  evaded  it  by  representing  that  it 
would  only  serve  to  cut  off  all  chance,  should  any  of  the  ac- 
cused be  so  disposed,  of  their  again  embracing  the  cause  they 
had  deserted.  Cepeda  was  the  only  man  who  signed  the  doc- 
ument. Carbajal  treated  the  whole  thing  with  ridicule. 
“What  is  the  object  of  your  process?”  said  he  to  Cepeda. 
“ Its  object,”  replied  the  latter,  “is  to  prevent  delay,  that,  if 
taken  at  any  time,  the  guilty  party  may  be  at  once  led  to  ex- 
ecution.” “I  cry  you  mercy,”  retorted  Carbajal;  “I 
thought  there  must  be  some  virtue  in  the  instrument,  that 
would  have  killed  them  outright.  Let  but  one  of  these  same 
traitors  fall  into  my  hands,  and  I will  march  him  off  to  execu- 
tion without  waiting  for  the  sentence  of  a court,  I promise 
you  ! ” 18 

While  this  paper  war  was  going  on,  news  was  brought  that 
Aldana’s  squadron  was  off  the  port  of  Callao.  That  com- 
mander had  sailed  from  Panama  about  the  middle  of  February, 

17  Rel.  anonima,  MS. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1547. — “ Assi  mismo  ech6 
Gozalo  Picarro  a toda  la  plata  que  gastaua  y destribuya  su  marca,  que  era  una  G.  rebuelta 
en  una  P.  y pregono  que  so  pena  de  muerte,  todos  recibiessen  por  plata  fina  la  que 
tuuiesse  aquella  marca  : sin  ensayo,  ni  otra  diligencia  alguna.  Y desta  suerte  hizo  passar 
mucha  plata  de  ley  baja  por  frna.”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap  62. 

18  “ Riose  mucho  entonces  Caruajal  y dixo  ; que  segu  auia  hecho  la  instancia,  que  auia 
entendido,  que  la  justicia  como  rayo,  auia  de  yr  luego  a justiciaries.  Y dezia  que  si  el  lo§ 
tuuiesse  presos,  no  se  le  daria  vn  clauo  por  su  sentecia,  ni  firmas.”  (Fernandez,  Hist 
del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  55.)  Among  the  jurists  in  Lima  who  thus  independently 
resisted  Cepeda’s  requisition  to  sign  the  paper  was  the  Licentiate  Polo  Ondegardo,  a mau 
of  much  discretion,  and  one  of  the  beat  authorities  for  the  ancient  institutions  of  the  Inca*. 


262  SETTLEMENT  OF  7 HE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 

1547.  On  his  passage  down  the  coast  he  had  landed  at  Trux- 
illo,  where  the  citizens  welcomed  him  with  enthusiasm  and 
eagerly  proclaimed  their  submission  to  the  royal  authority. 
He  received  at  the  same  time  messages  from  several  of  Pizar- 
ro’s  officers  in  the  interior,  intimating  their  return  to  their 
duty  and  their  readiness  to  support  the  president.  Aldana 
named  Caxamalca  as  a place  of  rendezvous,  wlwe  they  should 
concentrate  their  forces  and  await  the  landing  of  Gasca.  He 
then  continued  his  voyage  toward  Lima. 

No  sooner  was  Pizarro  informed  of  his  approach  than,  fear- 
ful lest  it  might  have  a disastrous  effect  in  seducing  his  follow- 
ers from  their  fidelity,  he  marched  them  about  a league  out  of 
the  city,  and  there  encamped.  He  was  two  leagues  from  the 
coast,  and  he  posted  a guard  on  the  shore,  to  intercept  all  com- 
munication with  the  vessels.  Before  leaving  the  capital,  Ce- 
peda  resorted  to  an  expedient  for  securing  the  inhabitants  more 
firmly,  as  he  conceived,  in  Pizarro’s  interests.  He  caused  the 
citizens  to  be  assembled,  and  made  them  a studied  harangue, 
in  which  he  expatiated  on  the  services  of  their  governor  and 
the  security  which  the  country  had  enjoyed  under  his  rule. 
He  then  told  them  that  every  man  was  at  liberty  to  choose  for 
himself — to  remain  under  the  protection  of  their  present  ruler, 
or,  if  they  preferred,  to  transfer  their  allegiance  to  his  enemy. 
He  invited  them  to  speak  their  minds,  but  required  everyone 
who  should  still  continue  under  Pizarro  to  take  an  oath  of 
fidelity  to  his  cause,  with  the  assurance  that,  if  any  should  be 
so  false  hereafter  as  to  violate  this  pledge,  he  would  pay  for  it 
with  his  life.19  There  was  no  one  found  bold  enough — with 
his  head  thus  in  the  lion’s  mouth — to  swerve  from  his  obedi- 
ence to  Pizarro  ; and  every  man  took  the  oath  prescribed, 
which  was  administered  in  the  most  solemn  and  imposing  form 
by  the  licentiate.  Carbajal,  as  usual,  made  a jest  of  the  whole 
proceeding.  “ How  long,”  he  asked  his  companion,  “do  you 
think  these  same  oaths  will  stand  ? The  first  wind  that  blows 

19  Pedro  Pizarro.  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS —Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  a, 
cap.  61.— Montesinos,  Annales*  MS.,  ano  1547. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6»  cap.  u( 

*4- 


CHAP.  II.J  HE  ABANDONS  THE  CITY.  263 

off  the  coast  after  we  are  gone  will  scatter  them  in  air  I ” His 
prediction  was  soon  verified. 

Meantime,  Aldana  anchored  off  the  port,  where  there  was 
no  vessel  of  the  insurgents  to  molest  him.  By  Cepeda’s  ad- 
vice, some  four  or  five  had  been  burned  a short  time  before, 
during  the  absence  of  Carbajal,  in  order  to  cut  off  all  means  by 
which  the  inhabitants  could  leave  the  place.  This  was  deeply 
deplored  by  the  veteran  soldier  on  his  return.  “ It  was 
destroying,”  he  said,  “ the  guardian  angels  of  Lima.”  20  And 
certainly,  under  such  a commander,  they  might  now  have 
stood  Pizarro  in  good  stead ; but  his  star  was  on  the  wane. 

The  first  act  of  Aldana  was  to  cause  the  copy  of  Gasca’s 
powers,  with  which  he  had  been  intrusted,  to  be  conveyed  to 
his  ancient  commander,  by  whom  it  was  indignantly  torn  in 
pieces.  Aldana  next  contrived,  by  means  of  his  agents,  to 
circulate  among  the  citizens,  and  even  the  soldiers  of  the  camp, 
the  president’s  manifestoes.  They  were  not  long  in  producing 
their  effect.  Few  had  been  at  all  aware  of  the  real  purport  of 
Gasca’s  mission,  of  the  extent  of  his  powers,  or  of  the  generous 
terms  offered  by  the  government.  They  shrank  from  the  des- 
perate course  into  which  they  had  been  thus  unwarily  seduced, 
and  they  sought  only  in  what  way  they  could  with  least  danger 
extricate  themselves  from  their  present  position  and  return  to 
their  allegiance.  Some  escaped  by  night  from  the  camp,  elud- 
ed the  vigilance  of  the  sentinels,  and  effected  their  retreat  on 
board  the  vessels.  Some  were  taken,  and  found  no  quarter  at 
the  hands  of  Carbajal  and  his  merciless  ministers.  But,  where 
the  spirit  of  disaffection  was  abroad,  means  of  escape  were 
not  wanting. 

As  the  fugitives  were  cut  off  from  Lima  and  the  neighboring 
coast,  they  secreted  themselves  in  the  forests  and  mountains, 
and  watched  their  opportunity  for  making  their  way  to  Trux- 
illo  and  other  ports  at  a distance ; and  so  contagious  was  the 
example  that  it  not  unfrequently  happened  that  the  very  sol- 

fl0  “ Entre  otras  cosas  dixo  a Gongalo  Pizarro  vuesa  Senoria  mand6  quemar  cinco  an- 

geles  que  tenia  en  su  puerto  para  guarda  y deiensa  de  la  costa  del  Peru."  Gareilassa, 
Parte  a,  lib.  5,  cap.  6. 


264 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


dierssent  in  pursuit  of  the  deserters  joined  with  them.  Among 
those  that  fled  was  the  Licentiate  Carbajal,  who  must  not  be 
confounded  with  his  military  namesake.  He  was  the  same 
cavalier  whose  brother  had  been  put  to  death  in  Lima  by 
Blasco  Nunez,  and  who  revenged  himself,  as  we  have  seen,  by 
imbruing  his  own  hands  in  the  blood  of  the  viceroy.  That  a 
person  thus  implicated  should  trust  to  the  royal  pardon  showed 
that  no  one  need  despair  of  it ; and  the  example  proved  most 
disastrous  to  Pizarro.21 

Carbajal,  who  made  a jest  of  everything,  even  of  the  misfort- 
unes which  pinched  him  the  sharpest,  when  told  of  the  deser- 
tion of  his  comrades,  amused  himself  by  humming  the  words 
of  a popular  ditty  : 

“ The  wind  blows  the  hairs  off  my  head,  mother  ; 

Two  at  a time,  it  blows  them  away ! ” 22 

But  the  defection  of  his  followers  made  a deeper  impression 
on  Pizarro,  and  he  was  sorely  distressed  as  he  beheld  the  gallant 
array,  to  which  he  had  so  confidently  looked  for  gaining  his 
battles,  thus  melting  away  like  a morning  mist.  Bewildered 
by  the  treachery  of  those  in  whom  he  had  most  trusted,  he 
knew  not  where  to  turn,  nor  what  course  to  take.  It  was  evi- 
dent that  he  must  leave  his  present  dangerous  quarters  without 
loss  of  time.  But  whither  should  he  direct  his  steps  ? In  the 
north,  the  great  towns  had  abandoned  his  cause,  and  the  presi- 
dent was  already  marching  against  him  ; while  Centeno  held  the 
passes  of  the  south,  with  a force  double  his  own.  In  this 
emergency,  he  at  length  resolved  to  occupy  Arequipa,  a sea- 
port still  true  to  him,  where  he  might  remain  till  he  had 
decided  on  some  future  course  of  operations. 

After  a painful  but  rapid  march,  Gonzalo  arrived  at  this 
place,  where  he  was  speedily  joined  by  a reinforcement  that  he 
had  detached  for  the  recovery  of  Cuzco.  But  so  frequent  had 

81  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  180. — 
Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  2,  cap.  63,  65. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap. 
15,  16. 

88  “Estos  mis  Cabellicos,  Madre, 

. Dos  A dos  me  los  lleva  el  Aire.’* 

Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  180. 


CHAP.  I!.]  GASCA  SAILS  FROM  PANAMA. 


265 


been  the  desertions  from  both  companies — though  in  Pizarro’s 
corps  these  had  greatly  lessened  since  the  departure  from  the 
neighborhood  of  Lima — that  his  whole  number  did  not  exceed 
five  hundred  men,  less  than  half  of  the  force  which  he  had  so 
recently  mustered  in  the  capital.  To  such  humble  circum- 
stances was  the  man  now  reduced  who  had  so  lately  lorded  it 
over  the  land  with  unlimited  sway  ! Still  the  chief  did  not 
despond.  He  had  gathered  new  spirit  from  the  excitement  of 
his  march  and  his  distance  from  Lima ; and  he  seemed  to  re- 
cover his  former  confidence,  as  he  exclaimed,  “It  is  misfortune 
that  teaches  us  who  are  our  friends.  If  but  ten  only  remain 
true  to  me,  fear  not  but  I will  again  be  master  of  Peru  ! ” 23 
No  sooner  had  the  rebel  forces  withdrawn  from  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Lima  than  the  inhabitants  of  that  city,  little 
troubled,  as  Carbajal  had  predicted,  by  their  compulsory  oaths 
of  allegiance  to  Pizarro,  threw  open  their  gates  to  Aldana,  who 
took  possession  of  this  important  place  in  the  name  of  the 
president.  The  latter,  meanwhile,  had  sailed  with  his  whole 
fleet  from  Panama  on  April  10,  1547.  The  first  part  of  his 
voyage  was  prosperous ; but  he  was  soon  perplexed  by  con- 
trary currents,  and  the  weather  became  rough  and  tempestuous. 
The  violence  of  the  storm  continuing  day  after  day,  the  sea 
was  lashed  into  fury,  and  the  fleet  was  tossed  about  on  the  bil- 
lows, which  ran  mountain  high,  as  if  emulating  the  wild  char- 
acter of  the  region  they  bounded.  The  rain  descended  in 
torrents,  and  the  lightning  was  so  incessant  that  the  vessels, 
to  quote  the  lively  language  of  the  chronicler,  “ seemed  to  be 
driving  through  seas  of  flame  ! ” 24  The  hearts  of  the  stoutest 
mariners  were  filled  with  dismay.  They  considered  it  hopeless 
to  struggle  against  the  elements,  and  they  loudly  demanded  to 
return  to  the  continent  and  postpone  the  voyage  till  a more 
favorable  season  of  the  year. 


23  44  Aunque  siempre  dijo  : que  con  diez  Amigos  que  le  quedasen,  havia  de  conservarse, 
i conquistar  de  nuevo  el  Peru  : tanta  era  su  sana,  6 su  sobervia.”  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  loc.  cit. 

34  “ Y los  truenos  y relapagos  eran  tantos  y tales  ; que  siempre  parecia  que  estauan  en 
llamas,  y que  sobre  ellos  venian  Rayos  (que  en  todas  aquellas  partes  caen  muchos).”  (Fer’ 
nandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  71.)  The  vivid  coloring  of  the  old  chronicler 
shows  that  he  had  himself  been  familiar  with  these  tropical  tempests  on  the  Pacific. 


P 


Vol.  2 


28 


266 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  V. 


But  the  president  saw  in  this  the  ruin  of  his  cause,  as  well  as 
of  the  loyal  vassals  who  had  engaged,  on  his  landing,  to  sup- 
port it.  “I  atn  willing  to  die,”  he  said,  “ but  not  to  return  ; ” 
and,  regardless  of  the  remonstrances  of  his  more  timid  follow- 
ers, he  insisted  on  carrying  as  much  sail  as  the  ships  could 
possibly  bear,  at  every  interval  of  the  storm.25  Meanwhile,  to 
divert  the  minds  of  the  seamen  from  their  present  danger,  Gasca 
amused  them  by  explaining  some  of  the  strange  phenomena 
exhibited  by  the  ocean  in  the  tempest,  which  had  filled  their 
superstitious  minds  with  mysterious  dread.26 

Signals  had  been  given  for  the  ships  to  make  the  best  of  their 
way,  each  for  itself,  to  the  island  of  Gorgona.  Here  they 
arrived,  one  after  another,  with  but  a single  exception,  though 
all  more  or  less  shattered  by  the  weather.  The  president 
waited  only  for  the  fury  of  the  elements  to  spend  itself,  when 
he  again  embarked,  and,  on  smoother  waters,  crossed  over  to 
Manta.  From  this  place  he  soon  after  continued  his  voyage  to 
Tumbez,  and  landed  at  that  port  on  June  13th.  He  was 
everywhere  received  with  enthusiasm,  and  all  seemed  anxious 
to  efface  the  remembrance  of  the  past  by  professions  of  future 
fidelity  to  the  crown.  Gasca  received,  also,  numerous  let- 
ters of  congratulation  from  cavaliers  in  the  interior,  most  of 
whom  had  formerly  taken  service  under  Pizarro.  He  made 
courteous  acknowledgments  for  their  offers  of  assistance,  and 
commanded  them  to  repair  to  Caxamalca,  the  general  place  of 
rendezvous. 

To  this  same  spot  he  sent  Hinojosa,  so  soon  as  that  officer 
had  disembarked  with  the  land  forces  from  the  fleet,  ordering 
him  to  take  command  of  the  levies  assembled  there  and  then 
join  him  at  Xauxa.  Here  he  determined  to  establish  his 

35  “ Y con  lo  poco  que  en  aquella  sazon,  el  Presidente  estimaua  la  vida  si  no  auia  de  haxer 
la  jomada  : y el  gran  desseo  que  tenia  de  hazerla  se  puso  cotra  ellos  diziendo,  que  qual 
quiera  quele  tocasse  en  abaxar  vela,  le  costaria  la  vida.”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte 
x,  lib.  2,  cap.  71.  * 

38  The  phosphoric  lights  sometimes  seen  in  a storm  at  sea  were  observed  to  hover  round 
the  masts  and  rigging  of  the  president’s  vessel  ; and  he  amused  the  seamen,  according  to 
Fernandez,  by  explaining  the  phenomenon  and  telling  the  fables  to  which  it  had  given  rise 
In  ancient  mythology.  This  little  anecdote  affords  a key  to  Gasca* s popularity  with  even 
the  humblest  classes. 


CHAP.  It J 


GASCA'S  FORCES  AT  XAUXA. 


267 


headquarters.  It  lay  in  a rich  and  abundant  territory,  and  by 
its  central  position  afforded  a point  for  acting  with  greatest 
advantage  against  the  enemy. 

He  then  moved  forward,  at  the  head  of  a small  detachment 
of  cavalry,  along  the  level  road  on  the  coast  toward  Truxillo. 
After  halting  for  a short  time  in  that  loyal  city,  he  traversed 
the  mountain-range  on  the  southeast,  and  soon  entered  the 
fruitful  valley  of  Xauxa.  There  he  was  presently  joined  by  re- 
inforcements from  the  north,  as  well  as  from  the  principal 
places  on  the  coast,  and,  not  long  after  his  arrival,  received  a 
message  from  Centeno,  informing  him  that  he  held  the  passes 
by  which  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  preparing  to  make  his  escape 
from  the  country,  and  that  the  insurgent  chief  must  soon  fall 
into  his  hands. 

The  royal  camp  was  greatly  elated  by  these  tidings.  The 
war,  then,  was  at  length  terminated,  and  that  without  the  pres- 
ident having  been  called  upon  so  much  as  to  lift  his  sword 
against  a Spaniard.  Several  of  his  counsellors  now  advised 
him  to  disband  the  greater  part  of  his  forces,  as  burdensome 
and  no  longer  necessary.  But  the  president  was  too  wise  to 
weaken  his  strength  before  he  had  secured  the  victory.  He 
consented,  however,  to  countermand  the  requisition  for  levies 
from  Mexico  and  the  adjoining  colonies,  as  now  feeling  suffi- 
ciently strong  in  the  general  loyalty  of  the  country.  But, 
concentrating  his  forces  at  Xauxa,  he  established  his  quarters 
in  that  town,  as  he  had  at  first  intended,  resolved  to  await 
there  tidings  of  the  operations  in  the  south.  The  result  was 
different  from  what  he  had  expected.27 

Pizarro,  meanwhile,  whom  we  left  at  Arequipa,  had  decided, 
after  much  deliberation,  to  evacuate  Peru  and  pass  into  Chili. 
In  this  territory,  beyond  the  president’s  jurisdiction,  he  might 

37  For  the  preceding  pages,  see  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq. 
del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  1. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  3,  cap.  i4etseq. — Fernandez, 
Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  71-77. — MS.  de  Caravantes. — This  last  writer,  who 
held  an  important  post  in  the  department  of  colonial  finance,  had  opportunities  of  informa- 
tion which  have  enabled  him  to  furnish  several  particulars  not  to  be  met  with  elsewhere, 
respecting  the  principal  actors  in  these  turbulent  times.  His  work,  still  in  manuscript, 
which  formerly  existed  in  the  archives  of  the  University  of  Salamanca,  has  been  transferred 
to  the  royal  library  at  Madrid. 


l68 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


find  a safe  retreat.  The  fickle  people,  he  thought,  would  soon 
weary  of  their  new  ruler  ; and  he  could  then  rally  in  sufficient 
strength  to  resume  active  operations  for  the  recovery  of  his  do- 
main. Such  were  the  calculations  of  the  rebel  chieftain.  But 
how  was  he  to  effect  his  object,  while  the  passes  among  the 
mountains,  where  his  route  lay,  were  held  by  Centeno  with  a 
force  more  than  double  his  own  ? He  resolved  to  try  negotia- 
tion ; for  that  captain  had  once  served  under  him,  and  had, 
indeed,  been  most  active  in  persuading  Pizarroto  take  on  him- 
self the  office  of  procurator.  Advancing,  accordingly,  in  the 
direction  of  Lake  Titicaca,  in  the  neighborhood  of  which  Cen- 
teno had  pitched  his  camp,  Gonzalo  despatched  an  emissary  to 
his  quarters  to  open  a negotiation.  He  called  to  his  adversary’s 
recollection  the  friendly  relations  that  had  once  subsisted  be- 
tween them,  and  reminded  him  of  one  occasion  in  particular,  in 
which  he  had  spared  his  life  when  convicted  of  a conspiracy 
against  himself.  He  harbored  no  sentiments  of  unkindness,  he 
said,  for  Centeno’s  recent  conduct,  and  had  not  now  come  to 
seek  a quarrel  with  him.  His  purpose  was  to  abandon  Peru  ; 
and  the  only  favor  he  had  to  request  of  his  former  associate  was 
to  leave  him  a free  passage  across  the  mountains. 

To  this  communication  Centeno  made  answer,  in  terms  as 
courtly  as  those  of  Pizarro  himself,  that  he  was  not  unmindful 
of  their  ancient  friendship.  He  was  now  ready  to  serve  his 
former  commander  in  any  way  not  inconsistent  with  honor  or 
obedience  to  his  sovereign.  But  he  was  there  in  arms  for  the 
royal  cause,  and  he  could  not  swerve  from  his  duty.  If  Pi- 
zarro would  but  rely  on  his  faith  and  surrender  himself  up,  he 
pledged  his  knightly  word  to  use  all  his  interest  with  the  gov- 
ernment to  secure  as  favorable  terms  for  him  and  his  followers 
as  had  been  granted  to  the  rest  of  their  countrymen.  Gonzalo 
listened  to  the  smooth  promises  of  his  ancient  comrade  with 
bitter  scorn  depicted  in  his  countenance,  and,  snatching  the 
letter  from  his  secretary,  cast  it  away  from  him  with  indigna- 
tion. There  was  nothing  left  but  an  appeal  to  arms.28 

28  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap 
16. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7. 


chap.  II.]  BLOODY  BATTLE  OF  HUARINA.  269 

He  at  once  broke  up  his  encampment,  and  directed  his 
march  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Titicaca,  near  which  lay  his  ri- 
val. He  resorted,  however,  to  stratagem,  that  he  might  still, 
if  possible,  avoid  an  encounter.  He  sent  forward  his  scouts  in 
a different  direction  from  that  which  he  intended  to  take,  and 
then  quickened  his  march  on  Huarina.  This  was  a small  town 
situated  on  the  southeastern  extremity  of  Lake  Titicaca,  the 
shores  of  which,  the  seat  of  the  primitive  civilization  of  the 
Incas,  were  soon  to  resound  with  the  murderous  strife  of  their 
more  civilized  conquerors  ! 

But  Pizarro’s  movements  had  been  secretly  communicated 
to  Centeno,  and  that  commander,  accordingly,  changing  his 
ground,  took  up  a position  not  far  from  Huarina,  on  the  same 
day  on  which  Gonzalo  reached  this  place.  The  vedettes  of 
the  two  camps  came  in  sight  of  each  other  that  evening,  and 
the  rival  forces,  lying  on  their  arms,  prepared  for  action  on  the 
following  morning. 

It  was  the  twenty-sixth  of  October,  1547,  when  the  two 
commanders,  having  formed  their  troops  in  order  of  battle, 
advanced  to  the  encounter  on  the  plains  of  Huarina.  The 
ground,  defended  on  one  side  by  a bold  spur  of  the  Andes,  and 
not  far  removed  on  the  other  from  the  waters  of  Titicaca,  was 
an  open  and  level  plain,  well  suited  to  military  manoeuvres. 
It  seemed  as  if  prepared  by  nature  as  the  lists  for  an  encounter. 

Centeno’s  army  amounted  to  about  a thousand  men.  His 
cavalry  consisted  of  near  two  hundred  and  fifty,  well  equipped 
and  mounted.  Among  them  were  several  gentlemen  of  family, 
some  of  whom  had  once  followed  the  banners  of  Pizarro  ; the 
whole  forming  an  efficient  corps,  in  which  rode  some  of  the 
best  lances  of  Peru.  His  arquebusiers  were  less  numerous,  not 
exceeding  a hundred  and  fifty,  indifferently  provided  with 
ammunition.  The  remainder,  and  much  the  larger  part,  of 
Centeno’s  army,  consisted  of  spearmen,  irregular  levies  hastily 
drawn  together  and  possessed  of  little  discipline.29 


29  In  the  estimate  of  Centeno's  forces — which  ranges,  in  the  different  accounts,  from  seven 
hundred  to  twelve  hundred — 1 have  taken  the  intermediate  number  of  a thousand 
adopted  by  Zarate,  as,  on  the  whole,  more  probable  than  either  extreme. 


270 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


This  corps  of  infantry  formed  the  centre  of  his  line,  flanked 
by  the  arquebusiers  in  two  nearly  equal  divisions,  while  his 
cavalry  were  also  disposed  in  two  bodies  on  the  right  and  left 
wings.  Unfortunately,  Centeno  had  been  for  the  past  week  ill 
of  a pleurisy — so  ill,  indeed,  that  on  the  preceding  day  he 
had  been  bled  several  times.  He  was  now  too  feeble  to  keep 
his  saddle,  but  was  carried  in  a litter,  and  when  he  had  seen 
his  men  formed  in  order  he  withdrew  to  a distance  from  the 
field,  unable  to  take  part  in  the  action.  But  Solano,  the  mili- 
tant bishop  of  Cuzco,  who,  with  several  of  his  followers,  took 
part  in  the  engagement — a circumstance,  indeed,  of  no  strange 
occurrence — rode  along  the  ranks  with  the  crucifix  in  his 
hand,  bestowing  his  benediction  on  the  soldiers  and  exhorting 
each  man  to  do  his  duty. 

Pizarro’s  forces  were  less  than  half  of  his  rival’s,  not  amount- 
ing to  more  than  four  hundred  and  eighty  men.  The  horse 
did  not  muster  above  eighty-five  in  all,  and  he  posted  them  in 
a single  body  on  the  right  of  his  battalion.  The  strength  of 
his  army  lay  in  his  arquebusiers,  about  three  hundred  and  fifty 
in  number.  It  was  an  admirable  corps,  commanded  by  Car- 
bajal, by  whom  it  had  been  carefully  drilled.  Considering 
the  excellence  of  its  arms  and  its  thorough  discipline,  this  little 
body  of  infantry  might  be  considered  as  the  flower  of  the 
Peruvian  soldiery,  and  on  it  Pizarro  mainly  relied  for  the  suc- 
cess of  the  day.®  The  remainder  of  his  force,  consisting  of 
pikemen,  not  formidable  for  their  numbers,  though,  like  the 
rest  of  the  infantry,  under  excellent  discipline,  he  distribut- 
ed on  the  left  of  his  musketeers,  so  as  to  repel  the  enemy’s 
horse. 

Pizarro  himself  had  charge  of  the  cavalry,  taking  his  place, 
as  usual,  in  the  foremost  rank.  He  was  superbly  accoutred. 
Over  his  shining  mail  he  wore  a sobre-vest  of  slashed  velvet  of 
a rich  crimson  color ; and  he  rode  a high-mettled  charger, 
whose  gaudy  caparisons,  with  the  showy  livery  of  his  rider, 


90  Flor  de  la  ntihcia  del  Peru , says  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  who  compares  Carbajal  to 
an  expert  chess-player  disposing  his  pieces  in  such  a manner  as  must  infallibly  secure  him 
the  victory.  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  i& 


CHAP.  II.] 


BLOODY  BATTLE  OF  HU  ARINA. 


271 


made  the  fearless  commander  the  most  conspicuous  object  in 
the  field. 

His  lieutenant,  Carbajal,  was  equipped  in  a very  different 
style.  He  wore  armor  of  proof  of  the  most  homely  appear- 
ance, but  strong  and  serviceable  ; and  his  steel  bonnet,  with 
its  closely  barred  visor  of  the  same  material,  protected  his  head 
from  more  than  one  desperate  blow  on  that  day.  Over  his 
arms  he  wore  a surcoat  of  a greenish  color,  and  he  rode  an 
active,  strong  boned  jennet,  which,  though  capable  of  endur- 
ing fatigue,  possessed  neither  grace  nor  beauty.  It  would  not 
have  been  easy  to  distinguish  the  veteran  from  the  most  ordi- 
nary cavalier. 

The  two  hosts  arrived  within  six  hundred  paces  of  each 
other,  when  they  both  halted.  Carbajal  preferred  to  receive 
the  attack  of  the  enemy  rather  than  advance  farther  ; for  the 
ground  he  now  occupied  afforded  a free  range  for  his  musketry, 
unobstructed  by  the  trees  or  bushes  that  were  sprinkled  over 
some  other  parts  of  the  field.  There  was  a singular  motive,  in 
addition,  for  retaining  his  present  position.  The  soldiers  were 
encumbered,  some  with  two,  some  with  three,  arquebuses  each, 
being  the  arms  left  by  those  who  from  time  to  time  had  de- 
serted the  camp.  This  uncommon  supply  of  muskets,  how- 
ever serious  an  impediment  on  a march,  might  afford  great 
advantage  to  troops  awaiting  an  assault ; since,  from  the  im- 
perfect knowledge  as  well  as  construction  of  fire-arms  at  that 
day,  much  time  was  wasted  in  loading  them.31 

Preferring,  therefore,  that  the  enemy  should  begin  the  at- 
tack, Carbajal  came  to  a halt,  while  the  opposite  squadron, 
after  a short  respite,  continued  their  advance  a hundred  paces 
farther.  Seeing  that  they  then  remained  immovable,  Carbajal 
detached  a small  party  of  skirmishers  to  the  front,  in  order  to 
provoke  them  ; but  it  was  soon  encountered  by  a similar  party 
of  the  enemy,  and  some  shots  were  exchanged,  though  with 

81  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  ubi  supra. — The  historian’s  father— of  the  same  name  with  him- 
self—was  one  of  the  few  noble  cavaliers  who  remained  faithful  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro  in  the 
wane  of  his  fortunes.  He  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Huarina  ; and  the  particulars 
which  he  gave  his  son  enabled  the  latter  to  supply  many  deficiencies  in  the  reports  of  his- 
torians. 


2/2  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 

little  damage  to  either  side.  Finding  this  manoeuvre  fail,  the 
veteran  ordered  his  men  to  advance  a few  paces,  still  hoping 
to  provoke  his  antagonist  to  the  charge.  This  succeeded. 
“We  lose  honor,”  exclaimed  Centeno’s  soldiers,  who,  with  a 
bastard  sort  of  chivalry,  belonging  to  undisciplined  troops,  felt 
it  a disgrace  to  await  an  assault.  In  vain  their  officers  called 
out  to  them  to  remain  at  their  post.  Their  commander  was 
absent,  and  they  were  urged  on  by  the  cries  of  a frantic  friar, 
named  Domingo  Ruiz,  who,  believing  the  Philistines  were 
delivered  into  their  hands,  called  out,  “Now  is  the  time! 
Onward,  onward  ! fall  on  the  enemy  ! ” 32  They  needed  noth- 
ing further ; and  the  men  rushed  forward  in  tumultuous  haste, 
the  pikemen  carrying  their  levelled  weapons  so  heedlessly  as  to 
interfere  with  one  another,  and  in  some  instances  to  wound 
their  comrades.  The  musketeers,  at  the  same  time,  kept  up  a 
disorderly  fire  as  they  advanced,  which  from  their  rapid  mo- 
tion and  the  distance,  did  no  execution. 

Carbajal  was  well  pleased  to  see  his  enemies  thus  wasting 
their  ammunition.  Though  he  allowed  a few  muskets  to  be 
discharged,  in  order  to  stimulate  his  opponents  the  more,  he 
commanded  the  great  body  of  his  infantry  to  reserve  their  fire 
till  every  shot  could  take  effect.  As  he  knew  the  tendency  of 
marksmen  to  shoot  above  the  mark,  he  directed  his  men  to 
aim  at  the  girdle,  or  even  a little  below  it ; adding  that  a shot 
that  fell  short  might  still  do  damage,  while  one  that  passed  a 
hair’s  breadth  above  the  head  was  wasted.83 

The  veteran’s  company  stood  calm  and  unmoved,  as  Cen- 
teno’s rapidly  advanced  ; but  when  the  latter  had  arrived 
within  a hundred  paces  of  their  antagonists,  Carbajal  gave  the 
word  to  fire.  An  instantaneous  volley  ran  along  the  line,  and 
a tempest  of  balls  was  poured  into  the  ranks  of  the  assailants, 
with  such  unerring  aim  that  more  than  a hundred  fell  dead  on 
the  field,  while  a still  greater  number  were  wounded.  Before 
they  could  recover  from  their  disorder,  Carbajal’s  men,  snatch- 


•9  “ A las  manos,  £ las  manos  : £ ello3,  A cllos.’’  Fernandez,  Hilt,  del  Peru,  Parte 
lib.  * •*,  cap.  79. 

•*  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  ubi  supra. 


chap.  ii.  J BLOODY  BATTLE  OF  HU  ARINA. 


271 


ing  up  their  remaining  pieces,  discharged  them  with  the  like 
dreadful  effect  into  the  thick  of  the  enemy.  The  confusion. of 
the  latter  was  now  complete.  Unable  to  sustain  the  incessant 
shower  of  balls  which  fell  on  them  from  the  scattering  fire 
kept  up  by  the  arquebusiers,  they  were  seized  with  a panic 
and  fled,  scarcely  making  a show  of  further  fight,  from  the 
field. 

But  very  different  was  the  fortune  of  the  day  in  the  cavalry 
combat.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  drawn  up  his  troop  somewhat 
in  the  rear  of  Carbajal’s  right,  in  order  to  give  the  latter  a 
freer  range  for  the  play  of  his  musketry.  When  the  enemy’s 
horse  on  the  left  galloped  briskly  against  him,  Pizarro,  still 
favoring  Carbajal — whose  fire,  moreover,  inflicted  some  loss  on 
the  assailants — advanced  but  a few  rods  to  receive  the  charge. 
Centeno’s  squadron,  accordingly,  came  thundering  on  in  full 
career,  and,  notwithstanding  the  mischief  sustained  from  their 
enemy’s  musketry,  fell  with  such  fury  on  their  adversaries  as 
to  overturn  them,  man  and  horse,  in  the  dust ; “ riding  over 
their  prostrate  bodies,”  says  the  historian,  “as  if  they  had 
been  a flock  of  sheep  ! ” 34  The  latter,  with  great  difficulty 
recovering  from  the  first  shock,  attempted  to  rally  and  sustain 
the  fight  on  more  equal  terms. 

Yet  the  chief  could  not  regain  the  ground  he  had  lost.  His 
men  were  driven  back  at  all  points.  Many  were  slain,  many 
more  wounded,  on  both  sides,  and  the  ground  was  covered 
with  the  dead  bodies  of  men  and  horses.  But  the  loss  fell 
much  the  most  heavily  on  Pizarro’ s troop  ; and  the  greater 
part  of  those  who  escaped  with  life  were  obliged  to  surrender 
as  prisoners.  Cepeda,  who  fought  with  the  fury  of  despair, 
received  a severe  cut  from  a sabre  across  the  face,  which  dis- 
abled him  and  forced  him  to  yield.35  Pizarro,  after  seeing 
his  best  and  bravest  fall  around  him,  was  set  upon  by  three  or 
four  cavaliers  at  once.  Disentangling  himself  from  the  mSlee, 

54  “ Los  de  Diego  Centeno,  como  yuan  con  la  pujan^a  cW  vna  carrera  larga,  lleuaron  a 
los  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  de  encuentro,  y los  tropellaron  como  si  fueran  ouejas,  y cayeron 
cauallos  y caualleros.”  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  19. 

*6  Cepeda’s  wound  laid  open  his  nose,  leaving  so  hideous  a scar  that  he  was  obliged  after- 
ward to  cover  it  with  a patch,  as  Garcilasso,  who  frequently  saw  him  in  Cuzco,  tolls  us* 


274 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


he  put  spurs  to  his  horse,  and  the  noble  animal,  bleeding  from 
a severe  wound  across  the  back,  outstripped  all  his  pursuers 
except  one,  who  stayed  him  by  seizing  the  bridle.  It  would 
have  gone  hard  with  Gonzalo,  but,  grasping  a light  battle- 
axe,  which  hung  by  his  side,  he  dealt  such  a blow  on  the 
head  of  his  enemy’s  horse  that  he  plunged  violently  and 
compelled  his  rider  to  release  his  hold.  A number  of  arque- 
busiers,  in  the  meantime,  seeing  Pizarro’s  distress,  sprang 
forward  to  his  rescue,  slew  two  of  his  assailants  who  had  now 
come  up  with  him,  and  forced  the  others  to  fly  in  their 
turn.36 

The  rout  of  the  cavalry  was  complete,  and  Pizarro  consid- 
ered the  day  as  lost,  as  he  heard  the  enemy’s  trumpet  sending 
forth  the  note  of  victory.  But  the  sounds  had  scarcely  died 
away  when  they  were  taken  up  by  the  opposite  side.  Cen- 
teno’s infantry  had  been  discomfited,  as  we  have  seen,  and 
driven  off  the  ground.  But  his  cavalry  on  the  right  had 
charged  Carbajal’s  left,  consisting  of  spearmen  mingled  with 
arquebusiers.  The  horse  rode  straight  against  this  formidable 
phalanx.  But  they  were  unable  to  break  through  the  dense 
array  of  pikes,  held  by  the  steady  hands  of  troops  who  stood 
firm  and  fearless  on  their  post ; while  at  the  same  time  the  as- 
sailants were  greatly  annoyed  by  the  galling  fire  of  the  arque- 
busiers in  the  rear  of  the  spearmen.  Finding  it  impracticable 
to  make  a breach,  the  horsemen  rode  round  the  flanks  in  much 
disorder,  and  finally  joined  themselves  with  the  victorious 
squadron  of  Centeno’s  cavalry  in  the  rear.  Both  parties  now 
attempted  another  charge  on  Carbajal’s  battalion.  But,  his 
men  facing  about  with  the  promptness  and  discipline  of  well- 
trained  soldiers,  the  rear  was  converted  into  the  front.  The 
same  forest  of  spears  was  presented  to  the  attack  ; while  an  in- 
cessant discharge  of  balls  punished  the  audacity  of  the  cavaliers, 

According  to  most  authorities,  Pizarro’s  horse  was  not  only  wounded  but  slain  in  the 
fight,  and  the  loss  was  supplied  by  his  friend  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  who  mounted  him  on 
his  own.  This  timely  aid  to  the  rebel  did  no  service  to  the  generous  cavalier  in  after-times, 
but  was  urged  against  him  by  his  enemies  as  a crime.  The  fact  is  stoutly  denied  by  his 
son,  the  historian,  who  seems  anxious  to  relieve  his  father  from  this  honorable  imputation, 
which  threw  a cloud  over  both  their  fortunes.  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  a,  lib. 
cap.  03. 


CHAP.  II.  J 


BLOODY  BATTLE  OF  HUARLNA. 


275 


who,  broken  and  completely  dispirited  by  their  ineffectual  at- 
tempt, at  length  imitated  the  example  of  the  panic-struck  foot 
and  abandoned  the  field. 

Pizarro  and  a few  of  his  comrades  still  fit  for  action,  followed 
up  the  pursuit  for  a short  distance  only,  as  indeed,  they  were 
in  no  condition  themselves,  nor  sufficiently  strong  in  numbers, 
long  to  continue  it.  The  victory  was  complete,  and  the  insur- 
gent chief  took  possession  of  the  deserted  tents  of  the  enemy, 
where  an  immense  booty  was  obtained  in  silver,37  and  where 
he  also  found  the  tables  spread  for  the  refreshment  of  Centeno’s 
soldiers  after  their  return  from  the  field.  So  confident  were 
they  of  success  ! The  repast  now  served  the  necessities  of  their 
conquerors.  Such  is  the  fortune  of  war  ! It  was,  indeed,  a 
most  decisive  action  ; and  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  as  he  rode  over 
the  field  strewed  with  the  corpses  of  his  enemies,  was  observed 
several  times  to  cross  himself  and  exclaim,  “Jesu!  what  a 
victory  ! ” 

No  less  than  three  hundred  and  fifty  of  Centeno’s  followers 
were  killed,  and  the  number  of  wounded  was  even  greater. 
More  than  a hundred  of  these  are  computed  to  have  perished 
from  exposure  during  the  following  night  ; for,  although  the 
climate  in  this  elevated  region  is  temperate,  yet  the  night 
winds  blowing  over  the  mountains  are  sharp  and  piercing,  and 
many  a wounded  wretch  who  might  have  been  restored  by 
careful  treatment  was  chilled  by  the  damps  and  found  a stif- 
fened corpse  at  sunrise.  The  victory  was  not  purchased  with- 
out a heavy  loss  on  the  part  of  the  conquerors,  a hundred  or 
more  of  whom  were  left  on  the  field.  Their  bodies  lay  thick 
on  that  part  of  the  ground  occupied  by  Pizarro’s  cavalry, 
where  the  fight  raged  hottest.  In  this  narrow  space  were 
found,  also,  the  bodies  of  more  than  a hundred  horses,  the 
greater  part  of  which,  as  well  as  those  of  their  riders,  usually 


,T  The  booty  amounted  to  no  less  than  one  million  four  hundred  thousand  pesos , accord- 
ing to  Fernandez  : “ El  saco  que  vuo  fue  grande  : que  se  dixo  ser  de  mas  de  vn  millon  y 
quatrocietos  mil  pesos.”  (Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  79.)  The  amount  is  doubt- 
less grossly  exaggerated.  But  we  get  to  be  so  familiar  with  the  golden  wonders  of  Peru, 
that,  like  the  reader  of  the  “ Arabian  Nights,”  we  become  of  too  easy  faith  to  resort  to  th* 
vulgar  standard  of  probability. 


276 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


slain  with  them,  belonged  to  the  victorious  army.  It  was  the 
most  fatal  battle  that  had  yet  been  fought  on  the  blood-stained 
soil  of  Peru.38 

The  glory  of  the  day — the  melancholy  glory — must  be  re- 
ferred almost  wholly  to  Carbajal  and  his  valiant  squadron. 
The  judicious  arrangements  of  the  old  warrior,  with  the  thor- 
ough discipline  and  unflinching  courage  of  his  followers,  re- 
trieved the  fortunes  of  the  fight  when  it  was  nearly  lost  by  the 
cavalry,  and  secured  the  victory. 

Carbajal,  proof  against  all  fatigue,  followed  up  the  pur- 
suit with  those  of  his  men  that  were  in  condition  to  join 
him.  Such  of  the  unhappy  fugitives  as  fell  into  his  hands 
— most  of  whom  had  been  traitors  to  the  cause  of  Pizarro 
— were  sent  to  instant  execution.  The  laurels  he  had  won 
in  the  field  against  brave  men  in  arms,  like  himself,  were 
tarnished  by  cruelty  toward  his  defenceless  captives.  Their 
commander,  Centeno,  more  fortunate,  made  his  escape.  Find- 
ing the  battle  lost,  he  quitted  his  litter,  threw  himself  upon 
his  horse,  and,  notwithstanding  his  illness  urged  on  by 
the  dreadful  doom  that  awaited  him  if  taken  he  succeeded 
in  making  his  way  into  the  neighboring  sierra.  Here  he 
vanished  from  his  pursuers,  and,  like  a wounded  stag  with 
the  chase  close  upon  his  track,  he  still  contrived  to  elude 
it  by  plunging  into  the  depths  of  the  forests,  till,  by  a cir- 
cuitous rout,  he  miraculously  succeeded  in  effecting  his  es- 
cape to  Lima.  The  Bishop  of  Cuzco,  who  went  off  in  a dif- 
ferent direction,  was  no  less  fortunate.  Happy  for  him 
that  he  did  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  ruthless  Carbajal, 
who,  as  the  bishop  had  once  been  a partisan  of  Pizarro, 
would,  to  judge  from  the  little  respect  he  usually  showed 


,8  n La  mas  sangrienta  batalla  que  vuo  en  el  Peru.”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte 
x,  lib.  2,  cap.  79.  In  the  accounts  of  this  battle  there  are  discrepancies,  as  usual,  which  the 
historian  must  reconcile  as  he  can.  But,  on  the  whole,  there  is  a general  conformity  in 
the  outline  and  in  the  prominent  points.  All  concur  in  representing  it  as  the  bloodiest  fight 
that  had  yet  occurred  between  the  Spaniards  in  Peru,  and  all  assign  to  Carbajal  the  credit  of 
the  victory.  For  authorities  besides  Garcilasso  and  Fernandez,  repeatedly  quoted,  see 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.  (he  was  present  in  the  action). — Zarate,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  3. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  4,  cap.  2. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las 
Indias,  cap.  181.— Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1547. 


chap,  ii.]  BLOODY  BATTLE  OF  HUARLNA. 


277 


those  of  his  cloth,  have  felt  as  little  compunction  in  sentenc- 
ing him  to  the  gibbet  as  if  he  had  been  the  meanest  of  the 
common  file.39 

On  the  day  following  the  action,  Gonzalo  Pizarro  caused  the 
bodies  of  the  soldiers,  still  lying  side  by  side  on  the  field  where 
they  had  been  so  lately  engaged  together  in  mortal  strife,  to  be 
deposited  in  a common  sepulchre.  Those  of  higher  rank — for 
distinctions  of  rank  were  not  to  be  forgotten  in  the  grave — 
were  removed  to  the  church  of  the  village  of  Huarina,  which 
gave  its  name  to  the  battle.  There  they  were  interred  with 
all  fitting  solemnity.  But  in  later  times  they  were  trans- 
ported to  the  cathedral  church  of  La  Paz,  “The  City  of 
Peace,’’  and  laid  under  a mausoleum  erected  by  general 
subscription  in  that  quarter.  For  few  there  were  who  had 
not  to  mourn  the  loss  of  some  friend  or  relative  on  that  fatal 
day. 

The  victor  now  profited  by  his  success  to  send  detachments 
to  Arequipa,  La  Plata,  and  other  cities  in  that  part  of  the 
country,  to  raise  funds  and  reinforcements  for  the  war.  His 
own  losses  were  more  than  compensated  by  the  number  of 
the  vanquished  party  who  were  content  to  take  service  under 
his  banner.  Mustering  his  forces,  he  directed  his  march  to 
Cuzco,  which  capital,  though  occasionally  seduced  into  a dis- 
play of  loyalty  to  the  crown,  had  early  manifested  an  attach- 
ment to  his  cause. 

Here  the  inhabitants  were  prepared  to  receive  him  in  triumph, 
under  arches  thrown  across  the  streets,  with  bands  of  music 
and  minstrelsy  commemorating  his  successes.  But  Pizarro, 
with  more  discretion,  declined  the  honors  of  an  ovation  while 
the  country  remained  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  Sending 
forward  the  main  body  of  his  troops,  he  followed  on  foot,  at- 
tended by  a slender  retinue  of  friends  and  citizens,  and  pro- 
ceeded at  once  to  the  cathedral,  where  thanksgivings  were 
offered  up  and  Te  Deum  was  chanted  in  honor  of  his  victory. 
He  then  withdrew  to  his  residence,  announcing  his  purpose  to 


89  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  ubi  supra. — Za- 
rate, lib.  7,  cap.  3.— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  ax,  aa. 


278  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 

establish  his  quarters,  for  the  present,  in  the  venerable  capital 
of  the  Incas.40 

All  thoughts  of  a retreat  into  Chili  were  abandoned  ; for  his 
recent  success  had  kindled  new  hopes  in  his  bosom  and  re- 
vived his  ancient  confidence.  He  trusted  that  it  would  have 
a similar  effect  on  the  vacillating  temper  of  those  whose 
fidelity  had  been  shaken  by  fears  for  their  own  safety  and  their 
distrust  of  his  ability  to  cope  with  the  president.  They  would 
now  see  that  his  star  was  still  in  the  ascendant.  Without  fur- 
ther apprehensions  for  the  event,  he  resolved  to  remain  in 
Cuzco  and  there  quietly  await  the  hour  when  a last  appeal  to 
arms  should  decide  which  of  the  two  was  to  remain  master  of 
Peru. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Dismay  in  Gasca’s  Camp. — His  Winter  Quarters. — He  resumes  his 
March. — Crosses  the  Apurimac. — Pizarro’s  Conduct  in  Cuzco. — He 
Encamps  near  the  City. — Rout  of  Xaquixaguana. 

1547—1548. 

While  the  events  recorded  in  the  preceding  chapter  were 
passing,  President  Gasca  had  remained  at  Xauxa,  awaiting 
further  tidings  from  Centeno,  little  doubting  that  they  would 
inform  him  of  the  total  discomfiture  of  the  rebels.  Great  was 
his  dismay,  therefore,  on  learning  the  issue  of  the  fatal  conflict 
at  Huarina — that  the  royalists  had  been  scattered  far  and  wide 
before  the  sword  of  Pizarro,  while  their  commander  had  van- 
ished like  an  apparition,1  leaving  the  greatest  uncertainty  as  to 
his  fate. 

40  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  27. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq., 
MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  3. — Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  who  was  a boy  at  the 
time,  witnessed  Pizarro’s  entry  into  Cuzco.  He  writes,  therefore,  from  memory  ; though 
after  an  interval  of  many  years.  In  consequence  of  his  father's  rank,  he  had  easy  access  to 
the  palace  of  Pizarro  ; and  this  portion  of  his  narrative  may  claim  the  consideration  duo 
not  merely  to  a contemporary,  but  to  an  eye-witness. 

1 “Y  salio  a la  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  sin  que  Carbajal,  ni  alguno  delos  suyos  supiesM 
por  donde  fue,  sino  que  parecio  encantamiento.”  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  a,  lib.  % 
cap.  at. 


CHAP.  III.] 


GASCA  RESUMES  HIS  MARCH. 


279 


The  intelligence  spread  general  consternation  among  the  sol- 
diers, proportioned  to  their  former  confidence  ; and  they  felt 
it  was  almost  hopeless  to  contend  with  a man  who  seemed  pro- 
tected by  a charm  that  made  him  invincible  against  the  great- 
est odds.  The  president,  however  sore  his  disappointment, 
was  careful  to  conceal  it,  while  he  endeavored  to  restore  the 
spirits  of  his  followers.  “ They  had  been  too  sanguine,”  he 
said,  “ and  it  was  in  this  way  that  Heaven  rebuked  their  pre- 
sumption. Yet  it  was  but  in  the  usual  course  of  events  that 
Providence,  when  it  designed  to  humble  the  guilty,  should  al- 
low him  to  reach  as  high  an  elevation  as  possible,  that  his  fall 
might  be  the  greater  ! ” 

But,  while  Gasca  thus  strove  to  reassure  the  superstitious  and 
the  timid,  he  bent  his  mind,  with  his  usual  energy,  to  repair 
the  injury  which  the  cause  had  sustained  by  the  defeat  at 
Huarina.  He  sent  a detachment  under  Alvarado  to  Lima,  to 
collect  such  of  the  royalists  as  had  fled  thither  from  the  field  of 
battle,  and  to  dismantle  the  ships  of  their  cannon  and  bring 
them  to  the  camp.  Another  body  was  sent  to  Guamanga, 
about  sixty  leagues  from  Cuzco,  for  the  similar  purpose  of  pro- 
tecting the  fugitives,  and  also  of  preventing  the  Indian  caciques 
from  forwarding  supplies  to  the  insurgent  army  in  Cuzco.  As 
his  own  forces  now  amounted  to  considerably  more  than  any 
his  opponent  could  bring  against  him,  Gasca  determined  to 
break  up  his  camp  without  further  delay,  and  march  on  the 
Inca  capital.2 

Quitting  Xauxa,  December  29,  1547,  he  passed  through  Gua- 
manga,  and  after  a severe  march,  rendered  particularly  fatigu- 
ing by  the  inclement  state  of  the  weather  and  the  badness  of 
the  roads,  he  entered  the  province  of  Andaguaylas.  It  was  a 
fair  and  fruitful  country,  and,  since  the  road  beyond  would 

* Gasca,  according  to  Ondegardo,  supported  his  army,  during  his  stay  at  Xauxa,  from 
the  Peruvian  granaries  in  the  valley,  as  he  found  a quantity  of  maize  still  remaining  in  them 
sufficient  for  several  years’  consumption.  It  is  passing  strange  that  these  depositories 
should  have  been  so  long  respected  by  the  hungry  Conquerors. — “ Cuando  el  Senor  Presi- 
dent® Gasca  passd  con  la  gente  de  castigo  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  por  el  Valle  de  Jajua,  estuvo 
alii  siete  semanas  k lo  que  me  acuerdo,  se  hallaron  en  deposito  maiz  de  cuatro  y de  tres  y 
de  dos  anos  mas  de  15,000  hanegas  junto  al  camino,  6 alii  comid  la  gente.”  Ondegardo, 
Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 


280 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


take  him  into  the  depths  of  a gloomy  sierra,  scarcely  passable 
in  the  winter  snows,  Gasca  resolved  to  remain  in  his  present 
quarters  until  the  severity  of  the  season  was  mitigated.  As 
many  of  the  troops  had  already  contracted  diseases  from  ex- 
posure to  the  incessant  rains,  he  established  a camp  hospital ; 
and  the  good  president  personally  visited  the  quarters  of  the 
sick,  ministering  to  their  wants  and  winning  their  hearts  by  his 
sympathy.3 

Meanwhile,  the  royal  camp  was  strengthened  by  the  contin- 
ual arrival  of  reinforcements ; for,  notwithstanding  the  shock 
that  was  caused  throughout  the  country  by  the  first  tidings  of 
Pizarro’s  victory,  a little  reflection  convinced  the  people  that 
the  right  was  the  strongest  and  must  eventually  prevail.  There 
came  also  with  these  levies  several  of  the  most  distinguished 
captains  in  the  country.  Centeno,  burning  to  retrieve  his  late 
disgrace,  after  recovering  from  his  illness,  joined  the  camp 
with  his  followers  from  Lima.  Benalcazar,  the  conqueror  of 
Quito,  who,  as  the  reader  will  remember,  had  shared  in  the 
defeat  of  Blasco  Nunez  in  the  north,  came  with  another  detach- 
ment, and  was  soon  after  followed  by  Valdivia,  the  famous 
conqueror  of  Chili,  who,  having  returned  to  Peru  to  gather  re- 
cruits for  his  expedition,  had  learned  the  state  of  the  country, 
and  had  thrown  himself  without  hesitation  into  the  same  scale 
with  the  president,  though  it  brought  him  into  collision  with 
his  old  friend  and  comrade,  Gonzalo  Pizarro.  The  arrival  of 
this  last  ally  was  greeted  with  general  rejoicing  by  the  camp ; 
for  Valdivia,  schooled  in  the  Italian  wars,  was  esteemed  the 
most  accomplished  soldier  in  Peru  ; and  Gasca  complimented 
him  by  declaring  “ he  would  rather  see  him  than  a reinforce- 
ment of  eight  hundred  men.”  4 

Besides  these  warlike  auxiliaries,  the  president  was  attended 
by  a train  of  ecclesiastics  and  civilians  such  as  was  rarely  found 
in  the  martial  fields  of  Peru.  Among  them  were  the  Bishops 

•Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  4. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap. 
82-85. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Cieza  de  Leon,  cap.  90. 

4 At  least  so  says  Valdivia  in  his  letter  to  the  emperor  : “ I dixo  publico  que  estimara 
mas  mi  persona  que  d los  mejores  ochocientos  hombres  de  guerra  que  le  pudieran  venif 
aquella  hora.”  Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS, 


CHAP.  III.) 


GASCA  RESUMES  HIS  MARCH. 


28l 


of  Quito,  Cuzco,  and  Lima,  the  four  judges  of  the  new  Audi- 
ence, and  a considerable  number  of  churchmen  and  monkish 
missionaries.5  However  little  they  might  serve  to  strengthen 
his  arm  in  battle,  their  presence  gave  authority  and  something 
of  a sacred  character  to  the  cause,  which  had  their  effect  on 
the  minds  of  the  soldiers. 

The  wintry  season  now  began  to  give  way  before  the  mild 
influence  of  spring,  which  makes  itself  early  felt  in  these  tropi- 
cal, but  from  their  elevation  temperate,  regions  ; and  Gasca, 
after  nearly  three  months’  detention  in  Andaguaylas,  mustered 
his  levies  for  the  final  march  upon  Cuzco.6  Their  whole  num- 
ber fell  little  short  of  two  thousand — the  largest  European 
force  yet  assembled  in  Peru.  Nearly  half  were  provided  with 
fire-arms ; and  infantry  was  more  available  than  horse  in  the 
mountain-countries  which  they  were  to  traverse.  But  his 
cavalry  was  also  numerous,  and  he  carried  with  him  a train  of 
eleven  heavy  guns.  The  equipment  and  discipline  of  the 
troops  were  good  ; they  were  well  provided  with  ammunition 
and  military  stores,  and  were  led  by  officers  whose  names  were 
associated  with  the  most  memorable  achievements  in  the  New 
World.  All  who  had  any  real  interest  in  the  weal  of  the 
country  were  to  be  found,  in  short,  under  the  president’s  ban- 
ner, making  a striking  contrast  to  the  wild  and  reckless  ad- 
venturers who  now  swelled  the  ranks  of  Pizarro. 

Gasca,  who  did  not  affect  a greater  knowledge  of  military 
affairs  than  he  really  possessed,  had  given  the  charge  of  his 
forces  to  Hinojosa.,  naming  the  Marshal  Alvarado  as  second 
in  command.  Valdivia,  who  came  after  these  dispositions 
had  been  made,  accepted  a colonel’s  commission,  with  the 
understanding  that  he  was  to  be  consulted  and  employed  in 
all  matters  of  moment.7  Having  completed  his  arrangements, 

8 Zarate,  MS. 

6 Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  90. — The  old  chronicler,  or  rather  geographer,  Cieza  de 
Leon,  was  present  in  the  campaign,  he  tells  us  ; so  that  his  testimony,  always  good,  be- 
comes for  the  remaining  events  of  more  than  usual  value. 

7 Valdivia,  indeed,  claims  to  have  had  the  whole  command  intrusted  to  him  by  Gasca  : 
44  Luego  me  dio  el  autoridad  toda  que  traia  de  parte  de  V.  M.  para  en  los  casos  tocantes  4 
ia  guerra,  i me  encargo  todo  el  exercito,  i le  puso  baxo  de  mi  mano  rogando  i pidiendo  por 
merced  de  su  parte  4 todos  aquellos  caballcros  capitanes  e gente  de  guerra,  i de  la  de  V* 


282 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  V. 


the  president  broke  up  his  camp  in  March,  1548.  and  moved 
upon  Cuzco. 

The  first  obstacle  to  his  progress  was  the  river  Abancay,  the 
bridge  over  which  had  been  broken  down  by  the  enemy.  But, 
as  there  was  no  force  to  annoy  them  on  the  opposite  bank,  the 
army  was  not  long  in  preparing  a new  bridge  and  throwing  it 
across  the  stream,  which  in  this  place  had  nothing  formidable 
in  its  character.  The  road  now  struck  into  the  heart  of  a 
mountain-region,  where  woods,  precipices,  and  ravines  were 
mingled  together  in  a sort  of  chaotic  confusion,  with  here  and 
there  a green  and  sheltered  valley,  glittering  like  an  island  of 
verdure  amid  the  wild  breakers  of  a troubled  ocean  ! The 
bold  peaks  of  the  Andes,  rising  far  above  the  clouds,  were  en- 
veloped in  snow,  which,  descending  far  down  their  sides,  gave 
a piercing  coldness  to  the  winds  that  swept  over  their  surface, 
until  men  and  horses  were  benumbed  and  stiffened  under  their 
influence.  The  roads  in  these  regions  were  in  some  places  so 
narrow  and  broken  as  to  be  nearly  impracticable  for  cavalry. 
The  cavaliers  were  compelled  to  dismount ; and  the  president, 
with  the  rest,  performed  the  journey  on  foot,  so  hazardous  that 
even  in  later  times  it  has  been  no  uncommon  thing  for  the  sure- 
footed mule  to  be  precipitated,  with  its  cargo  of  silver,  thou- 
sands of  feet  down  the  sheer  sides  of  a precipice.8 

By  these  impediments  of  the  ground  the  march  was  so  re- 
tarded that  the  troops  seldom  accomplished  more  than  two 
leagues  a day.9  Fortunately,  the  distance  was  not  great ; and 
the  president  looked  with  more  apprehension  to  the  passage  of 
the  Apurimac,  which  he  was  now  approaching.  This  river, 
one  of  the  most  formidable  tributaries  of  the  Amazon,  rolls  its 
broad  waters  through  the  gorges  of  the  Cordilleras,  that  rise  up 
like  an  immense  rampart  of  rock  on  either  side,  presenting  a 
natural  barrier  which  it  would  be  easy  for  an  enemy  to  make 


M.  mandandoles  me  obedesciesen  en  todo  lo  que  les  mandase  acerca  de  la  guerra,  i cum* 
pliesen  mis  mandamientos  como  los  suyos.”  (Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS.)-  But  other  authori- 
ties state  it,  with  more  probability,  as  given  in  the  text.  Valdivia,  it  must  be  confessed, 
loses  nothing  from  modesty.  The  whole  of  his  letter  to  the  emperor  is  written  in  a strain  of 
self-glorification  rarely  matched  even  by  a Castilian  hidalgo. 
e Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  91.  ® MS.  de  Caravantes. 


chap,  in]  CROSSES  THE  APURIMAC.  283 

good  against  a force  much  superior  to  his  own.  The  bridges 
over  this  river,  as  Gasca  learned  before  his  departure  from  An- 
daguaylas,  had  been  all  destroyed  by  Pizarro.  The  president, 
accordingly,  had  sent  to  explore  the  banks  of  the  stream  and 
determine  the  most  eligible  spot  for  re-establishing  communi- 
cations with  the  opposite  side. 

The  place  selected  was  near  the  Indian  village  of  Cotapampa, 
about  nine  leagues  from  Cuzco  ; for  the  river,  though  rapid  and 
turbulent  from  being  compressed  within  more  narrow  limits, 
was  here  less  than  two  hundred  paces  in  width — a distance, 
however,  not  inconsiderable.  Directions  had  been  given  to 
collect  materials  in  large  quantities  in  the  neighborhood  of  this 
spot  as  soon  as  possible ; and  at  the  same  time,  in  order  to  per- 
plex the  enemy  and  compel  him  to  divide  his  forces,  should  he 
be  disposed  to  resist,  materials  in  smaller  quantities  were  as- 
sembled on  three  other  points  of  the  river.  The  officer  stationed 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Cotapampa  was  instructed  not  to  begin 
to  lay  the  bridge  till  the  arrival  of  a sufficient  force  should  ac- 
celerate the  work  and  insure  its  success. 

The  structure  in  question,  it  should  be  remembered,  was  one 
of  those  suspension-bridges  formerly  employed  by  the  Incas, 
and  still  used  in  crossing  the  deep  and  turbulent  rivers  of  South 
America.  They  are  made  of  osier  withes,  twisted  into  enor- 
mous cables,  which,  when  stretched  across  the  water,  are  at- 
tached to  heavy  blocks  of  masonry,  or,  where  it  will  serve,  to  the 
natural  rock.  Planks  are  laid  transversely  across  these  cables, 
and  a passage  is  thus  secured,  which,  notwithstanding  the  light 
and  fragile  appearance  of  the  bridge  as  it  swings  at  an  elevation 
sometimes  of  several  hundred  feet  above  the  abyss,  affords  a 
tolerably  safe  means  of  conveyance  for  men,  and  even  for  such 
heavy  burdens  as  artillery.10 

Notwithstanding  the  peremptory  commands  of  Gasca,  the 
officer  intrusted  with  collecting  the  materials  for  the  bridge  was 
so  anxious  to  have  the  honor  of  completing  the  work  himself 


10  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  2,  cap.  86.  87. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib. 
7,  cap.  5. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — MS.  de  Caravantes. — Carta  de  VaJ 
divia,  MS.— Relacion  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS. 


284 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [BOOK  V. 


that  he  commenced  it  at  once.  The  president,  greatly  dis- 
pleased at  learning  this,  quickened  his  march,  in  order  to  cover 
the  work  with  his  whole  force.  But,  while  toiling  through  the 
mountain-labyrinth,  tidings  were  brought  him  that  a party  of 
the  enemy  had  demolished  the  small  portion  of  the  bridge 
already  made,  by  cutting  the  cables  on  the  opposite  bank.  Val- 
divia accordingly  hastened  forward  at  the  head  of  two  hundred 
arquebusiers,  while  the  main  body  of  the  army  followed  with 
as  much  speed  as  practicable. 

That  officer,  on  reaching  the  spot,  found  that  the  interrup- 
tion had  been  caused  by  a small  party  of  Pizarro’s  followers, 
not  exceeding  twenty  in  number,  assisted  by  a stronger  body 
of  Indians.  He  at  once  caused  balsas,  broad  and  clumsy 
barks,  or  rather  rafts,  of  the  country,  to  be  provided,  and  by 
this  means  passed  his  men  over,  without  opposition,  to  the 
other  side  of  the  river.  The  enemy,  disconcerted  by  the  ar- 
rival of  such  a force,  retreated  and  made  the  best  of  their  way 
to  report  the  affair  to  their  commander  at  Cuzco.  Mean- 
while, Valdivia, ’who  saw  the  importance  of  every  moment 
in  the  present  crisis,  pushed  forward  the  work  with  the  great- 
est vigor.  Through  all  that  night  his  weary  troops  con- 
tinued the  labor,  which  was  already  well  advanced  when 
the  president  and  his  battalions,  emerging  from  the  passes  of 
the  Cordilleras,  presented  themselves  at  sunrise  on  the  opposite 
bank. 

Little  time  was  given  for  repose,  as  all  felt  assured  that  the 
success  of  their  enterprise  hung  on  the  short  respite  now  given 
them  by  the  improvident  enemy.  The  president,  with  his 
principal  officers,  took  part  in  the  labor  with  the  common 
soldiers  ; 11  and  before  ten  o’clock  in  the  evening,  Gasca  had 
the  satisfaction  to  see  the  bridge  so  well  secured  that  the  lead- 
ing files  of  the  army,  unencumbered  by  their  baggage,  might 
venture  to  cross  it.  A short  time  sufficed  to  place  several 
hundred  men  on  the  other  bank.  But  here  a new  difficulty, 

11  “La  gente  que  estaua,  dc  la  vna  parte  y de  la  otra,  todos  tirauan  y trabajauan  al 
poner,  y apretar  de  las  Criznejas  : sin  que  el  Presidente  ni  Obispos,  ni  otra  persona  quisi- 
esse  tener  preuilegio  para  dexar  de  trabajar.”  Fernandez,  Hist.  del.  Peru,  Parte  t,  lib. 
2,  cap.  87. 


CHAP.  III.] 


CROSSES  THE  A P UR  I MAC. 


285 


not  less  formidable  than  that  of  the  river,  presented  itself  to 
the  troops.  The  ground  rose  up  with  an  abrupt,  almost  pre- 
cipitous swell  from  the  river-side,  till,  in  the  highest  peaks,  it 
reached  an  elevation  of  several  thousand  feet.  This  steep  as- 
cent, though  not  to  its  full  height,  indeed,  was  now  to  be  sur- 
mounted. The  difficulties  of  the  ground,  broken  up  into  fearful 
chasms  and  water-courses,  and  tangled  with  thickets,  were  great- 
ly increased  by  the  darkness  of  the  night ; and  the  soldiers,  as 
they  toiled  slowly  upward,  were  filled  with  apprehension,  akin 
to  fear,  from  the  uncertainty  whether  each  successive  step 
might  not  bring  them  into  an  ambuscade,  for  which  the 
ground  was  so  favorable.  More  than  once  the  Spaniards  were 
thrown  into  a panic  by  false  reports  that  the  enemy  were  upon 
them.  But  Hinojosa  and  Valdivia  were  at  hand  to  rally  their 
men  and  cheer  them  on,  until  at  length,  before  dawn  broke, 
the  bold  cavaliers  and  their  followers  placed  themselves  on 
the  highest  point  traversed  by  the  road,  where  they  awaited 
the  arrival  of  the  president.  This  was  not  long  delayed ; 
and  in  the  course  of  the  following  morning  the  royalists 
were  already  in  sufficient  strength  to  bid  defiance  to  their 
enemy. 

The  passage  of  the  river  had  been  effected  with  less  loss  than 
might  have  been  expected,  considering  the  darkness  of  the 
night  and  the  numbers  that  crowded  over  the  aerial  causeway. 
Some  few,  indeed,  fell  into  the  water  and  were  drowned  ; and 
more  than  sixty  horses,  in  the  attempt  to  swim  them  across  the 
river,  were  hurried  down  the  current  and  dashed  against  the 
rocks  below.12  It  still  required  time  to  bring  up  the  heavy 
train  of  ordnance  and  the  military  wagons  ; and  the  president 
encamped  on  the  strong  ground  which  he  now  occupied,  to 
await  their  arrival  and  to  breathe  his  troops  after  their  extraor- 
dinary efforts.  In  these  quarters  we  must  leave  him,  to  ac- 
quaint the  reader  with  the  state  of  things  in  the  insurgent 

12  “Aquel  dia  pasaron  mas  de  quatrocientos  Hombres,  llevando  los  Caballos  A nado, 
encima  de  ellos  atadas  sus  armas,  i arcabuces,  caso  que  se  perdieron  mas  de  sesenta  Ca- 
ballos, que  con  la  corriente  grande  se  desataron,  i luego  daban  en  vnas  pefias,  donde  se 
hacian  pedagos,  sin  darles  lugar  el  impetu  del  rio,  & que  pudiesen  nadar.”  Zarate,  Conq. 
del  Peru,  lib,  7,  cap.  5. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  184. 


286 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


army,  and  with  the  cause  of  its  strange  remissness  in  guarding 
the  passes  of  the  Apurimac.13 

From  the  time  of  Pizarro’s  occupation  of  Cuzco  he  had 
lived  in  careless  luxury  in  the  midst  of  his  followers,  like  a 
soldier  of  fortune  in  the  hour  of  prosperity ; enjoying  the 
present,  with  as  little  concern  for  the  future  as  if  the  crown  of 
Peru  were  already  fixed  irrevocably  upon  his  head.  It  was 
otherwise  with  Carbajal.  He  looked  on  the  victory  at  Huarina 
as  the  commencement,  not  the  close,  of  the  struggle  for  em- 
pire ; and  he  was  indefatigable  in  placing  his  troops  in  the  best 
condition  for  maintaining  their  present  advantage.  At  tht, 
first  streak  of  dawn  the  veteran  might  be  seen  mounted  on  his 
mule,  with  the  garb  and  air  of  a common  soldier,  riding  about 
in  the  different  quarters  of  the  capital,  sometimes  superintend- 
ing the  manufacture  of  arms  or  providing  military  stores,  and 
sometimes  drilling  his  men,  for  he  was  most  careful  always  to 
maintain  the  strictest  discipline.14  His  restless  spirit  seemed  to 
find  no  pleasure  but  in  incessant  action ; living,  as  he  had  al- 
ways done,  in  the  turmoil  of  military  adventure,  he  had  no 
relish  for  anything  unconnected  with  war,  and  in  the  city  saw 
only  the  materials  for  a well-organized  camp. 

With  these  feelings,  he  was  much  dissatisfied  at  the  course 
taken  by  his  younger  leader,  who  now  professed  his  intention 
to  abide  where  he  was,  and  when  the  enemy  advanced,  to  give 
him  battle.  Carbajal  advised  a very  different  policy.  He  had 
not  that  full  confidence,  it  would  seem,  in  the  loyalty  of  Pizar- 
ro’s partisans — at  least,  not  of  those  who  had  once  followed  the 
banner  of  Centeno.  These  men,  some  three  hundred  in  num- 
ber, had  been  in  a manner  compelled  to  take  service  under 
Pizarro.  They  showed  no  heartiness  in  the  cause,  and  the 
veteran  strongly  urged  his  commander  to  disband  them  at 

18  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  2,  cap.  87. — Zarate,  Conq. 
del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  5. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — MS.  de  Caravantes. — 
Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS. — Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  91.— Relacion  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS. 

14  “ Andaua  siempre  en  vna  mula  crescida  de  color  entre  pardo  y bermejo,  yo  no  le  vi  en 
otra  caualgadura  en  todo  el  tiempo  que  estuuo  en  el  Cozco  antes  de  la  batalla  de  Sacsahu- 
ana.  Era  tancondno  y diligete  en  solicitar  lo  que  a su  exercito  conuenia,  que  a todas  horat 
del  dia  y de  la  noche  le  topauan  sus  soldados  haziendo  su  oficio,  y ios  agenos.”  Garct* 
las90.  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  5,  cap.  27. 


chap,  hi.]  PIZARRO'S  CONDUCT  IN  CUZCO.  28 7 

once,  since  it  was  far  better  to  go  to  battle  with  a few  faithful 
followers  than  with  a host  of  the  false  and  faint-hearted. 

But  Carbajal  thought,  also,  that  his  leader  was  not  sufficiently 
strong  in  numbers  to  encounter  his  opponent,  supported  as  he 
was  by  the  best  captains  of  Peru.  He  advised,  accordingly, 
that  he  should  abandon  Cuzco,  carrying  off  all  the  treasure, 
provisions,  and  stores  of  every  kind  from  the  city  which  might 
in  any  way  serve  the  necessities  of  the  royalists.  The  lat- 
ter, on  their  arrival,  disappointed  by  the  poverty  of  a place 
where  they  had  expected  to  find  so  much  booty,  would  become 
disgusted  with  the  service.  Pizarro,  meanwhile,  might  take 
refuge  with  his  men  in  the  neighboring  fastnesses,  where, 
familiar  with  the  ground,  it  would  be  easy  to  elude  the  enemy ; 
and  if  the  latter  persevered  in  the  pursuit,  with  numbers 
diminished  by  desertion,  it  would  not  be  difficult  in  the  moun- 
tain-passes to  find  an  opportunity  for  assailing  him  at  advan- 
tage. Such  was  the  wary  counsel  of  the  old  warrior.  But  it 
was  not  to  the  taste  of  his  fiery  commander,  who  preferred  to 
risk  the  chances  of  a battle  rather  than  turn  his  back  on  a foe. 

Neither  did  Pizarro  show  more  favor  to  a proposition,  said 
to  have  been  made  by  the  Licentiate  Cepeda,  that  he  should 
avail  himself  of  his  late  success  to  enter  into  negotiations  with 
Gasca.  Such  advice,  from  the  man  who  had  so  recently 
resisted  all  overtures  of  the  president,  could  only  have  pro- 
ceeded from  a conviction  that  the  late  victory  placed  Pizarro 
on  a vantage-ground  for  demanding  terms  far  better  than  would 
have  been  before  ^conceded  to  him.  It  may  be  that  subsequent 

experience  had  also  led  him  to  distrust  the  fidelity  of  Gonzalo’s 
followers,  or,  possibly,  the  capacity  of  their  chief  to  conduct 
them  through  the  present  crisis.  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
motives  of  the  slippery  counsellor,  Pizarro  gave  little  heed  to 
the  suggestion,  and  even  showed  some  resentment  as  the  mat- 
ter was  pressed  on  him.  In  every  contest,  with  Indian  or 
European,  whatever  had  been  the  odds,  he  had  come  off  vic- 
torious. He  was  not  now  for  the  first  time  to  despond  ; and 
he  resolved  to  remain  in  Cuzco  and  hazard  all  on  the  chances 
of  a battle.  There  was  something  in  the  hazard  itself  captivat* 


288 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


ing  to  his  bold  and  chivalrous  temper.  In  this,  too,  he  was 
confirmed  by  some  of  the  cavaliers  who  had  followed  him 
through  all  his  fortunes,  reckless  young  adventurers,  who,  like 
himself,  would  rather  risk  all  on  a single  throw  of  the  dice  than 
adopt  the  cautious  and,  as  it  seemed  to  them,  timid  policy  of 
graver  counsellors.  It  was  by  such  advisers,  then,  that  Pi- 
zarro’s  future  course  was  to  be  shaped.15 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  Cuzco,  when  Pizarro’s  sol- 
diers returned  with  the  tidings  that  a detachment  of  the  enemy 
had  crossed  the  Apurimac  and  were  busy  in  re-establishing  the 
bridge.  Carbajal  saw  at  once  the  absolute  necessity  of  main- 
taining this  pass.  “ It  is  my  affair,”  he  said  ; “I  claim  to  be 
employed  on  this  service.  Give  me  but  a hundred  picked  men, 
and  I will  engage  to  defend  the  pass  against  an  army,  and 
bring  back  the  chaplain  ” — the  name  by  which  the  president 
was  known  in  the  rebel  camp — “ a prisoner  to  Cuzco.”  16  “I 
cannot  spare  you,  father,”  said  Gonzalo,  addressing  him  by 
this  affectionate  epithet,  which  he  usually  applied  to  his  aged 
follower  17 — “ I cannot  spare  you  so  far  from  my  own  person  ; ” 
and  he  gave  the  commission  to  Juan  de  Acosta,  a young  cava- 
lier warmly  attached  to  his  commander,  and  who  had  given 
undoubted  evidence  of  his  valor  on  more  than  one  occasion, 
but  who,  as  the  event  proved,  was  signally  deficient  in  the 
qualities  demanded  for  so  critical  an  undertaking  as  the  present. 
Acosta,  accordingly,  was  placed  at  the  head  of  two  hundred 
mounted  musketeers,  and,  after  much  wholesome  counsel  from 
Carbajal,  set  out  on  his  expedition. 

But  he  soon  forgot  the  veteran’s  advice,  and  moved  at  so 
dull  a pace  over  the  difficult  roads  that,  although  the  distance 
was  not  more  than  nine  leagues,  he  found,  on  his  arrival,  the 
bridge  completed,  and  so  large  a body  of  the  enemy  already 

10  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  27. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap. 
182. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  88. — “ Finalmente,  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
dixo  que  queria  prouar  su  ventura  : pues  siempre  auia  sido  vencedor,  y jamas  vencido.1’ 
Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  ubi  supra. 

*e  »*  Paresceme  vuestra  Senoria  se  vaya  A la  vuelta  del  Collao  y me  deje  cien  hombres, 
to b que  yo  escojiere,  que  yo  me  ir£  A vista  deste  capellan,  que  ansi  llamaba  el  al  preaidente.H 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

17  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  31. 


CHAP,  in.]  HE  ENCAMPS  NEAR  THE  CITY. 


289 


across  that  he  was  in  no  strength  to  attack  them.  Acosta  did 
indeed  meditate  an  ambuscade  by  night ; but  the  design  was 
betrayed  by  a deserter,  and  he  contented  himself  with  retreat- 
ing to  a safe  distance  and  sending  for  a further  reinforcement 
from  Cuzco.  Three  hundred  men  were  promptly  detached  to 
his  support ; but  when  they  arrived  the  enemy  was  already 
planted  in  full  force  on  the  crest  of  the  eminence.  The  golden 
opportunity  was  irrecoverably  lost ; and  the  disconsolate  cava- 
lier rode  back  in  all  haste  to  report  the  failure  of  his  enterprise 
to  his  commander  in  Cuzco.18 

The  only  question  now  to  be  decided  was  as  to  the  spot 
where  Gonzalo  Pizarro  should  give  battle  to  his  enemies.  He 
determined  at  once  to  abandon  the  capital  and  wait  for  his 
opponents  in  the  neighboring  valley  of  Xaquixaguana.  It  was 
about  five  leagues  distant,  and  the  reader  may  remember  it  as 
the  place  where  Francisco  Pizarro  burned  the  Peruvian  gene- 
ral Challcuchima  on  his  first  occupation  of  Cuzco.  The  val- 
ley, fenced  round  by  the  lofty  rampart  of  the  Andes,  was  for 
the  most  part  green  and  luxuriant,  affording  many  picturesque 
points  of  view,  and,  from  the  genial  temperature  of  the  cli- 
mate, had  been  a favorite  summer  residence  of  the  Indian 
nobles,  many  of  whose  pleasure-houses  still  dotted  the  sides  of 
the  mountains.  A river,  or  rather  stream,  of  no  great  volume, 
flowed  through  one  end  of  this  enclosure,  and  the  neighboring 
soil  was  so  wet  and  miry  as  to  have  the  character  of  a morass. 

Here  the  rebel  commander  arrived,  after  a tedious  march 
over  roads  not  easily  traversed  by  his  train  of  heavy  wagons 
and  artillery.  His  forces  amounted  in  all  to  about  nine  hun- 
dred men,  with  some  half-dozen  pieces  of  ordnance.  It  was 


18  Pedro  Phzarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  a, 
cap.  88. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  5. — Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS. — Valdivia’s  letter 
to  the  emperor,  dated  at  Concepcion,  was  written  about  two  years  after  the  events  above 
recorded.  It  is  chiefly  taken  up  with  his  Chilian  conquests,  to  which  his  campaign  under 
Gasca,  on  his  visit  to  Peru,  forms  a kind  of  brilliant  episode.  This  letter,  the  original  of 
which  is  preserved  in  Simancas,  covers  about  seventy  folio  pages  in  the  copy  belonging  to 
me.  It  is  one  of  that  class  of  historical  documents,  consisting  of  the  despatches  and  cor- 
respondence of  the  colonial  governors,  which,  from  the  minuteness  of  the  details  and  the 
means  of  information  possessed  by  the  writers,  are  of  the  highest  worth.  The  despatches 
addressed  to  the  court,  particularly,  may  compare  with  the  celebrated  Relazioni  of  the 
Venetian  ambassadors.  p _ _ 

r 29  Vol.  2 


29 


290 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


a well-appointed  body,  and  under  excellent  discipline,  for  it  had 
been  schooled  by  the  strictest  martinet  in  the  Peruvian  service. 
But  it  was  the  misfortune  of  Pizarro  that  his  army  was  com- 
posed, in  part  at  least,  of  men  on  whose  attachment  to  his  cause 
he  could  not  confidently  rely.  This  was  a deficiency  which  no 
courage  or  skill  in  the  leader  could  supply. 

On  entering  the  valley,  Pizarro  selected  the  eastern  quarter 
of  it,  toward  Cuzco,  as  the  most  favorable  spot  for  his  encamp- 
ment. It  was  crossed  by  the  stream  above  mentioned,  and 
he  stationed  his  army  in  such  a manner  that,  while  one  ex- 
tremity of  the  camp  rested  on  a natural  barrier  formed  by 
the  mountain-cliffs  that  here  rose  up  almost  perpendicularly, 
the  other  was  protected  by  the  river.  While  it  was  scarcely 
possible,  therefore,  to  assail  his  flanks,  the  approaches  in  front 
were  so  extremely  narrowed  by  these  obstacles  that  it  would 
not  be  easy  to  overpower  him  by  numbers  in  that  direction. 
In  the  rear,  his  communications  remained  open  with  Cuzco, 
furnishing  a ready  means  for  obtaining  supplies.  Having  se- 
cured this  strong  position,  he  resolved  patiently  to  await  the 
assault  of  the  enemy.19 

Meanwhile  the  royal  army  had  been  toiling  up  the  steep  sides  of 
the  Cordilleras,  until  at  the  close  of  the  third  day  the  president 
had  the  satisfaction  to  find  himself  surrounded  by  his  whole 
force,  with  their  guns  and  military  stores.  Having  now  suf- 
ficiently refreshed  his  men,  he  resumed  his  march,  and  all  went 
forward  with  the  buoyant  confidence  of  bringing  their  quarrel 
with  the  tyrant,  as  Pizarro  was  called,  to  a speedy  issue. 

Their  advance  was  slow,  as  in  the  previous  part  of  the  march, 
for  the  ground  was  equally  embarrassing.  It  was  not  long,  how- 
ever, before  the  president  learned  that  his  antagonist  had 
pitched  his  camp  in  the  neighboring  valley  of  Xaquixaguana. 
Soon  afterward,  two  friars,  sent  by  Gonzalo  himself,  appeared 
in  the  army,  for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  demanding  a sight  of 
the  powers  with  which  Gasca  was  intrusted.  But,  as  their 

19  Carta  dc  Valdivia,  MS. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  33,  34. — Pedro 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Gomara,  Hist,  delas  Indian  cap.  185. — Fernandez,  Hist, 
del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  88. 


CHAP.  III.] 


ROUT  OF  XA  QU/XA  G U ANA. 


291 


conduct  gave  reason  to  suspect  they  were  spies,  the  president 
caused  the  holy  men  to  be  seized,  and  refused  to  allow  them 
to  return  to  Pizarro.  By  an  emissary  of  his  own,  whom  he 
despatched  to  the  rebel  chief,  he  renewed  the  assurance  of  par- 
don already  given  him,  in  case  he  would  lay  down  his  arms  and 
submit.  Such  an  act  of  generosity,  at  this  late  hour,  must  be 
allowed  to  be  highly  creditable  toGasca,  believing,  as  he  prob- 
ably did,  that  the  game  was  in  his  own  hands.  It  is  a pity 
that  the  anecdote  does  not  rest  on  the  best  authority.20 

After  a march  of  a couple  of  days,  the  advanced  guard  of 
the  royalists  came  suddenly  on  the  outposts  of  the  insurgents, 
from  whom  they  had  been  concealed  by  a thick  mist,  and 
a slight  skirmish  took  place  between  them.  At  length,  on 
the  morning  of  the  eighth  of  April,  the  royal  army,  turning 
the  crest  of  the  lofty  range  that  belts  round  the  lovely  val- 
ley of  Xaquixaguana,  beheld  far  below  on  the  opposite  side 
the  glittering  lines  of  the  enemy,  with  their  white  pavilions, 
looking  like  clusters  of  wild  fowl  nestling  among  the  cliffs  of 
the  mountains.  And  still  farther  off  might  be  descried  a 
host  of  Indian  warriors,  showing  gaudily  in  their  variegated 
costumes  ; for  the  natives  in  this  part  of  the  country,  with  little 
perception  of  their  true  interests,  manifested  great  zeal  in  the 
cause  of  Pizarro. 

Quickening  their  step,  the  royal  army  now  hastily  descended 
the  steep  sides  of  the  sierra  ; and,  notwithstanding  every  effort 
of  their  officers,  they  moved  in  so  little  order,  each  man  pick- 
ing his  way  as  he  could,  that  the  straggling  column  presented 
many  a vulnerable  point  to  the  enemy ; and  the  descent  would 
not  have  been  accomplished  without  considerable  loss,  had  Pi- 
zarro’s  cannon  been  planted  on  any  of  the  favorable  positions 
which  the  ground  afforded.  But  that  commander,  far  from 
attempting  to  check  the  president’s  approach,  remained  dog- 
gedly in  the  strong  position  he  had  occupied,  with  the  full  con- 

10  The  fact  is  not  mentioned  by  any  of  the  parties  present  at  these  transactions.  It  is 
to  be  found,  with  some  little  discrepancy  of  circumstances,  in  Gomara  (Hist,  de  las  In- 
dias,  cap.  185)  and  Zarate  (Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  6)  ; and  their  positive  testi- 
mony may  be  thought  by  most  readers  to  outweigh  the  negative  afforded  by  the  silence  of 
other  conteraporariee. 


292 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


fidence  that  his  adversaries  would  not  hesitate  to  assail  it, 
strong  as  it  was,  in  the  same  manner  as  they  had  done  at  Hua- 
rina.21 

Yet  he  did  not  omit  to  detach  a corps  of  arquebusiers  to  se- 
cure a neighboring  eminence  or  spur  of  the  Cordilleras,  which 
in  the  hands  of  the  enemy  might  cause  some  annoyance  to 
his  own  camp,  while  it  commanded  still  more  effectually  the 
ground  soon  to  be  occupied  by  the  assailants.  But  his  ma- 
noeuvre was  noticed  by  Hinojosa,  and  he  defeated  it  by  sending 
a stronger  detachment  of  the  royal  musketeers,  who  repulsed 
the  rebels,  and,  after  a short  skirmish,  got  possession  of  the 
heights.  Gasca’s  general  profited  by  this  success  to  plant  a 
small  battery  of  cannon  on  the  eminence,  from  which,  although 
the  distance  was  too  great  for  him  to  do  much  execution,  he 
threw  some  shot  into  the  hostile  camp.  One  ball,  indeed, 
struck  down  two  men,  one  of  them  Pizarro’s  page,  killing  a 
horse,  at  the  same  time,  which  he  held  by  the  bridle ; and  the 
chief  instantly  ordered  the  tents  to  be  struck,  considering  that 
they  afforded  too  obvious  a mark  for  the  artillery.22 

Meanwhile  the  president’s  forces  had  descended  into  the 
valley,  and  as  they  came  on  the  plain  were  formed  into  line  by 
their  officers.  The  ground  occupied  by  the  army  was  some- 
what lower  than  that  of  their  enemy,  whose  shot,  as  discharged 
from  time  to  time  from  his  batteries,  passed  over  their  heads. 
Information  was  now  brought  by  a deserter,  one  of  Centeno’s 
old  followers,  that  Pizarro  was  getting  ready  for  a night  attack. 
The  president,  in  consequence,  commanded  his  whole  force  to 
be  drawn  up  in  battle  array,  prepared  at  any  instant  to  repulse 
the  assault.  But,  if  such  were  meditated  by  the  insurgent  chief, 

91  “ Sali6  i Xaquixaguana  con  toda  su  gente  y all!  nos  aguardd  en  un  llano  junto 
d'un  cerro  alto  por  donde  bajdbamos ; y cierto  nuestro  Senor  le  ceg6  el  entendimiento, 
porque  si  nos  aguardaran  al  pie  de  la  bajada,  hicieran  mucho  dafio  A nosotros.  Retiri- 
ronse  4 un  llano  junto  & una  cienaga,  creyenao  que  nuestro  campo  all!  les  acometiera  y con 
la  ventaja  que  nos  tenian  del  puesto  nos  vencieran.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq., 
MS. — Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS. — Relacion  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS. 

99  “ Porque  muchas  pelotas  dieron  en  medio  de  la  gente,  y una  dellas  mat6  juto  i Gon- 
CAlo  Pizarro  vn  criado  suyo  que  se  estaua  armando  : y mat6  otro  hombre  y vn  cauallo  : 
que  puso  grande  alteracion  en  el  campo,  y abatieron  todas  las  tiedas  y toldos.”  Fernao» 
dez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  x,  lib.  2,  cap.  89. — Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS. — Relacion  del  Lie. 
Gasca,  MS. 


CHAP.  III.) 


ROUT  OF  XAQUIXAGUANA. 


293 


he  abandoned  it — and,  as  it  is  said,  from  a distrust  of  the  fidel- 
ity of  some  of  the  troops,  who  under  cover  of  the  darkness,  he 
feared,  would  go  over  to  the  opposite  side.  If  this  be  true,  he 
must  have  felt  the  full  force  of  Carbajal’s  admonition  when  too 
late  to  profit  by  it.  The  unfortunate  commander  was  in  the  sit- 
uation of  some  bold,  high-mettled  cavalier,  rushing  to  battle  on 
a war-horse  whose  tottering  joints  threaten  to  give  way  under 
him  at  every  step  and  leave  his  rider  to  the  mercy  of  his  ene- 
mies ! 

The  president’s  troops  stood  to  their  arms  the  greater  part 
of  the  night,  although  the  air  from  the  mountains  was  so  keen 
that  it  was  with  difficulty  they  could  hold  their  lances  in  their 
hands.23  But  before  the  rising  sun  had  kindled  into  a glow  the 
highest  peaks  of  the  sierra,  both  camps  were  in  motion  and 
busily  engaged  in  preparations  for  the  combat.  The  royal 
army  was  formed  into  two  battalions  of  infantry,  one  to  attack 
the  enemy  in  front,  and  the  other,  if  possible,  to  operate  on 
his  flank.  These  battalions  were  protected  by  squadrons  of 
horse  on  the  wings  and  in  the  rear,  while  reserves  both  of  horse 
and  arquebusiers  were  stationed  to  act  as  occasion  might  re- 
quire. The  dispositions  were  made  in  so  masterly  a manner 
as  to  draw  forth  a hearty  eulogium  from  old  Carbajal,  who  ex- 
claimed, “ Surely  the  Devil  or  Valdivia  must  be  among  them  ! ” 
an  undeniable  compliment  to  the  latter,  since  the  speaker  was 
ignorant  of  that  commander’s  presence  in  the  camp.24 

Gasca,  leaving  the  conduct  of  the  battle  to  his  officers,  with- 
drew to  the  rear  with  his  train  of  clergy  and  licentiates,  the 
last  of  whom  did  not  share  in  the  ambition  of  their  rebel 
brother,  Cepeda,  to  break  a lance  in  the  field. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  formed  his  squadron  in  the  same  manner  as  - 


*#  “ I asi  estuvo  el  Campo  toda  la  Noche  en  Arma,  desarmadas  las  Tiendas,  padescien- 
do  mui  gran  frio  que  no  podian  tener  las  Lanyas  en  las  manos.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
lib.  7,  cap.  6. 

34  “ Y assi  quando  vio  Francisco  de  Caruajal  el  campo  Real,  pareciendole  que  los  es- 
quadrones  venian  bi§  ordenados  dixo,  Valdiuia  estd  en  la  tierra,  y rige  el  campo,  6 el 
diablo.”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  89. — Relacion  del  Lie.  Gasca, 
MS. — Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  185. — Zarate,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  6. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  34. — Pedro  Pizarro, 
Deacub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


294 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


[BOOK  V. 


he  had  done  on  the  plains  of  Huarina,  except  that  the  in- 
creased number  of  his  horse  now  enabled  him  to  cover  both 
flanks  of  his  infantry.  It  was  still  on  his  fire-arms,  however, 
that  he  chiefly  relied.  As  the  ranks  were  formed,  he  rode 
among  them,  encouraging  his  men  to  do  their  duty  like  brave 
cavaliers  and  true  soldiers  of  the  Conquest.  Pizarro  was  su- 
perbly armed,  as  usual,  and  wore  a complete  suit  of  mail,  of 
the  finest  manufacture,  which,  as  well  as  his  helmet,  was  richly 
inlaid  with  gold.25  He  rode  a chestnut  horse  of  great  strength 
and  spirit,  and  as  he  galloped  along  the  line,  brandishing  his 
lance  and  displaying  his  easy  horsemanship,  he  might  be 
thought  to  form  no  bad  personification  of  the  Genius  of  Chiv- 
alry. To  complete  his  dispositions,  he  ordered  Cepeda  to  lead 
up  the  infantry  ; for  the  licentiate  seems  to  have  had  a larger 
share  in  the  conduct  of  his  affairs  of  late,  or  at  least  in  the 
present  military  arrangements,  than  Carbajal.  The  latter,  in- 
deed, whether  from  disgust  at  the  course  taken  by  his  leader, 
or  from  a distrust,  which  it  is  said  he  did  not  affect  to  conceal, 
of  the  success  of  the  present  operations,  disclaimed  all  respon- 
sibility for  them,  and  chose  to  serve  rather  as  a private  cavalier 
than  as  a commander.26  Yet  Cepeda,  as  the  event  showed, 
was  no  less  shrewd  in  detecting  the  coming  ruin. 

When  he  had  received  his  orders  from  Pizarro,  he  rode  for- 
ward, as  if  to  select  the  ground  for  his  troops  to  occupy,  and 
in  doing  so  disappeared  for  a few  moments  behind  a projecting 
cliff.  He  soon  reappeared,  however,  and  was  seen  galloping 
at  full  speed  across  the  plain.  His  men  looked  with  astonish- 
ment, yet  not  distrusting  his  motives,  till,  as  he  continued  his 
course  direct  toward  the  enemy’s  lines,  his  treachery  became 
apparent.  Several  pushed  forward  to  overtake  him,  and 
among  them  a cavalier  better  mounted  than  Cepeda.  The 

**  “ Iba  mui  galdn,  i gentil  hombre  sobre  vn  poderoso  caballo  castano,  armado  de  Cota, 

1 Coracinas  ricas,  con  vna  sobre  ropa  de  Raso  bien  golpeada,  i vn  Capacete  de  Oro  en  la 
cabega,  con  su  barbote  de  lo  mismo.”  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  185. 

3#  » « Porque  el  Maesse  de  campo  Francisco  de  Caruajal,  como  hombre  desdenado  de  que 
Gongalo  Pigarro  no  huuiesse  querido  seguir  su  parecer  y consejo  (dandose  ya  por  vencido), 
no  quiso  ha2er  oficio  de  Maesse  de  campo,  como  solia,  y assi  fue  a ponerse  en  el  esquadron 
con  su  compania,  como  vno  de  los  capitanes  de  ynfanteria.”  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
Parte  a,  lib.  5,  cap.  35. 


CHAP.  III.] 


ROUT  OF  XA  QUIXA  GUANA. 


295 


latter  rode  a horse  of  no  great  strength  or  speed,  quite  unfit  for 
this  critical  manoeuvre  of  his  master.  The  animal  was,  more- 
over, encumbered  by  the  weight  of  the  caparisons  with  which 
his  ambitious  rider  had  loaded  him,  so  that  on  reaching  a piece 
of  miry  ground  that  lay  between  the  armies  his  pace  was  greatly 
retarded.27  Cepeda’s  pursuers  rapidly  gained  on  him,  and  the 
cavalier  above  noticed  came  at  length  so  near  as  to  throw  a 
lance  at  the  fugitive,  which,  wounding  him  in  the  thigh, 
pierced  his  horse’s  flank,  and  they  both  came  headlong  to  the 
ground.  It  would  have  fared  ill  with  the  licentiate  in  this 
emergency,  but  fortunately  a small  party  of  troopers  on  the 
other  side,  who  had  watched  the  chase,  now  galloped  briskly 
forward  to  the  rescue,  and,  beating  off  his  pursuers,  they  recov- 
ered Cepeda  from  the  mire  and  bore  him  to  the  president’s 
quarters. 

He  was  received  by  Gasca  with  the  greatest  satisfaction — so 
great  that,  according  to  one  chronicler,  he  did  not  disdain  to 
show  it  by  saluting  the  licentiate  on  the  cheek.28  The  anec- 
dote is  scarcely  reconcilable  with  the  characters  and  relations 
of  the  parties,  or  with  the  president’s  subsequent  conduct. 
Gasca,  however,  recognized  the  full  value  of  his  prize  and  the 
effect  which  his  desertion  at  such  a time  must  have  on  the 
spirits  of  the  rebels.  Cepeda’s  movement,  so  unexpected  by 
his  own  party,  was  the  result  of  previous  deliberation,  as  he 
had  secretly  given  assurance,  it  is  said,  to  the  prior  of  Are- 
quipa,  then  in  the  royal  camp,  that,  if  Gonzalo  Pizarro  could 
not  be  induced  to  accept  the  pardon  offered  him,  he  would  re- 
nounce his  cause.29  The  time  selected  by  the  crafty  counsellor 
for  doing  so  was  that  most  fatal  to  the  interests  of  his  com- 
mander. 

The  example  of  Cepeda  was  contagious.  Garcilasso  de  la 

aT  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  a,  lib.  5,  cap.  35. 

18  “ Gasca  abra^o,  i bes6  en  el  carrillo  a Cepeda,  aunque  lo  llevaba  encena- 
gado,  teniendo  por  vencido  k Pizarro,  con  su  falta.”  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
cap.  185. 

29  “Qa,  segun  parecid,  Cepeda  le  huvo  avisado  con  Fr.  Antonio  de  Castro,  Prior  de 
Santo  Domingo  en  Arequipa,  que  si  Pigarro  no  quisiesse  concierto  ninguno,  el  se  pa* 
aaria  al  servicio  del  Emperador  4 tiompo  que  le  deshiciese.”  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  la* 
dies,  cap.  185. 


296 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


Vega,  father  of  the  historian,  a cavalier  of  old  family,  and 
probably  of  higher  consideration  than  any  other  in  Pizarro’s 
party,  put  spurs  to  his  horse  at  the  same  time  with  the  licen- 
tiate, and  rode  over  to  the  enemy.  Ten  or  a dozen  of  the 
arquebusiers  followed  in  the  same  direction,  and  succeeded  in 
placing  themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  advanced  guard 
of  the  royalists. 

Pizarro  stood  aghast  at  this  desertion,  in  so  critical  a 
juncture,  of  those  in  whom  he  had  most  trusted.  He  was, 
for  a moment,  bewildered.  The  very  ground  on  which  he 
stood  seemed  to  be  crumbling  beneath  him.  With  this  state 
of  feeling  among  his  soldiers,  he  saw  that  every  minute  of  de- 
lay was  fatal.  He  dared  not  wait  for  the  assault,  as  he  had 
intended,  in  his  strong  position,  but  instantly  gave  the  word  to 
advance.  Gasca’s  general,  Hinojosa,  seeing  the  enemy  in 
motion,  gave  similar  orders  to  his  own  troops.  Instantly  the 
skirmishers  and  arquebusiers  on  the  flanks  moved  rapidly  for- 
ward, the  artillery  prepared  to  open  their  fire,  and  “ the  whole 
army,”  says  the  president  in  his  own  account  of  the  affair, 
“ advanced  with  steady  step  and  perfect  determination.”  30 

But,  before  a shot  was  fired,  a column  of  arquebusiers,  com- 
posed chiefly  of  Centeno’s  former  followers,  abandoned  their 
post  and  marched  directly  over  to  the  enemy.  A squadron  of 
horse  sent  in  pursuit  of  them  followed  their  example.  The 
president  instantly  commanded  his  men  to  halt,  unwilling  to 
spill  blood  unnecessarily,  as  the  rebel  host  was  likely  to  fall  to 
pieces  of  itself. 

Pizarro’s  faithful  adherents  were  seized  with  a panic  as  they 
saw  themselves  and  their  leader  thus  betrayed  into  the  enemy’s 
hands.  Further  resistance  was  useless.  Some  threw  down 
their  arms  and  fled  in  the  direction  of  Cuzco  ; others  sought 
to  escape  to  the  mountains  ; and  some  crossed  to  the  opposite 
side  and  surrendered  themselves  prisoners,  hoping  it  was  not 

30  41  Visto  por  Gonzalo  Pizarro  i Caravajal  su  Maestrc  de  Campo  que  se  les  iva  gente 
procuraron  de  caminar  en  su  orden  hacia  el  campo  de  S.  M.t  i que  viendo  esto  los  lados 
i sobre  salientes  del  exercito  real  se  empezaron  A llegar  A ellos  i A disparar  en  ellos,  i que 
lo  mesmo  hkto  la  artilleria,  i todo  el  campo  con  paso  bien  concertado  i entera  determinacion 
se  liegd  A ellos.”  Rdaclon  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS. 


©HAP.  III.] 


ROUT  OF  XAQUIXAG UANA. 


297 


too  late  to  profit  by  the  promises  of  grace.  The  Indian  allies, 
on  seeing  the  Spaniards  falter,  had  been  the  first  to  go  off  the 
ground.31 

Pizarro,  amid  the  general  wreck,  found  himself  left  with  only 
a few  cavaliers  who  disdained  to  fly.  Stunned  by  the  unex- 
pected reverse  of  fortune,  the  unhappy  chief  could  hardly  com- 
prehend his  situation.  “What  remains  for  us?”  said  he  to 
Acosta,  one  of  those  who  still  adhered  to  him.  “ Fall  on  the 
enemy,  since  nothing  else  is  left,”  answered  the  lion-hearted 
soldier,  “ and  die  like  Romans  ! ” “ Better  to  die  like  Chris- 

tians,” replied  his  commander  ; and,  slowly  turning  his  horse, 
he  rode  off  in  the  direction  of  the  royal  army.32 

He  had  not  proceeded  far  when  he  was  met  by  an  officer, 
to  whom,  after  ascertaining  his  name  and  rank,  Pizarro  deliv- 
ered up  his  sword  and  yielded  himself  prisoner.  The  officer, 
overjoyed  at  his  prize,  conducted  him  at  once  to  the  president’s 
quarters.  Gasca  was  on  horseback,  surrounded  by  his  captains, 
some  of  whom,  when  they  recognized  the  person  of  the  cap- 
tive, had  the  grace  to  withdraw,  that  they  might  not  witness 
his  humiliation.33  Even  the  best  of  them,  with  a sense  of  right 
on  their  side,  may  have  felt  some  touch  of  compunction  at  the 
thought  that  their  desertion  had  brought  their  benefactor  to 
this  condition. 

Pizarro  kept  his  seat  in  his  saddle,  but,  as  he  approached, 
made  a respectful  obeisance  to  the  president,  which  the  latter 
acknowledged  by  a cold  salute.  Then,  addressing  his  prisoner 
in  a tone  of  severity,  Gasca  abruptly  inquired,  “ Why  he  had 
thrown  the  country  into  such  confusion — raising  the  banner  of 


81  “Los  Indios  que  tenian  los  enemigos  que  di z que  cran  mucha  cantidad  huyeron  mui 
£ furia.”  (Relacion  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS.)  For  the  particulars  of  the  battle,  more  or  less 
minute,  see  Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  35. — 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  185. — Fernandez, 
Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  90. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  7. — Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  4,  cap.  16. 

32  “ Goncalo  Pizarro  boluiendo  el  rostro  a Juan  de  Acosta,  que  estaua  cerca  del,  le  diao, 
que  haremos  hermano  Juan?  Acosta  presumiendo  mas  de  valiente  que  de  discreto  re- 
sponds, Sefior  arremetamos,  y muramos  como  los  antiguos  Romanos.  Goncalo  Pizarro 
dixo  mejor  es  morir  como  Cristianos.”  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  36. — 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  7. 

88  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  nbi  supra. 


2gS 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  y. 


revolt,  killing  the  viceroy,  usurping  the  government,  and  ob- 
stinately refusing  the  offers  of  grace  that  had  been  repeatedly 
made  him  ? ’ ’ 

Gonzalo  attempted  to  justify  himself  by  referring  the  fate  of 
the  viceroy  to  his  misconduct,  and  his  own  usurpation,  as  it  was 
styled,  to  the  free  election  of  the  people,  as  well  as  that  of  the 
royal  Audience.  “It  was  my  family,”  he  said,  “who  con- 
quered the  country  ; and,  as  their  representative  here,  I felt  I 
had  a right  to  the  government.”  To  this  Gasca  replied,  in  a 
still  severer  tone,  “ Your  brother  did,  indeed,  conquer  the  land  ; 
and  for  this  the  emperor  was  pleased  to  raise  both  him  and  you 
from  the  dust.  He  lived  and  died  a true  and  loyal  subject ; 
and  it  only  makes  your  ingratitude  to  your  sovereign  the  more 
heinous.”  Then,  seeing  his  prisoner  about  to  reply,  the  presi- 
dent cut  short  the  conference,  ordering  him  into  close  confine- 
ment. He  was  committed  to  the  charge  of  Centeno,  who  had 
sought  the  office,  not  from  any  unworthy  desire  to  gratify  his 
revenge — for  he  seems  to  have  had  a generous  nature — but  for 
the  honorable  purpose  of  ministering  to  the  comfort  of  the  cap- 
tive. Though  held  in  strict  custody  by  this  officer,  therefore, 
Pizarro  was  treated  with  the  deference  due  to  his  rank,  and 
allowed  every  indulgence  by  his  keeper,  except  his  free- 
dom.34 

In  this  general  wreck  of  their  fortunes,  Francisco  de  Car- 
bajal fared  no  better  than  his  chief.  As  he  saw  the  soldiers 
deserting  their  posts  and  going  over  to  the  enemy,  one 
after  another,  he  coolly  hummed  the  words  of  his  favorite  old 
ballad— 

“ The  wind  blows  the  hairs  off  my  head,  mother  ! ” 

But  when  he  found  the  field  nearly  empty,  and  his  stout- 
hearted followers  vanished  like  a wreath  of  smoke,  he  felt  it 
was  time  to  provide  for  his  own  safety.  He  knew  there  could 

•4  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  2,  cap.  90. — Historians,  of  course,  report 
the  dialogue  between  Gasca  and  his  prisoner  with  some  variety.  See  Gomara,  Hist,  de 
las  Indias,  cap.  185. — Garcilasao,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  a,  lib.  5,  cap.  36.— Reladon  del  Lie, 
Gasca,  MS. 


CHAP.  III.] 


ROUT  OF  XAQUIXACUANA. 


299 


be  no  favor  for  him  ; and,  putting  spurs  to  his  horse,  he  betook 
himself  to  flight  with  all  the  speed  he  could  make.  He  crossed 
the  stream  that  flowed,  as  already  mentioned,  by  the  camp,  but 
in  scaling  the  opposite  bank,  which  was  steep  and  stony,  his 
horse,  somewhat  old,  and  oppressed  by  the  weight  of  his  rider, 
who  was  large  and  corpulent,  lost  his  footing  and  fell  with  him 
into  the  water.  Before  he  could  extricate  himself,  Carbajal  was 
seized  by  some  of  his  own  followers,  who  hoped  by  such  a prize 
to  make  their  peace  with  the  victor,  and  hurried  off  toward  the 
president’s  quarters. 

The  convoy  was  soon  swelled  by  a number  of  the  common 
file  from  the  royal  army,  some  of  whom  had  long  arrears  co 
settle  with  the  prisoner ; and,  not  content  with  heaping  re- 
proaches and  imprecations  on  his  head,  they  now  threatened 
to  proceed  to  acts  of  personal  violence,  which  Carbajal,  far 
from  deprecating,  seemed  rather  to  court,  as  the  speediest  way 
of  ridding  himself  of  life.35  When  he  approached  the  presi- 
dent’s quarters,  Centeno,  who  was  near,  rebuked  the  disor- 
derly rabble  and  compelled  them  to  give  way.  Carbajal,  on 
seeing  this,  with  a respectful  air  demanded  to  whom  he  was 
indebted  for  this  courteous  protection.  To  which  his  ancient 
comrade  replied,  “Do  you  not  know  me? — Diego  Centeno  ! ” 
“ I crave  your  pardon,”  said  the  veteran,  sarcastically  allud- 
ing to  his  long  flight  in  the  Charcas  and  his  recent  defeat  at 
Huarina  : “it  is  so  long  since  I have  seen  anything  but  your 
back  that  I had  forgotten  your  face  ! ” 36 

Among  the  president’s  suite  was  the  martial  bishop  of 
Cuzco,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  shared  with  Centeno 
in  the  disgrace  of  his  defeat.  His  brother  had  been  taken  by 
Carbajal,  in  his  flight  from  the  field,  and  instantly  hung  up  by 


*6  “ Luego  llevaron  antel  dicho  Licenciado  Caravajal  Maestre  de  campo  del  dicho 
Pizarro  i tan  cercado  de  gentes  que  del  havian  sido  ofendidas  que  le  querian 
rnatar,  el  qual  diz  que  mostrava  que  olgara  que  le  mat4ran  alii.”  Relacion  del  Lie.  Gasca, 
MS. 

38  “ Diego  Centeno  reprehendia  mucho  4 los  que  le  offendian.  Por  lo  qual  Caruajal  le 
miro,  y le  dixo,  Senor  quien  es  vuestra  merced  que  tanta  merced  me  haze  ? 4 lo  qual  Cen- 
teno respondio,  Que  no  conoce  vuestra  merced  4 Diego  Centeno  ? Dixo  entonces  Carua- 
jal, Por  Dios  senor  que  como  siempre  vi  4 vuestra  merced  de  espaldas,  que  agora  teniendo 
le  de  cara,  no  le  conocia.”  Femande*,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  2,  cap.  90. 


3oo 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


[BOOK  V. 


that  fierce  chief,  who,  as  we  have  had  more  than  one  occasion 
to  see,  was  no  respecter  of  persons.  The  bishop  now  re- 
proached him  with  his  brother’s  murder,  and,  incensed  by  his 
cool  replies,  was  ungenerous  enough  to  strike  the  prisoner  on 
the  face.  Carbajal  made  no  attempt  at  resistance.  Nor  would 
he  return  a word  to  the  queries  put  to  him  by  Gasca,  but  look- 
ing haughtily  round  on  the  circle,  maintained  a contemptuous 
silence.  The  president,  seeing  that  nothing  further  was  to  be 
gained  from  his  captive,  ordered  him,  together  with  Acosta 
and  the  other  cavaliers  who  had  surrendered,  into  strict  custody, 
until  their  fate  should  be  decided.37 

Gasca’s  next  concern  was  to  send  an  officer  to  Cuzco,  to  re. 
strain  his  partisans  from  committing  excesses  in  consequence 
of  the  late  victory — if  victory  that  could  be  called  where  not  a 
blow  had  been  struck.  Everything  belonging  to  the  van. 
quished,  their  tents,  arms,  ammunition,  and  military  stores, 
became  the  property  of  the  victors.  Their  camp  was  well 
victualled,  furnishing  a seasonable  supply  to  the  royalists,  who 
had  nearly  expended  their  own  stock  of  provisions.  There 
was,  moreover,  considerable  booty  in  the  way  of  plate  and 
money  ; for  Pizarro’s  men,  as  was  not  uncommon  in  those  tur. 
bulent  times,  went,  many  of  them,  to  the  war  with  the  whole 
of  their  worldly  wealth,  not  knowing  of  any  safe  place  in  which 
to  bestow  it.  An  anecdote  is  told  of  one  of  Gasca’s  soldiers, 
who,  seeing  a mule  running  over  the  field  with  a large  pack  on 
his  back,  seized  the  animal  and  mounted  him,  having  first 
thrown  away  the  burden,  supposing  it  to  contain  armor  or 
something  of  little  worth.  Another  soldier,  more  shrewd, 
picked  up  the  parcel  as  his  share  of  the  spoil,  and  found  it  con- 
tained several  thousand  gold  ducats  ! It  was  the  fortune  of 
war.38 

Thus  terminated  the  battle,  or  rather  rout,  of  Xaquixaguana. 
The  number  killed  and  wounded — for  some  few  perished  in 
the  pursuit — was  not  great  ; according  to  most  accounts,  not 

37  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — It  is  but  fair  to  state  that  Garcilasso,  who  was  personally  ac- 
quainted with  the  Bishop  of  Cuzco,  doubts  the  fact  of  the  indecorous  conduct  imputed  to 
him  by  Fernandez,  as  inconsistent  with  the  prelate’s  character.  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5, 
cap.  39.  58  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  8. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


EXECUTION  OF  CARBA JAL. 


301 


exceeding  fifteen  killed  on  the  rebel  side,  and  one  only  on  that 
of  the  royalists,  and  that  one  by  the  carelessness  of  a com- 
rade.39 Never  was  there  a cheaper  victory,  so  bloodies  a ter- 
mination of  a fierce  and  bloody  rebellion  ! It  was  gained  not 
so  much  by  the  strength  of  the  victors  as  by  the  weakness  of 
the  vanquished.  They  fell  to  pieces  of  their  own  accord,  be- 
cause they  had  no  sure  ground  to  stand  on.  The  arm  not 
nerved  by  the  sense  of  right  became  powerless  in  the  hour  of 
battle.  It  was  better  that  they  should  thus  be  overcome  by 
moral  force  than  by  a brutal  appeal  to  arms.  Such  a victory 
was  more  in  harmony  with  the  beneficent  character  of  the 
conqueror  and  of  his  cause.  It  was  the  triumph  of  order ; the 
best  homage  to  law  and  justice. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Execution  of  Carbajal Gonzalo  Pizarro  Beheaded. — Spoils  of  Victory.— 

Wise  Reforms  by  Gasca. — He  Returns  to  Spain. — His  Death  and 
Character. 

1548— X55°- 

It  was  now  necessary  to  decide  on  the  fate  of  the  prisoners  ; 
and  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  with  the  Licentiate  Cianca,  one  of 
the  new  Royal  Audience,  was  instructed  to  prepare  the  process. 
It  did  not  require  a long  time.  The  guilt  of  the  prisoners 
was  too  manifest,  taken,  as  they  had  been,  with  arms  in  their 
hands.  They  were  all  sentenced  to  be  executed,  and  their  es- 


8t>  4‘  Temi6se  que  en  esta  batalla  muriria  mucha  gente  de  ambas  partes  por  haver  en 
ellas  mill  i quatrocientos  arcabuceros  i seiscientos  de  caballo  i mucho  numero  de  pi- 
queros  i diez  i ocho  piezas  de  artilleria,  pero  plugo  d Dios  que  solo  murid  un  hombre 
del  campo  de  S.  M.  i quince  de  los  contrarios  como  estd  dicho.”  Relacion  del  Lie. 
Gasca,  MS. — The  MS.  above  referred  to  is  supposed  by  Munoz  to  have  been  written  by 
Gasca,  or  rather  dictated  by  him  to  his  secretary.  The  original  is  preserved  at  Simancas, 
without  date,  and  in  the  character  of  the  sixteenth  century.  It  is  principally  taken  up 
with  the  battle  and  the  events  immediately  connected  with  it ; and,  although  very  brief, 
every  sentence  is  of  value  as  coming  from  so  high  a source.  Alcedo,  in  his  Biblioteca 
Americana,  MS.,  gives  the  title  of  a work  from  Gasca*  s pen,  which  would  seem  to  be  ao 
account  of  his  own  administration,  Historia  del  Peru , y de  su  Pacification^  1576,  foL 
I have  never  met  with  the  work,  or  with  any  other  allusion  to  it 


302 


SETTLEMENT  OE  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


tates  were  confiscated  to  the  use  of  the  crown.  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
was  to  be  beheaded,  and  Carbajal  to  be  drawn  and  quartered. 
No  mercy  was  shown  to  him  who  had  shown  none  to  others. 
There  was  some  talk  of  deferring  the  execution  till  the  arrival 
of  the  troops  in  Cuzco  ; but  the  fear  of  disturbances  from  those 
friendly  to  Pizarro  determined  the  president  to  carry  the  sen- 
tence into  effect  the  following  day,  on  the  field  of  battle.1 

When  his  doom  was  communicated  to  Carbajal,  he  heard  it 
with  his  usual  indifference.  “They  can  but  kill  me,”  he 
said,  as  if  he  had  already  settled  the  matter  in  his  own  mind.2 
During  the  day,  many  came  to  see  him  in  his  confinement  ; 
some  to  upbraid  him  with  his  cruelties,  but  most  from  curiosity 
to  see  the  fierce  warrior  who  had  made  his  name  so  terrible 
through  the  land.  He  showed  no  unwillingness  to  talk  with 
them,  though  it  was  in  those  sallies  of  caustic  humor  in  which 
he  usually  indulged  at  the  expense  of  his  hearer.  Among 
these  visitors  was  a cavalier  of  no  note,  whose  life,  it  appears, 
Carbajal  had  formerly  spared  when  in  his  power.  This  person 
expressed  to  the  prisoner  his  strong  desire  to  serve  him  ; and, 
as  he  reiterated  his  professions,  Carbajal  cut  them  short  by  ex- 
claiming, “And  what  service  can  you  do  me?  Can  you  set 
me  free?  If  you  cannot  do  that,  you  can  do  nothing.  If  I 
spared  your  life,  as  you  say,  it  was  probably  because  I did  not 
think  it  worth  while  to  take  it.” 

Some  piously  disposed  persons  urged  him  to  see  a priest,  if  it 
were  only  to  unburden  his  conscience  before  leaving  the  world. 
“But  of  what  use  would  that  be?”  asked  Carbajal.  “I 
have  nothing  that  lies  heavy  on  my  conscience,  unless  it  be, 
indeed,  the  debt  of  half  a real  to  a shopkeeper  in  Seville, 
which  I forgot  to  pay  before  leaving  the  country  ! ” 3 

He  was  carried  to  execution  on  a hurdle,  or  rather  in  a 

1 The  sentence  passed  upon  Pizarro  is  given  at  length  in  the  manuscript  copy  of  Zara- 
te’s History,  to  which  I have  had  occasion  more  than  once  to  refer.  The  historian  omitted 
it  in  his  printed  work  ; but  the  curious  reader  may  find  it  entire,  cited  in  the  original,  in 
Appendix  No.  14. 

2 “ Basta  matar.”  Fernandez,  Hist.  del.  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  3,  cap.  91. 

8 “ En  esso  no  tengo  que  confessar  ; porque  juro  k tal,  que  no  tengo  otro  cargo,  si  no  me- 
dio real  que  deuo  en  Seuilla  k vna  bodegonera  de  la  puerta  del  Arenal,  del  tiempo  que 
past6  a Indias.”  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


EXECUTION  OF  CARBA JAL. 


303 


basket,  drawn  by  two  mules.  His  arms  were  pinioned,  and, 
as  they  forced  his  bulky  body  into  this  miserable  conveyance 
he  exclaimed,  “ Cradles  for  infants,  and  a cradle  for  the  old 
man  too,  it  seems  ! ” 4 Notwithstanding  the  disinclination  he 
had  manifested  to  a confessor,  he  was  attended  by  several  ec- 
clesiastics on  his  way  to  the  gallows ; and  one  of  them  repeat- 
edly urged  him  to  give  some  token  of  penitence  at  this  solemn 
hour,  if  it  were  only  by  repeating  the  Pater  Noster  and  Ave 
Maria.  Carbajal,  to  rid  himself  of  the  ghostly  father’s  im- 
portunity, replied  by  coolly  repeating  the  words,  “ Pater 
Noster,"  “Ave  Maria."  He  then  remained  obstinately 
silent.  He  died,  as  he  had  lived,  with  a jest,  or  rather  a scoff, 
upon  his  lips.5 

Francisco  de  Carbajal  was  one  of  the  most  extraordinary 
characters  of  these  dark  and  turbulent  times ; the  more  extra- 
ordinary from  his  great  age ; for  at  the  period  of  his  death  he 
was  in  his  eighty-fourth  year — an  age  when  the  bodily  powers, 
and,  fortunately,  the  passions,  are  usually  blunted ; when,  in 
the  witty  words  of  the  French  moralist,  “ We  flatter  our- 
selves we  are  leaving  our  vices,  whereas  it  is  our  vices  that  are 
leaving  us.  ” 6 But  the  fires  of  youth  glowed  fierce  and  un- 
quenchable in  the  bosom  of  Carbajal. 

The  date  of  his  birth  carries  us  back  toward  the  middle  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  before  the  times  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella. He  was  of  obscure  parentage,  and  born,  as  it  is  said,  at 
Arevalo.  For  forty  years  he  served  in  the  Italian  wars,  under 
the  most  illustrious  captains  of  the  day,  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova, 
Navarro,  and  the  Colonnas.  He  was  an  ensign  at  the  battle 
of  Ravenna,  witnessed  the  capture  of  Francis  the  First  at 
Pavia,  and  followed  the  banner  of  the  ill-starred  Bourbon  at 
the  sack  of  Rome.  He  got  no  gold  for  his  share  of  the  booty 

4 “ Nino  en  cuna,  y viejo  en  cuna.”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  a,  cap.  91. 

6 “ Murid  como  gentil,  porque  dicen,  que  yo  no  le  quise  ver,  que  ansf  le  df  la  palabra  de 
no  velle  ; mas  d la  postrer  vez  que  me  habld  llevandole  d matar  le  decia  el  sacerdote  que 
con  6\  iba,  que  se  encomendase  d Dios  y dijese  el  Pater  Noster  y el  Ave  Marfa,  y dicen 
que  dijo  Pater  Noster,  Ave  Marfa,  y que  no  dijo  otra  palabra.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS. 

4 I quote  from  memory,  but  believe  the  reflection  may  be  found  in  that  admirable  digeal 
of  worldly  wisdom,  The  Characters  of  La  Bruyire. 


3°4 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


on  this  occasion,  but  simply  the  papers  of  a notary’s  office, 
which,  Carbajal  shrewdly  thought,  would  be  worth  gold  to 
him.  And  so  it  proved  ; for  the  notary  was  fain  to  redeem 
them  at  a price  which  enabled  the  adventurer  to  cross  the  seas 
to  Mexico  and  seek  his  fortune  in  the  New  World.  On  the 
insurrection  of  the  Peruvians  he  was  sent  to  the  support  of 
Francisco  Eizarro,  and  was  rewarded  by  that  chief  with  a 
grant  of  land  in  Cuzco.  Here  he  remained  for  several  years, 
busily  employed  in  increasing  his  substance  ; for  the  love  of 
lucre  was  a ruling  passion  in  his  bosom.  On  the  arrival  of 
Vaca  de  Castro  we  find  him  doing  good  service  under  the 
royal  banner ; and  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  great  rebellion 
under  Gonzalo  Pizarro  he  converted  his  property  into  gold  and 
prepared  to  return  to  Castile.  He  seemed  to  have  a presenti- 
ment that  to  remain  where  he  was  would  be  fatal.  But,  al- 
though he  made  every  effort  to  leave  Peru,  he  was  unsuccess- 
ful, for  the  viceroy  had  laid  an  embargo  on  the  shipping.7 
He  remained  in  the  country,  therefore,  and  took  service,  as 
we  have  seen,  though  reluctantly,  under  Pizarro.  It  was  his 
destiny. 

The  tumultuous  life  on  which  he  now  entered  roused  all 
the  slumbering  passions  of  his  soul,  which  lay  there  per- 
haps unconsciously  to  himself — cruelty,  avarice,  revenge.  He 
found  ample  exercise  for  them  in  the  war  with  his  country- 
men ; for  civil  war  is  proverbially  the  most  sanguinary  and 
ferocious  of  all.  The  atrocities  recorded  of  Carbajal  in  his 
new  career,  and  the  number  of  his  victims,  are  scarcely  credi- 
ble. For  the  honor  of  humanity,  we  may  trust  the  ac- 
counts are  greatly  exaggerated ; but  that  he  should  have 
given  rise  to  them  at  all  is  sufficient  to  consign  his  name  to 
infamy.8 

7 Pedro  Pizarro  bears  testimony  to  Carbajal’s  endeavors  to  leave  the  country,  in  which 
he  was  aided,  though  ineffectually,  by  the  chronicler,  who  was  at  that  time  in  the  most 
friendly  relations  with  him.  Civil  war  parted  these  ancient  comrades  ; but  Carbajal  did 
not  forget  his  obligations  to  Pedro  Pizarro,  which  he  afterward  repaid  by  exempting  him 
on  two  different  occasions  from  the  general  doom  of  the  prisoners  who  fell  into  his  hands. 

• Out  of  three  hundred  and  forty  executions,  according  to  Fernandez,  three  hundred 
were  by  Carbajal.  (Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  x,  lib.  2,  cap.  91.)  Zarate  swells  the  number  of 
these  executions  to  five  hundred.  (Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  x.)  The  discrepancy  showi 
how  little  we  can  confide  in  the  accuracy  of  such  estimates. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


EXECUTION  OF  CARBA  JAL. 


30S 


He  even  took  a diabolical  pleasure,  it  is  said,  in  amusing 
himself  with  the  sufferings  of  his  victims,  and  in  the  hour  of 
execution  would  give  utterance  to  frightful  jests,  that  made 
them  taste  more  keenly  the  bitterness  of  death  ! He  had  a 
sportive  vein,  if  such  it  could  be  called,  which  he  freely 
indulged  on  every  occasion.  Many  of  his  sallies  were  pre- 
served by  the  soldiery ; but  they  are  for  the  most  part  of  a 
coarse,  repulsive  character,  flowing  from  a mind  familiar  with 
the  weak  and  wicked  side  of  humanity  and  distrusting  every 
other.  He  had  his  jest  for  everything — for  the  misfortunes  of 
others,  and  for  his  own.  He  looked  on  life  as  a farce — though 
he  too  often  made  it  a tragedy. 

Carbajal  must  be  allowed  one  virtue ; that  of  fidelity  to  his 
party.  This  made  him  less  tolerant  of  perfidy  in  others.  He 
was  never  known  to  show  mercy  to  a renegade.  This  undevi- 
ating fidelity,  though  to  a bad  cause,  may  challenge  something 
like  a feeling  of  respect,  where  fidelity  was  so  rare.9 

As  a military  man,  Carbajal  takes  a high  rank  among  the 
soldiers  of  the  New  World.  He  was  strict,  even  severe,  in 
enforcing  discipline,  so  that  he  was  little  loved  by  his  follow- 
ers. Whether  he  had  the  genius  for  military  combinations 
requisite  for  conducting  war  on  an  extended  scale,  may  be 
doubted  ; but  in  the  shifts  and  turns  of  guerilla  warfare  he  was 
unrivalled.  Prompt,  active,  and  persevering,  he  was  insensi- 
ble to  danger  or  fatigue,  and,  after  days  spent  in  the  saddle, 
seemed  to  attach  little  value  to  the  luxury  of  a bed.10 

He  knew  familiarly  every  mountain-pass,  and  such  were  the 
sagacity  and  the  resources  displayed  in  his  roving  expeditions 

9 Fidelity,  indeed,  is  but  one  of  many  virtues  claimed  for  Carbajal  by  Garcilasso,  who 
considers  most  of  the  tales  of  cruelty  and  avarice  circulated  of  the  veteran,  as  well  as  the 
hardened  levity  imputed  to  him  in  hie  latter  moments,  as  inventions  of  his  enemies.  The 
Inca  chronicler  was  a boy  when  Gonzalo  and  his  chivalry  occupied  Cuzco  ; and  the  kind 
treatment  he  experienced  from  them,  owing  doubtless  to  his  fathers  position  in  the  rebel 
army,  he  has  well  repaid  by  depicting  their  portraits  in  the  favorable  colors  in  which  they 
appeared  to  his  young  imagination.  But  the  garrulous  old  man  has  recorded  several  indi- 
vidual instances  of  atrocity  in  the  career  of  Carbajal,  which  fcrm  but  an  indifferent  com- 
mentary on  the  correctness  of  his  general  assertions  in  respect  to  his  character. 

10  “ Fue  maior  sufridor  de  trabajos,  que  requeria  su  edad,  porque  A maravilla  se  quitaba 
las  Armas  de  Dia,  ni  de  Noche,  i quando  era  necesario,  tampoco  se  acostaba,  ni  dormift 
mas  de  quanto  recostado  en  vna  Silla,  se  le  cansaba  la  mano  en  que  arrimaba  la  Cabe^a." 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  14. 


3°6 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


that  he  was  vulgarly  believed  to  be  attended  by  a familiar. 11 
With  a character  so  extraordinary,  with  powers  prolonged  so 
far  beyond  the  usual  term  of  humanity,  and  passions  so  fierce 
in  one  tottering  on  the  verge  of  the  grave,  it  was  not  surpris- 
ing that  many  fabulous  stories  should  be  eagerly  circulated 
respecting  him,  and  that  Carbajal  should  be  clothed  with  mys- 
terious terrors  as  a sort  of  supernatural  being — the  demon  of 
the  Andes  ! 

Very  different  were  the  circumstances  attending  the  closing 
scene  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro.  At  his  request,  no  one  had  been 
allowed  to  visit  him  in  his  confinement.  He  was  heard  pacing 
his  tent  during  the  greater  part  of  the  day,  and  when  night 
came,  having  ascertained  from  Centeno  that  his  execution  was 
to  take  place  the  following  noon,  he  laid  himself  down  to  rest. 
He  did  not  sleep  long,  however,  but  soon  rose  and  continued 
to  traverse  his  apartment,  as  if  buried  in  meditation,  till  dawn. 
He  then  sent  for  a confessor,  and  remained  with  him  till  after 
the  hour  of  noon,  taking  little  or  no  refreshment.  The  officers 
of  justice  became  impatient ; but  their  eagerness  was  sternly 
rebuked  by  the  soldiery,  many  of  whom,  having  served  under 
Gonzalo’s  banner,  were  touched  with  pity  for  his  misfortunes. 

When  the  chieftain  came  forth  to  execution,  he  showed  in 
his  dress  the  same  love  of  magnificence  and  display  as  in  hap- 
pier days.  Over  his  doublet  he  wore  a superb  cloak  of  yellow 
velvet,  stiff  with  gold  embroidery,  while  his  head  was  pro- 
tected by  a cap  of  the  same  material,  richly  decorated,  in  like 
manner,  with  ornaments  of  gold.12  In  this  gaudy  attire  he 
mounted  his  mule,  and  the  sentence  was  so  far  relaxed  that  his 
arms  were  suffered  to  remain  unshackled.  He  was  escorted  by 
a goodly  number  of  priests  and  friars,  who  held  up  the  crucifix 
before  his  eyes,  while  he  carried  in  his  own  hand  an  image  of 

11  Pedro  Pizarro,  who  seems  to  have  entertained  feelings  not  unfriendly  to  Carbajal, 
thus  sums  up  his  character  in  a few  words  : “ Era  mui  lenguaz  : hablaba  muy  descrepta- 
mente  y £ gusto  de  los  que  le  oian  : era  hombre  sagaz,  cruel,  bien  entendido  en  la  guerra. 

. . , Este  Carbajal  era  tan  sabio  que  decian  tenia  familiar.”  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

**  “ Al  tiempo  que  lo  mataron,  dio  al  Verdugo  toda  la  Ropa  que  trafa,  que  era  mui  rica,  i 
de  mucho  valor,  porque  tenia  vna  Ropa  de  Armas  de  Terciopelo  amarillo,  casi  toda  cubier- 
ta  de  Chaperia  de  Oro,  i vn  Chapeo  de  la  misma  forma.”  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7, 
cap.  8. 


chap,  iv.]  GONZALO  PIZARRO  BEHEADED.  307 

the  Virgin.  She  had  ever  been  the  peculiar  object  of  Pizarro’s 
devotion ; so  much  so  that  those  who  knew  him  best  in  the 
hour  of  his  prosperity  were  careful,  when  they  had  a petition, 
to  prefer  it  in  the  name  of  the  blessed  Mary. 

Pizarro’s  lips  were  frequently  pressed  to  the  emblem  of  his 
divinity,  while  his  eyes  were  bent  on  the  crucifix  in  apparent 
devotion,  heedless  of  the  objects  around  him.  On  reaching 
the  scaffold  he  ascended  it  with  a firm  step,  and  asked  leave 
to  address  a few  words  to  the  soldiery  gathered  round  it. 
“ There  are  many  among  you,”  said  he,  “ who  have  grown 
rich  on  my  brother’s  bounty  and  my  own.  Yet  of  all  my 
riches  nothing  remains  to  me  but  the  garments  I have  on ; 
and  even  these  are  not  mine  but  the  property  of  the  execu- 
tioner. I am  without  means,  therefore,  to  purchase  a mass 
for  the  welfare  of  my  soul ; and  I implore  you,  by  the  remem- 
brance of  past  benefits,  to  extend  this  charity  to  me  when  I 
am  gone,  that  it  may  be  well  with  you  in  the  hour  of  death.” 
A profound  silence  reigned  throughout  the  martial  multitude, 
broken  only  by  sighs  and  groans,  as  they  listened  to  Pizarro’s 
request ; and  it  was  faithfully  responded  to,  since,  after  his 
death,  masses  were  said  in  many  of  the  towns  for  the  welfare 
of  the  departed  chieftain. 

Then,  kneeling  down  before  a crucifix  placed  on  a table, 
Pizarro  remained  for  some  minutes  absorbed  in  prayer ; after 
which,  addressing  the  soldier  who  was  to  act  as  the  minister  of 
justice,  he  calmly  bade  him  “ do  his  duty  with  a steady 
hand.”  He  refused  to  have  his  eyes  bandaged,  and,  bending 
forward  his  neck,  submitted  it  to  the  sword  of  the  executioner, 
who  struck  off  the  head  with  a single  blow,  so  true  that  the 
body  remained  for  some  moments  in  the  same  erect  posture  as 
in  life.13  The  head  was  taken  to  Lima,  where  it  was  set  in  a 
cage  or  frame  and  then  fixed  on  a gibbet  by  the  side  of  Car- 
bajal’s. On  it  was  placed  a label  bearing  the  inscription, 

13  “ The  executioner,”  says  Garcilasso,  with  a simile  more  expressive  than  elegant,  “did 
his  work  as  cleanly  as  if  he  had  been  slicing  off  a head  of  lettuce  ! ” “ De  vn  reues  le  corto 
la  cabeca  con  tanta  facilidad,  como  si  fuera  vna  hoja  de  lechuga,  y se  quedo  con  ella  en  la 
mano,  y tardd  el  cuerpo  algun  espacio  en  caer  en  el  suelo.”  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
9,  lib.  s.  cap.  43. 


308 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


“ This  is  the  head  of  the  traitor  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  who  rebelled 
in  Peru  against  his  sovereign,  and  battled  in  the  cause  of 
tyranny  and  treason  against  the  royal  standard  in  the  valley  of 
Xaquixaguana.  ” 14  His  large  estates,  including  the  rich  mines 
in  Potosi,  were  confiscated  ; his  mansion  in  Lima  was  razed 
to  the  ground,  the  place  strewn  with  salt,  and  a stone  pillar  set 
up,  with  an  inscription  interdicting  anyone  from  building  on 
a spot  which  had  been  profaned  by  the  residence  of  a traitor. 

Gonzalo’s  remains  were  not  exposed  to  the  indignities  in- 
flicted on  Carbajal’s,  whose  quarters  were  hung  in  chains  on 
the  four  great  roads  leading  to  Cuzco.  Centeno  saved  Pizar- 
ro’s  body  from  being  stripped,  by  redeeming  his  costly  raiment 
from  the  executioner,  and  in  this  sumptuous  shroud  it  was  laid 
in  the  chapel  of  the  convent  of  Our  Lady  of  Mercy  in  Cuzco. 
It  was  the  same  spot  where,  side  by  side,  lay  the  bloody  re- 
mains of  the  Almagros,  father  and  son,  who  in  like  manner 
had  perished  by  the  hand  of  justice  and  were  indebted  to  pri- 
vate charity  for  their  burial.  All  these  were  now  consigned 
“ to  the  same  grave,”  says  the  historian,  with  some  bitterness, 
“ as  if  Peru  could  not  afford  land  enough  for  a burial-place  to 
its  conquerors.”  15 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  reached  only  his  forty-second  year  at 
the  time  of  his  death — being  just  half  the  space  allotted  to  his 
follower  Carbajal.  He  was  the  youngest  of  the  remarkable 
family  to  whom  Spain  was  indebted  for  the  acquisition  of  Peru. 
He  came  over  to  the  country  with  his  brother  Francisco  on 
the  return  of  the  latter  from  his  visit  to  Castile.  Gonzalo  was 
present  at  all  the  remarkable  passages  of  the  Conquest.  He 
witnessed  the  seizure  of  Atahuallpa,  took  an  active  part  in 
suppressing  the  insurrection  of  the  Incas,  and  especially  in  the 

14  “Esta  es  la  cabeza  del  traidor  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  que  se  hizo  justicia  del  en  el  valle 
de  Aquixaguana,  donde  did  la  batalla  campal  contra  el  estandarte  real  queriendo  defender 
su  traicion  e tirania  : ninguno  sea  osado  de  la  quitar  de  aqui  so  pena  de  muerte  natural.” 
Zarate,  MS. 

16  “ Y las  sepolturas  vna  sola  auiendo  de  ser  tres  : que  aun  la  tierra  parece  que  les  faltd 
para  auer  los  de  cubrir.”  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  43. — For  the  tragic 
particulars  of  the  preceding  pages,  see  Ibid.,  cap.  39-43. — Relacion  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS. — 
Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS. — MS.  de  Caravantes. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — 
Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  186. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap. 
91. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib,  7,  cap.  8. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  4,  cap.  16. 


chap,  iv.]  GONZALO  PIZARRO  BEHEADED. 


309 


reduction  of  Charcas.  He  afterward  led  the  disastrous  expedi- 
tion to  the  Amazon,  and,  finally,  headed  the  memorable  re- 
bellion which  ended  so  fatally  to  himself.  There  are  but  few 
men  whose  lives  abound  in  such  wild  and  romantic  adventure, 
and,  for  the  most  part,  crowned  with  success.  The  space 
which  he  occupies  in  the  page  of  history  is  altogether  dispro- 
portioned  to  his  talents.  It  may  be  in  some  measure  ascribed 
to  fortune,  but  still  more  to  those  showy  qualities  which  form 
a sort  of  substitute  for  mental  talent,  and  which  secured  his 
popularity  with  the  vulgar. 

He  had  a brilliant  exterior ; excelled  in  all  martial  exer- 
cises ; rode  well,  fenced  well,  managed  his  lance  to  perfection, 
was  a first-rate  marksman  with  the  arquebuse,  and  added  the 
accomplishment  of  being  an  excellent  draughtsman.  He  was 
bold  and  chivalrous,  even  to  temerity  ; courted  adventure, 
and  was  always  in  the  front  of  danger.  He  was  a knight- 
errant,  in  short,  in  the  most  extravagant  sense  of  the  term, 
and,  “mounted  on  his  favorite  charger,”  says  one  who  had 
often  seen  him,  “made  no  more  account  of  a squadron  of  In- 
dians than  of  a swarm  of  flies.”  16 

While  thus,  by  his  brilliant  exploits  and  showy  manners  he 
captivated  the  imaginations  of  his  countrymen,  he  won  their 
hearts  no  less  by  his  soldier-like  frankness,  his  trust  in  their 
fidelity — too  often  abused — and  his  liberal  largesses  ; for 
Pizarro,  though  avaricious  of  the  property  of  others,  was, 
like  the  Roman  conspirator,  prodigal  of  his  own.  This  was 
his  portrait  in  happier  days,  when  his  heart  had  not  been  cor- 
rupted by  success  ; for  that  some  change  was  wrought  in  him 
by  his  prosperity  is  well  attested.  His  head  was  made  giddy 
by  his  elevation  ; and  it  is  proof  of  a want  of  talent  equal  to 
his  success,  that  he  knew  not  how  to  profit  by  it.  Obeying 
the  dictates  of  his  own  rash  judgment,  he  rejected  the  warnings 
of  his  wisest  counsellors,  and  relied  with  blind  confidence  on 
his  destiny.  Garcilasso  imputes  this  to  the  malignant  influ- 


*•  “Quando  Gon^alo  Pizarro,  que  aya  gloria,  se  veya  en  su  zaynillo,  no  hazia  ma* 
caao  de  e6quadrones  de  Yndios,  que  si  fueran  de  moscas.”  Garcilasso,  Parte  2,  lib.  5, 
cap.  43. 


3io 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


ence  of  the  stars. 17  But  the  superstitious  chronicler  might  have 
better  explained  it  by  a common  principle  of  human  nature ; 
by  the  presumption  nourished  by  success — the  insanity,  as  the 
Roman,  or  rather  Grecian,  proverb  calls  it,  with  which  the 
gods  afflict  men  when  they  design  to  ruin  them.18 

Gonzalo  was  without  education,  except  such  as  he  had 
picked  up  in  the  rough  school  of  war.  He  had  little  even  of 
that  wisdom  which  springs  from  natural  shrewdness  and  insight 
into  character.  In  all  this  he  was  inferior  to  his  elder 
brothers,  although  he  fully  equalled  them  in  ambition.  Had 
he  possessed  a tithe  of  their  sagacity,  he  would  not  have  madly 
persisted  in  rebellion  after  the  coming  of  the  president.  Be- 
fore this  period  he  represented  the  people.  Their  interests 
and  his  were  united.  He  had  their  support,  for  he  was  con- 
tending for  the  redress  of  their  wrongs.  When  these  were  re- 
dressed by  the  government,  there  was  nothing  to  contend  for. 
From  that  time  he  was  battling  only  for  himself.  The  people 
had  no  part  or  interest  in  the  contest.  Without  a common 
sympathy  to  bind  them  together,  was  it  strange  that  they 
should  fall  off  from  him,  like  leaves  in  winter,  and  leave  him 
exposed,  a bare  and  sapless  trunk,  to  the  fury  of  the  tempest  ? 

Cepeda,  more  criminal  than  Pizarro,  since  he  had  both 
superior  education  and  intelligence,  which  he  employed  only 
to  mislead  his  commander,  did  not  long  survive  him.  He  had 
come  to  the  country  in  an  office  of  high  responsibility.  His 
first  step  was  to  betray  the  viceroy  whom  he  was  sent  to  sup- 
port ; his  next  was  to  betray  the  Audience  with  whom  he 
should  have  acted  ; and  lastly,  he  betrayed  the  leader  whom 
he  most  affected  to  serve.  His  whole  career  was  treachery  to 
his  own  government.  His  life  was  one  long  perfidy. 

After  his  surrender,  several  of  the  cavaliers,  disgusted  at  his 
cold-blooded  apostasy,  would  have  persuaded  Gasca  to  send 

17,1  Dezian  que  no  era  falta  de  entendimiento,  pues  lo  tenia  bastante  ; sino  que  deuia  de 
ier  3obra  de  influencia  de  signos  y planetas,  que  le  cegauan  y forcauan  a que  pusiesse  la 
garganta  al  cuchillo.”  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  33. 

A®  41  wOrav  6e  Aai '.p.(ov  avSpi  no parvvj]  Katca, 

T bv  povf  e'j3Aai//e  npCiToy,’1 


Eurip.,  Fragment!* 


chap,  iv.]  GONZALO  PIZARRO  BEHEADED.  3 1 1 

him  to  execution  along  with  his  commander ; but  the  president 
refused,  in  consideration  of  the  signal  service  he  had  rendered 
the  crown  by  his  defection.  He  was  put  under  arrest,  how- 
ever, and  sent  to  Castile.  There  he  was  arraigned  for  high 
treason.  He  made  a plausible  defence,  and,  as  he  had  friends 
at  court,  it  is  not  improbable  he  would  have  been  acquitted ; 
but  before  the  trial  was  terminated  he  died  in  prison.  It  was 
the  retributive  justice  not  always  to  be  found  in  the  affairs  of 
this  world.19 

Indeed,  it  so  happened  that  several  of  those  who  had  been 
most  forward  to  abandon  the  cause  of  Pizarro  survived  their 
commander  but  a short  time.  The  gallant  Centeno,  and  the 
Licentiate  Carbajal,  who  deserted  him  near  Lima  and  bore 
the  royal  standard  on  the  field  of  Xaquixaguana,  both  died 
within  a year  after  Pizarro.  Hinojosa  was  assassinated  but 
two  years  later,  in  La  Plata  ; and  his  old  comrade  V aldivia, 
after  a series  of  brilliant  exploits  in  Chili,  which  furnished  her 
most  glorious  theme  to  the  epic  muse  of  Castile,  was  cut  off  by 
the  invincible  warriors  of  Arauco.  The  manes  of  Pizarro  were 
amply  avenged. 

Acosta,  and  three  or  four  other  cavaliers  who  surrendered 
with  Gonzalo,  were  sent  to  execution  on  the  same  day  with 
their  chief ; and  Gasca,  on  the  morning  following  the  dismal 
tragedy,  broke  up  his  quarters  and  marched  with  his  whole 
army  to  Cuzco,  where  he  was  received  by  the  politic  people 
with  the  same  enthusiasm  which  they  had  so  recently  shown 
to  his  rival.  He  found  there  a number  of  the  rebel  army  who 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  city  after  their  late  defeat,  where  they 
were  immediately  placed  under  arrest.  Proceedings,  by  Gas- 
ca’s  command,  were  instituted  against  them.  The  principal 
cavaliers,  to  the  number  of  ten  or  twelve,  were  executed  ; 
others  were  banished  or  sent  to  the  galleys.  The  same  rigor- 
ous decrees  were  passed  against  such  as  had  fled  and  were  not 

19  The  cunning  lawyer  prepared  so  plausible  an  argument  in  his  own  justification  that 
Yllescas,  the  celebrated  historian  of  the  Popes,  declares  that  no  one  who  reads  the  paper 
attentively  but  must  rise  from  the  perusal  of  it  with  an  entire  conviction  of  the  writer’s  inno- 
cence and  of  his  unshaken  loyalty  to  the  crown.  See  the  passage  quoted  by  Garcilasso* 
Com.  Real.,  Parte  a,  lib.  6,  cap.  xo. 


312 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  V. 


yet  taken ; and  the  estates  of  all  were  confiscated.  The 
estates  of  the  rebels  supplied  a fund  for  the  recompense  of  the 
loyal.20  The  execution  of  justice  may  seem  to  have  been 
severe  ; but  Gasca  was  willing  that  the  rod  should  fall  heavily 
on  those  who  had  so  often  rejected  his  proffers  of  grace. 
Lenity  was  wasted  on  a rude,  licentious  soldiery,  who  hardly 
recognized  the  existence  of  government  unless  they  felt  its 
rigor. 

A new  duty  now  devolved  on  the  president — that  of  reward- 
ing his  faithful  followers — not  less  difficult,  as  it  proved,  than 
that  of  punishing  the  guilty.  The  applicants  were  numerous  ; 
since  everyone  who  had  raised  a finger  in  behalf  of  the  gov- 
ernment claimed  his  reward.  They  urged  their  demands  with 
a clamorous  importunity  which  perplexed  the  good  president 
and  consumed  every  moment  of  his  time. 

Disgusted  with  this  unprofitable  state  of  things,  Gasca  re- 
solved to  rid  himself  of  the  annoyance  at  once,  by  retiring  to 
the  valley  of  Guaynarima,  about  twelve  leagues  distant  from 
the  city,  and  there  digesting  in  quiet  a scheme  of  compensa- 
tion adjusted  to  the  merits  of  the  parties.  He  was  accom- 
panied only  by  his  secretary,  and  by  Loaysa,  now  Archbishop 
of  Lima,  a man  of  sense,  and  well  acquainted  with  the  affairs 
of  the  country.  In  this  seclusion  the  president  remained  three 
months,  making  a careful  examination  into  the  conflicting 
claims,  and  apportioning  the  forfeitures  among  the  parties 
according  to  their  respective  services.  The  repartimientos , it 
should  be  remarked,  were  usually  granted  only  for  life,  and  on 
the  death  of  the  incumbent  reverted  to  the  crown,  to  be  reas- 
signed or  retained  at  its  pleasure. 

When  his  arduous  task  was  completed,  Gasca  determined  to 
withdraw  to  Lima,  leaving  the  instrument  of  partition  with 
the  archbishop,  to  be  communicated  to  the  army.  Notwith- 
standing all  the  care  that  had  been  taken  for  an  equitable 
adjustment,  Gasca  was  aware  that  it  was  impossible  to  satisfy 


10  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Con^.,  MS. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i,  lib.  a,  cap. 
91.— Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  8. — Relacion  del  Lie. 
Gaaca,  MS. 


CHAP.  IV.  j 


SPOILS  OF  VICTORY. 


313 


the  demands  of  a jealous  and  irritable  soldiery,  where  each 
man  would  be  likely  to  exaggerate  his  own  deserts,  while  he 
underrated  those  of  his  comrades  ; and  he  did  not  care  to  ex- 
pose himself  to  importunities  and  complaints  that  could  serve 
no  other  purpose  than  to  annoy  him. 

On  his  departure  the  troops  were  called  together  by  the 
archbishop  in  the  cathedral,  to  learn  the  contents  of  the  sched- 
ule intrusted  to  him.  A discourse  was  first  preached  by  a 
worthy  Dominican,  the  prior  of  Arequipa,  in  which  the  rev- 
erend father  expatiated  on  the  virtue  of  contentment,  the  duty 
of  obedience,  and  the  folly  as  well  as  wickedness  of  an  attempt 
to  resist  the  constituted  authorities — topics,  in  short,  which  he 
conceived  might  best  conciliate  the  good  will  and  conformity 
of  his  audience. 

A letter  from  the  president  was  then  read  from  the  pulpit. 
It  was  addressed  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army.  The 
writer  began  with  briefly  exposing  the  difficulties  of  his  task, 
owing  to  the  limited  amount  of  the  gratuities  and  the  great 
number  and  services  of  the  claimants.  He  had  given  the 
matter  the  most  careful  consideration,  he  said,  and  endeavored 
to  assign  to  each  his  share  according  to  his  deserts,  without 
prejudice  or  partiality.  He  had,  no  doubt,  fallen  into  errors, 
but  he  trusted  his  followers  would  excuse  them  when  they 
reflected  that  he  had  done  according  to  the  best  of  his  pool 
abilities ; and  all,  he  believed,  would  do  him  the  justice  to 
acknowledge  he  had  not  been  influenced  by  motives  of  per- 
sonal interest.  He  bore  emphatic  testimony  to  the  services 
they  had  rendered  to  the  good  cause,  and  concluded  with  the 
most  affectionate  wishes  for  their  future  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness. The  letter  was  dated  at  Guaynarima,  August  17,  1548, 
and  bore  the  simple  signature  of  the  Licentiate  Gasca.21 

The  archbishop  next  read  the  paper  containing  the  presi- 
dent’s award.  The  annual  rent  of  the  estates  to  be  distributed 
amounted  to  a hundred  and  thirty  thousand  pesos  ensayados  ; 23 

31  MS.  de  Caravantes. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Pena, 
lib.  7,  cap.  9. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  92. 

32  The  peso  ensayado , according  to  Garcilasso,  was  one-fifth  more  in  value  than  the  Caa* 
tilian  ducat.  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  3. 

P 


30 


Vol.  2 


314 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


a large  amount,  considering  the  worth  of  money  in  that  day- 
in  any  other  country  than  Peru,  where  money  was  a drug.23 

The  repartimientos  thus  distributed  varied  in  value  from  one 
hundred  to  thirty-five  hundred  pesos  of  yearly  rent ; all,  ap- 
parently, graduated  with  the  nicest  precision  to  the  merits  of 
the  parties.  The  number  of  pensioners  was  about  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty ; for  the  fund  would  not  have  sufficed  for  gen- 
eral distribution,  nor  were  the  services  of  the  greater  part 
deemed  worthy  of  such  a mark  of  consideration.24 

The  effect  produced  by  the  document  on  men  whose  minds 
were  filled  with  the  most  indefinite  expectations,  was  just  such 
as  had  been  anticipated  by  the  president.  It  was  received 
with  a general  murmur  of  disapprobation.  Even  those  who 
had  got  more  than  they  expected  were  discontented,  on  com- 
paring their  condition  with  that  of  their  comrades,  whom  they 
thought  still  better  remunerated  in  proportion  to  their  deserts. 
They  especially  inveighed  against  the  preference  shown  to  the 
old  partisans  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro — as  Hinojosa,  Centeno,  and 
Aldana — over  those  who  had  always  remained  loyal  to  the 
crown.  There  was  some  ground  for  such  a preference,  for 
none  had  rendered  so  essential  services  in  crushing  the  rebel- 

23  “ Entre  los  cavalleros  capitanes  y soldados  que  le  ayudaron  en  esta  ocasion  repartid 
el  Presidente  Pedro  de  la  Gasca  135,000  pesos  ensayados  de  renta  que  estaban  vacos,  y no 
un  millon  y tantos  mil  pesos,  como  dize  Diego  Fernandez,  que  escrivio  en  Palencia  estas 
alteraciones,  y de  quien  lo  tomo  Antonio  de  Herrera  : y porque  esta  ocasion  fu^  la  segun- 
da  en  que  los  benemeritos  del  Piru  fundan  con  razon  los  servicios  de  sus  pasados,  porque 
mediante  esta  batalla  aseguro  la  corona  de  Castilla  las  provincias  mas  ricas  que  tiene  en 
America,  pondr6  sus  nombres  para  que  se  conserbe  con  certeza  su  memoria  como  pareze 
en  el  auto  original  que  proveyo  en  el  asiento  de  Guainarima  cerca  de  la  ciudad  del  Cuzco, 
en  diez  y siete  de  Agosto  de  1548,  que  estd  en  los  archivos  de  govierno.”  MS.  de  Cara- 
vantes. — The  sum  mentioned  in  the  text  as  thus  divided  among  the  army  falls  very  far  short 
of  the  amount  stated  by  Garcilasso,  Fernandez,  Zarate,  and,  indeed,  every  other  writer  on 
the  subject,  none  of  whom  estimate  it  at  less  than  a million  of  pesos.  But  Caravantes, 
from  whom  I have  taken  it,  copies  the  original  act  of  partition  preserved  in  the  royal  ar- 
chives. Yet  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  ought  to  have  been  well  informed  of  the  value  of  these 
estates,  which,  according  to  him,  far  exceeded  the  estimate  given  in  the  schedule.  Thus, 
for  instance,  Hinojosa,  he  says,  obtained  from  the  share  of  lands  and  rich  mines  assigned 
to  him  from  the  property  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  no  less  than  200,000 pesos  annually,  while  An- 
dana,  the  Licentiate  Carbajal,  and  others  had  estates  which  yielded  them  from  10,000  to 
50,000 pesos.  (Ibid.,  ubi  supra.)  It  is  impossible  to  reconcile  these  monstrous  discrepan- 
cies. No  sum  seems  to  have  been  too  large  for  the  credulity  of  the  ancient  chronicler  ; 
and  the  imagination  of  the  reader  is  so  completely  bewildered  by  the  actual  riches  of  this 
El  Dorado  that  it  is  difficult  to  adjust  his  faith  by  any  standard  of  probability. 

24  Caravantes  has  transcribed  from  the  original  act  a full  catalogue  of  the  pensioner#, 
with  the  amount  of  the  sums  set  against  each  of  their  names. 


CHAP.  IV.  J 


SPOILS  OF  VICTORY. 


315 


lion  ; and  it  was  these  services  that  Gasca  proposed  to  recom- 
pense. To  reward  every  man  who  had  proved  himself  loyal, 
simply  for  his  loyalty,  would  have  frittered  away  the  donative 
into  fractions  that  would  be  of  little  value  to  any.25 

It  was  in  vain,  however,  that  the  archbishop,  seconded  by 
some  of  the  principal  cavaliers,  endeavored  to  infuse  a more 
contented  spirit  into  the  multitude.  They  insisted  that  the 
award  should  be  rescinded,  and  a new  one  made  on  more  equi- 
table principles ; threatening,  moreover,  that  if  this  were  not 
done  by  the  president  they  would  take  the  redress  of  the  mat- 
ter into  their  own  hands.  Their  discontent,  fomented  by 
some  mischievous  persons  who  thought  to  find  their  account  in 
it,  at  length  proceeded  so  far  as  to  menace  a mutiny  ; and  it 
was  not  suppressed  till  the  commander  of  Cuzco  sentenced  one 
of  the  ringleaders  to  death  and  several  others  to  banishment. 
The  iron  soldiery  of  the  Conquest  required  an  iron  hand  to 
rule  them. 

Meanwhile  the  president  had  continued  his  journey  toward 
Lima,  and  on  the  way  was  everywhere  received  by  the  people 
with  an  enthusiasm  the  more  grateful  to  his  heart  that  he  felt 
he  had  deserved  it.  As  he  drew  near  the  capital,  the  loyal  in- 
habitants prepared  to  give  him  a magnificent  reception.  The 
whole  population  came  forth  from  the  gates,  led  by  the  author- 
ities of  the  city,  with  Aldana  as  corregidor  at  their  head. 
Gasca  rode  on  a mule,  dressed  in  his  ecclesiastical  robes.  On  his 
right,  borne  on  a horse  richly  caparisoned,  was  the  royal  seal, 
in  a box  curiously  chased  and  ornamented.  A gorgeous  can- 
opy of  brocade  was  supported  above  his  head  by  the  officers  of 
the  municipality,  who,  in  their  robes  of  crimson  velvet,  walked 
bareheaded  by  his  side.  Gay  troops  of  dancers,  clothed  in 
fantastic  dresses  of  gaudy-colored  silk,  followed  the  procession, 
strewing  flowers  and  chanting  verses  as  they  went,  in  honor  of 
the  president.  They  were  designed  as  emblematical  of  the 
different  cities  of  the  colony ; and  they  bore  legends  or  mot* 

98  The  president  found  an  ingenious  way  of  remunerating  several  of  his  followers,  by  be- 
stowing on  them  the  hands  of  the  rich  widows  of  the  cavaliers  who  had  perished  in  the  war- 
The  inclinations  of  the  ladies  do  not  seem  to  have  been  always  consulted  in  this  politic  ar- 
rangement See  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  a,  lib.  6,  cap.  3, 


3 16 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


toes  in  rhyme  on  their  caps,  intimating  their  loyal  devotion  to 
the  crown,  and  evincing  much  more  loyalty  in  their  composi- 
tion, it  may  be  added,  than  poetical  merit.26  In  this  way, 
without  beat  of  drum,  or  noise  of  artillery,  or  any  of  the  rude 
accompaniments  of  war,  the  good  president  made  his  peaceful 
entry  into  the  City  of  the  Kings,  while  the  air  was  rent  with 
the  acclamations  of  the  people,  who  hailed  him  as  their 
“ Father  and  Deliverer,  the  Saviour  of  their  country  ! ” 27 

But,  however  grateful  this  homage  to  Gasca’s  heart,  he  was 
not  the  man  to  waste  his  time  in  idle  vanities.  He  now 
thought  only  by  what  means  he  could  eradicate  the  seeds  of 
disorder  which  shot  up  so  readily  in  this  fruitful  soil,  and  how 
he  could  place  the  authority  of  the  government  on  a perma- 
nent basis.  By  virtue  of  his  office,  he  presided  over  the  Royal 
Audience,  the  great  judicial  and,  indeed,  executive  tribunal  of 
the  colony  ; and  he  gave  great  despatch  to  the  business,  which 
had  much  accumulated  during  the  late  disturbances.  In  the 
unsettled  state  of  property,  there  was  abundant  subject  for  liti- 
gation ; but,  fortunately,  the  new  Audience  was  composed  of 
able,  upright  judges,  who  labored  diligently  with  their  chief  to 
correct  the  mischief  caused  by  the  misrule  of  their  predecessors. 

Neither  was  Gasca  unmindful  of  the  unfortunate  natives ; 
and  he  occupied  himself  earnestly  with  that  difficult  problem 
— the  best  means  practicable  of  ameliorating  their  condition. 
He  sent  a number  of  commissioners,  as  visitors,  into  different 
parts  of  the  country,  whose  business  it  was  to  inspect  the  enco- 
miendas  and  ascertain  the  manner  in  which  the  Indians  were 
treated,  by  conversing  not  only  with  the  proprietors,  but  with 
the  natives  themselves.  They  were  also  to  learn  the  nature 
and  extent  of  the  tributes  paid  in  former  times  by  the  vassals 
of  the  Incas.28 

29  Fernandez  has  collected  these  flowers  of  colonial  poesy,  which  prove  that  the  old  Con- 
querors  were  much  less  expert  with  the  pen  than  with  the  sword.  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  i, 
lib.  2,  cap.  33. 

2T  “Fue  recibimiento  mui  solemne,  con  universal  alegria  del  Pueblo,  por  verse  libre  d« 
x'rranos  ; i toda  la  Gente,  k voces,  bendecia  al  Presidente,  i le  llamaban  : Padre,  Restate 
rad oi,  i Pacificador,  dando  gracias  k Dios  por  haver  vengado  las  injurias  hechas  k su 
Divina  Magestad.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  4,  cap.  17. 

28  **  El  Presidente  Gasca  mando  visitar  todas  las  provinctas  y repartimientos  deste  reyno, 
nombrando  para  ©llo  personas  de  autoridad  y de  quien  m tenia  entendido  que  tenian  co 


CHAP.  IT.) 


WISE  REFORMS  BY  GASCA. 


3i  7 


In  this  way  a large  amount  of  valuable  information  was 
obtained,  which  enabled  Gasca,  with  the  aid  of  a council  of 
ecclesiastics  and  jurists,  to  digest  a uniform  system  of  taxation 
for  the  natives,  lighter  even  than  that  imposed  on  them  by  the 
Peruvian  princes.  The  president  would  gladly  have  relieved 
the  conquered  races  from  the  obligations  of  personal  service ; 
but,  on  mature  consideration,  this  was  judged  impracticable  in 
the  present  state  of  the  country,  since  the  colonists,  more 
especially  in  the  tropical  regions,  looked  to  the  natives  for  the 
performance  of  labor,  and  the  latter,  it  was  found  from  experi- 
ence, would  not  work  at  all  unless  compelled  to  do  so.  The 
president,  however,  limited  the  amount  of  service  to  be  ex- 
acted, with  great  precision,  so  that  it  was  in  the  nature  of  a 
moderate  personal  tax.  No  Peruvian  was  to  be  required  to 
change  his  place  of  residence,  from  the  climate  to  which  he 
had  been  accustomed,  to  another — a fruitful  source  of  discom- 
fort, as  well  as  of  disease,  in  past  times.  By  these  various 
regulations  the  condition  of  the  natives,  though  not  such  as  had 
been  contemplated  by  the  sanguine  philanthropy  of  Las  Casas, 
was  improved  far  more  than  was  compatible  with  the  craving 
demands  of  the  colonists ; and  all  the  firmness  of  the  Audience 
was  required  to  enforce  provisions  so  unpalatable  to  the  lat- 
ter. Still,  they  were  enforced.  Slavery,  in  its  most  odious 
sense,  was  no  longer  tolerated  in  Peru.  The  term  “slave” 
was  not  recognized  as  having  relation  to  her  institutions ; 
and  the  historian  of  the  Indies  makes  the  proud  boast — it 
should  have  been  qualified  by  the  limitations  I have  noticed 
— that  every  Indian  vassal  might  aspire  to  the  rank  of  a free- 
man.28 

Besides  these  reforms,  Gasca  introduced  several  in  the  mu- 
nicipal government  of  the  cities,  and  others  yet  more  important 

noacimiento  de  la  tierra  que  se  les  encargavan,  que  ha  de  serla  principal  calidad,  que  se  ha 
buscar  en  la  persona,  a quien  se  comete  semejante  negocio  despues  que  sea  Cristiana  : lo 
aegundo  se  les  dio  instruccion  de  lo  que  hauian  de  averiguar,  que  fueron  muchas  cosas  t 
el  nuraero,  las  haciendas,  los  tratos  y grangerias,  la  calidad  de  la  gente  y de  sus  tierras  y 
comarca  y lo  que  davan  de  tnbuto.”  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 

“El  Presidente  i e\  Audiencia  dieron  tales  ordenes  que  este  negocio  se  asento,  de 
maneia  que  para  adelante  no  se  platico  mas  este  nombre  de  Esclavos,  sino  que  la  libeotaui 
fee  general  por  todo  el  Reino.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  5,  cap.  7. 


3 1 8 SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 

in  the  management  of  the  finances  and  in  the  mode  of  keeping 
the  accounts.  By  these  and  other  changes  in  the  internal 
economy  of  the  colony  he  placed  the  administration  on  a new 
basis,  and  greatly  facilitated  the  way  for  a more  sure  and 
orderly  government  by  his  successors.  As  a final  step,  to  se- 
cure the  repose  of  the  country  after  he  was  gone,  he  detached 
some  of  the  more  aspiring  cavaliers  on  distant  expeditions, 
trusting  that  they  would  draw  off  the  light  and  restless  spirits 
who  might  otherwise  gather  together  and  disturb  the  public 
tranquillity ; as  we  sometimes  see  the  mists  which  have  been 
scattered  by  the  genial  influence  of  the  sun  become  condensed 
and  settle  into  a storm  on  his  departure.80 

Gasca  had  been  now  more  than  fifteen  months  in  Lima,  and 
nearly  three  years  had  elapsed  since  his  first  entrance  into 
Peru.  In  that  time  he  had  accomplished  the  great  objects  of 
his  mission.  When  he  landed,  he  found  the  colony  in  a state 
of  anarchy,  or  rather  organized  rebellion  under  a powerful  and 
popular  chief.  He  came  without  funds  or  forces  to  support 
him.  The  former  he  pr^ured  through  the  credit  which  he 
established  in  his  good  faith  ; the  latter  he  won  over  by  argument 
and  persuasion  from  the  very  persons  to  whom  they  had  been 
confided  by  his  rival.  Thus  he  turned  the  arms  of  that  rival 
against  himself.  By  a calm  appeal  to  reason  he  wrought  a 
change  in  the  hearts  of  the  people ; and  without  costing  a drop 
of  blood  to  a single  loyal  subject  he  suppressed  a rebellion  which 
had  menaced  Spain  with  the  loss  cf  the  wealthiest  of  her  prov- 
inces. He  had  punished  the  guilty,  and  in  their  spoils  found 
the  means  to  recompense  the  faithful.  He  had,  moreover,  so 
well  husbanded  the  resources  of  the  country  that  he  was 
enabled  to  pay  off  the  large  loan  he  had  negotiated  with  the 
merchants  of  the  colony  for  the  expenses  of  the  war,  exceeding 
nine  hundred  thousand  pesos  de  oro -31  Nay,  more,  by  his 

90  MS.  de  Caravantes. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  187. — Fernandez,  Hist.  del. 
Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  93-95. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  10. 

81  “ Recogio  tanta  suma  de  dinero,  que  pago  novecientos  mil  pesos  de  Oro,  que  se  hall£ 
haver  gastado,  desde  el  Dia  que  entro  en  Panam£,  hasta  que  se  acabo  la  Guerra,  losquales 
tomo  prestados.”  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  5,  cap.  7. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
lib.  7,  cap.  10. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


HE  RETURNS  TO  SPAIN. 


319 


economy  he  had  saved  a million  and  a half  of  ducats  for  the 
government,  which  for  some  years  had  received  nothing  from 
Peru  ; and  he  now  proposed  to  carry  back  this  acceptable 
treasure  to  swell  the  royal  coffers.32  All  this  had  been  accom- 
plished without  the  cost  of  outfit  or  salary,  or  any  charge  to 
the  crown  except  that  of  his  own  frugal  expenditure.33  The 
country  was  now  in  a state  of  tranquillity.  Gasca  felt  that  his 
work  was  done,  and  that  he  was  free  to  gratify  his  natural 
longing  to  return  to  his  native  land. 

Before  his  departure  he  arranged  a distribution  of  those 
repartimientos  which  had  lapsed  to  the  crown  during  the  past 
year  by  the  death  of  the  incumbents.  Life  was  short  in  Peru  ; 
since  those  who  lived  by  the  sword,  if  they  did  not  die  by  the 
sword,  too  often  fell  early  victims  to  the  hardships  incident  to 
their  adventurous  career.  Many  were  the  applicants  for  the 
new  bounty  of  government ; and,  as  among  them  were  some  of 
those  who  had  been  discontented  with  the  former  partition, 
Gasca  was  assailed  by  remonstrances,  and  sometimes  by  re- 
proaches, couched  in  no  very  decorous  or  respectful  language. 
But  they  had  no  power  to  disturb  his  equanimity  : he  patiently 
listened  and  replied  to  all  in  the  mild  tone  of  expostulation 
best  calculated  to  turn  away  wrath ; “by  this  victory  over 
himself,”  says  an  old  writer,  “ acquiring  more  real  glory  than 
by  all  his  victories  over  his  enemies.”  34 

An  incident  occurred  on  the  eve  of  his  departure,  touching 
in  itself,  and  honorable  to  the  parties  concerned.  The  Indian 
caciques  of  the  neighboring  country,  mindful  of  the  great  bene- 
fits he  had  rendered  their  people,  presented  him  with  a con- 
siderable quantity  of  plate  in  token  of  their  gratitude.  But 
Gasca  refused  to  receive  it,  though  in  doing  so  he  gave  much 

32  “ Aviendo  pagado  el  Presidente  las  costas  de  la  guerra  que  fueron  muchas,  remitid  A 
S.  M.  y lo  llevo  consigo  264,422  marcos  de  plata,  que  A seis  ducados  valieron  1 millon 
588,332  ducados.”  MS.  de  Caravantes. 

93  “ No  tubo  ni  quiso  salario  el  Presidente  Gasca  sino  cedula  para  que  A un  mayordomo 
suyo  diosen  los  Oficiales  reales  lo  necesario  de  la  real  Hacienda,  que  como  pareze  de  los 
quademos  de  su  gasto  fud  muy  moderado.”  (MS.  de  Caravantes.)  Gasca,  it  appears, 
was  most  exact  in  keeping  the  accounts  of  his  disbursements  for  the  expenses  of  himself 
and  household,  from  the  time  he  embarked  for  the  colonies. 

84  “En  lo  qual  hizo  mas  queen  veneer  y ganar  todo  aquel  Ymperio  : porque  fue  ven- 
cerse  assi  proprio.”  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  6.  cap.  7. 


320 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 


concern  to  the  Peruvians,  who  feared  they  had  unwittingly 
fallen  under  his  displeasure. 

Many  of  the  principal  colonists,  also,  from  the  same  wish  to 
show  their  sense  of  his  important  services,  sent  to  him,  after  he 
had  embarked,  a magnificent  donative  of  fifty  thousand  gold 
Castellanos.  “As  he  had  taken  leave  of  Peru,’’  they  said, 
“ there  could  be  no  longer  any  ground  for  declining  it.’’  But 
Gasca  was  as  decided  in  his  rejection  of  this  present  as  he  had 
been  of  the  other.  “ He  had  come  to  the  country,”  he  re- 
marked, ‘ ‘ to  serve  the  king  and  to  secure  the  blessings  of  peace 
to  the  inhabitants  ; and  now  that,  by  the  favor  of  Heaven,  he 
had  been  permitted  to  accomplish  this,  he  would  not  dishonor 
the  cause  by  any  act  that  might  throw  suspicion  on  the  purity 
of  his  motives.”  Notwithstanding  his  refusal,  the  colonists 
contrived  to  secrete  the  sum  of  twenty  thousand  Castellanos  on 
board  of  his  vessel,  with  the  idea  that,  once  in  his  own  coun- 
try, with  his  mission  concluded,  the  president’s  scruples  would 
be  removed.  Gasca  did,  indeed,  accept  the  donative,  for  he 
felt  that  it  would  be  ungracious  to  send  it  back  ; but  it  was 
only  till  he  could  ascertain  the  relatives  of  the  donors,  when 
he  distributed  it  among  the  most  needy.85 

Having  now  settled  all  his  affairs,  the  president  committed 
the  government,  until  the  arrival  of  a viceroy,  to  his  faithful 
partners  of  the  Royal  Audience,  and  in  January,  1550,  he  em- 
barked with  the  royal  treasure  on  board  of  a squadron  for 
Panama.  He  was  accompanied  to  the  shore  by  a numerous 
crowd  of  the  inhabitants,  cavaliers  and  common  people,  per- 
sons of  all  ages  and  conditions,  who  followed  to  take  their  last 
look  of  their  benefactor,  and  watch  with  straining  eyes  the 
vessel  that  bore  him  away  from  their  land. 

His  voyage  was  prosperous,  and  early  in  March  the  president 
reached  his  destined  port.  He  stayed  there  only  till  he  could 
muster  horses  and  mules  sufficient  to  carry  the  treasure  across 
the  mountains ; for  he  knew  that  this  part  of  the  country 
abounded  in  wild,  predatory  spirits,  who  would  be  sorely 
tempted  to  some  act  of  violence  by  a knowledge  of  the  wealth 

as  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  z,  lib.  3,  cap.  95. 


CHAP.  IV.J 


HE  RETURNS  TO  SPAIN. 


321 


which  he  had  with  him.  Pushing  forward,  therefore,  he 
crossed  the  rugged  Isthmus,  and,  after  a painful  march,  arrived 
in  safety  at  Nombre  de  Dios. 

The  event  justified  his  apprehensions.  He  had  been  gone 
but  three  days  when  a ruffian  horde,  after  murdering  the  Bishop 
of  Guatemala,  broke  into  Panama  with  the  design  of  inflicting 
the  same  fate  on  the  president  and  of  seizing  the  booty.  No 
sooner  were  the  tidings  communicated  to  Gasca  than,  with  his 
usual  energy,  he  levied  a force  and  prepared  to  march  to  the 
relief  of  the  invaded  capital.  But  Fortune — or,  to  speak  more 
correctly,  Providence — favored  him  here,  as  usual ; and  on 
the  eve  of  his  departure  he  learned  that  the  marauders  had 
been  met  by  the  citizens  and  discomfited  with  great  slaugh- 
ter. Disbanding  his  forces,  therefore,  he  equipped  a fleet  of 
nineteen  vessels  to  transport  himself  and  the  royal  treasure 
to  Spain,  where  he  arrived  in  safety,  entering  the  harbor  of 
Seville  after  a little  more  than  four  years  from  the  period  when 
he  had  sailed  from  the  same  port.86 

Great  was  the  sensation  throughout  the  country  caused  by 
his  arrival.  Men  could  hardly  believe  that  results  so  momen- 
tous had  been  accomplished  in  so  short  a time  by  a single  indi- 
vidual— a poor  ecclesiastic,  who,  unaided  by  the  government, 
had  by  his  own  strength,  as  it  were,  put  down  a rebellion 
which  had  so  long  set  the  arms  of  Spain  at  defiance  ! 

The  emperor  was  absent  in  Flanders.  He  was  overjoyed  on 
learning  the  complete  success  of  Gasca’s  mission,  and  not  less 
satisfied  with  the  tidings  of  the  treasure  he  had  brought  with 
him  ; for  the  exchequer,  rarely  filled  to  overflowing,  had  been 
exhausted  by  the  recent  troubles  in  Germany.  Charles  in- 
stantly wrote  to  the  president,  requiring  his  presence  at  court, 
that  he  might  learn  from  his  own  lips  the  particulars  of  his 
expedition.  Gasca,  accordingly,  attended  by  a numerous  re- 
tinue of  nobles  and  cavaliers — for  who  does  not  pay  homage 
to  him  whom  the  king  delighteth  to  honor  ? — embarked  at 


*®  MS.  de  Caravantes. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  183. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del 
Peru,  Parte  a,  lib.  1,  cap.  10. — Zarate,  Contj.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  13. — Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  8,  lib.  6,  cap.  17. 


322 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  (book  t. 


Barcelona,  and,  after  a favorable  voyage,  joined  the  court  in 
Flanders. 

He  was  received  by  his  royal  master,  who  fully  appreciated 
his  services,  in  a manner  most  grateful  to  his  feelings ; and 
not  long  afterward  he  was  raised  to  the  bishopric  of  Palencia — 
a mode  of  acknowledgment  best  suited  to  his  character  and 
deserts.  Here  he  remained  till  1561,  when  he  was  promoted 
to  the  vacant  see  of  Siguenza.  The  rest  of  his  days  he  passed 
peacefully  in  the  discharge  of  his  episcopal  functions,  honored 
by  his  sovereign,  and  enjoying  the  admiration  and  respect  of 
his  countrymen.37 

In  his  retirement  he  was  still  consulted  by  the  government 
m matters  of  importance  relating  to  the  Indies.  The  disturb- 
ances of  that  unhappy  land  were  renewed,  though  on  a much 
smaller  scale  than  before,  soon  after  the  president’s  departure. 
They  were  chiefly  caused  by  discontent  with  the  repartimien - 
tos,  and  with  the  constancy  of  the  Audience  in  enforcing  the 
benevolent  restrictions  as  to  the  personal  services  of  the  natives. 
But  these  troubles  subsided,  after  a very  few  years,  under  the 
wise  rule  of  the  Mendozas — two  successive  viceroys  of  that  illus- 
trious house  which  has  given  so  many  of  its  sons  to  the  service 
of  Spain.  Under  their  rule  the  mild  yet  determined  policy 
was  pursued  of  which  Gasca  had  set  the  example.  The  ancient 
distractions  of  the  country  were  permanently  healed.  With 
peace,  prosperity  returned  within  the  borders  of  Peru ; and 
the  consciousness  of  the  beneficent  results  of  his  labors  may 
have  shed  a ray  of  satisfaction,  as  it  did  of  glory,  over  the  even- 
ing of  the  president’s  life. 

That  life  was  brought  to  a close  in  November,  1567,  at  an 
age,  probably,  not  far  from  the  one  fixed  by  the  sacred  writer 
as  the  term  of  human  existence.88  He  died  at  Valbnlolid,  and 

97  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  8,  lib.  6,  cap.  17. — MS.  de  Caravantes.— -Gomara,  Hist, 
delas  Indias,  cap.  182. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  2,  lib.  x,  cap.  10. — Zarate,  Conq. 
del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  13. 

30  I have  met  with  no  account  of  the  year  in  which  Gasca  was  born  ; but  an  Inscription 
on  his  portrait  in  the  sacristy  of  St.  Mary  Magdalene  at  Valladolid,  from  which  the  engrav. 
ing  prefixed  to  this  volume  is  taken,  states  that  he  died  in  1567,  at  the  age  of  seventy-one. 
This  is  perfectly  consistent  with  the  time  of  life,  at  which  he  had  probably  arrived  when  we 
find  him  a collegiate  at  Salamanca,  in  the  year  1522. 


CHAP,  iv.j 


HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER. 


323 


was  buried  in  the  church  of  Santa  Maria  Magdalena,  in  that 
city,  which  he  had  built  and  liberally  endowed.  His  monu- 
ment, surmounted  by  the  sculptured  effigy  of  a priest  in  his 
sacerdotal  robes,  is  still  to  be  seen  there,  attracting  the  admira- 
tion of  the  traveller  by  the  beauty  of  its  execution.  The  ban- 
ners taken  from  Gonzalo  Pizarro  on  the  field  of  Xaquixaguana 
were  suspended  over  his  tomb,  as  the  trophies  of  his  memorable 
mission  to  Peru.39  The  banners  have  long  since  mouldered 
into  dust,  with  the  remains  of  him  who  slept  beneath  them  ; 
but  the  memory  of  his  good  deeds  will  endure  forever. 40 

Gasca  was  plain  in  person,  and  his  countenance  was  far  from 
comely.  He  was  awkward  and  ill-proportioned  ; for  his  limbs 
were  too  long  for  his  body — so  that  when  he  rode  he  appeared 
to  be  much  shorter  than  he  really  was.41  His  dress  was  humble, 
his  manners  simple,  and  there  was  nothing  imposing  in  his 
presence.  But,  on  a nearer  intercourse,  there  was  a charm  in 
his  discourse  that  effaced  every  unfavorable  impression  pro- 
duced by  his  exterior,  and  won  the  hearts  of  his  hearers. 

The  president’s  character  may  be  thought  to  have  been  suf- 
ficiently portrayed  in  the  history  already  given  of  his  life.  It 
presented  a combination  of  qualities  which  generally  serve  to 
neutralize  each  other,  but  which  were  mixed  in  such  propor- 
tions in  him  as  to  give  it  additional  strength.  He  was  gentle, 
yet  resolute  ; by  nature  intrepid,  yet  preferring  to  rely  on  the 
softer  arts  of  policy.  He  was  frugal  in  his  personal  expenditure, 
and  economical  in  the  public,  yet  caring  nothing  for  riches  on 

89  4‘  Murio  en  Valladolid,  donde  mando  enterrar  su  cuerpo  en  la  Iglesia  de  la  advoca- 
eion  de  la  Magdalena,  que  hizo  edificar  en  aquella  ciudad,  donde  se  pusieron  las  vanderas 
que  gan6  A Gonzalo  Pizarro.”  MS.  de  Caravan tes. 

40  The  memory  of  his  achievements  has  not  been  left  entirely  to  the  care  of  the  historian. 
It  is  but  a few  years  since  the  character  and  administration  of  Gasca  formed  the  subject  of 
an  elaborate  panegyric  from  one  of  the  most  distinguished  statesmen  in  the  British  parlia- 
ment. (See  Lord  Brougham’s  speech  on  the  maltreatment  of  the  North  American  colonies, 
February.  1838.)  The  enlightened  Spaniard  of  our  day,  who  contemplates  with  sorrow 
the  excesses  committed  by  his  countrymen  of  the  sixteenth  century  in  the  New  World,  may 
(cel  an  honest  pride  that  in  this  company  of  dark  spirits  should  be  found  one  to  whom  the 
present  generation  may  turn  as  to  the  brightest  model  of  integrity  and  wisdom. 

41  “Era  muy  pequeno  de  cuerpo  con  estrana  hechura,  que  de  la  cintura  abaxo  tenia 
tanto  cuerpo,  como  qualquiera  hombre  alto,  y de  la  cintura  al  hombro  no  tenia  vna  tercia. 
Andando  a cauallo  pareacia  a vn  mas  pequefio  de  lo  que  era,  porque  todo  era  piernas  : de 
rostro  era  muy  feo  : j»ero  lo  que  la  naturaleza  le  nego  de  las  dotes  del  cuerpo,  se  los  doblo 
en  los  del  arumo.”  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  a,  lib.  5,  cap.  2. 


324 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [BOOK  V 


his  own  account,  and  never  stinting  his  bounty  when  the  public 
good  required  it.  He  was  benevolent  and  placable,  yet  could 
deal  sternly  with  the  impenitent  offender  ; lowly  in  his  deport- 
ment, yet  with  a full  measure  of  that  self-respect  which  springs 
from  conscious  rectitude  of  purpose  ; modest  and  unpretending, 
yet  not  shrinking  from  the  most  difficult  enterprises ; deferring 
greatly  to  others,  yet,  in  the  last  resort,  relying  mainly  on  him- 
self ; moving  with  deliberation — patiently  waiting  his  time — 
but,  when  that  came,  bold,  prompt,  and  decisive. 

Gasca  was  not  a man  of  genius,  in  the  vulgar  sense  of  that 
term.  At  least,  no  one  of  his  intellectual  powers  seems  to  have 
received  an  extraordinary  development,  beyond  what  is  found 
in  others.  He  was  not  a great  writer,  nor  a great  orator,  nor 
a great  general.  He  did  not  affect  to  be  either.  He  commit- 
ted the  care  of  his  military  matters  to  military  men  ; of  ecclesi- 
astical, to  the  clergy ; and  his  civil  and  judicial  concerns  he 
reposed  on  the  members  of  the  Audience.  He  was  not  one  of 
those  little  great  men  who  aspire  to  do  everything  themselves, 
under  the  conviction  that  nothing  can  be  done  so  well  by 
others.  But  the  president  was  a keen  judge  of  character. 
Whatever  might  be  the  office,  he  selected  the  best  man  for  it. 
He  did  more.  He  assured  himself  of  the  fidelity  of  his  agents, 
presided  at  their  deliberations,  dictated  a general  line  of  policy, 
and  thus  infused  a spirit  of  unity  into  their  plans  which  made 
all  move  in  concert  to  the  accomplishment  of  one  grand  re- 
sult. 

A distinguishing  feature  of  his  mind  was  his  common  sense 
— the  best  substitute  for  genius  in  a ruler  who  has  the  desti- 
nies of  his  fellow-men  at  his  disposal,  and  more  indispensable 
than  genius  itself.  In  Gasca  the  different  qualities  were 
blended  in  such  harmony  that  there  was  no  room  for  excess. 
They  seemed  to  regulate  each  other.  While  his  sympathy 
with  mankind  taught  him  the  nature  of  their  wants,  his  reason 
suggested  to  what  extent  these  were  capable  of  relief,  as  well 
as  the  best  mode  of  effecting  it.  He  did  not  waste  his  strength 
on  illusory  schemes  of  benevolence,  like  Las  Casas,  on  the  one 
hand ; nor  did  he  countenance  the  selfish  policy  of  the  colo* 


CHAP.  IV.]  HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER.  325 

nists,  on  the  other.  He  aimed  at  the  practicable — the  greatest 
good  practicable. 

In  accomplishing  his  objects,  he  disclaimed  force  equally 
with  fraud.  He  trusted  for  success  to  his  power  over  the  con- 
victions of  his  hearers ; and  the  source  of  this  power  was  the 
confidence  he  inspired  in  his  own  integrity.  Amid  all  the 
calumnies  of  faction  no  imputation  was  ever  cast  on  the  integ- 
rity of  Gasca.42  No  wonder  that  a virtue  so  rare  should  be  of 
high  price  in  Peru. 

There  are  some  men  whose  characters  have  been  so  wonder- 
fully adapted  to  the  peculiar  crisis  in  which  they  appeared 
that  they  seem  to  have  been  specially  designed  for  it  by  Provi- 
dence. Such  was  Washington  in  our  own  country,  and  Gasca 
in  Peru.  We  can  conceive  of  individuals  with  higher  quali- 
ties, at  least  with  higher  intellectual  qualities,  than  belonged  to 
either  of  these  great  men.  But  it  was  the  wonderful  conform- 
ity of  their  characters  to  the  exigencies  of  their  situation,  the 
perfect  adaptation  of  the  means  to  the  end,  that  constituted 
the  secret  of  their  success — that  enabled  Gasca  so  gloriously 
to  crush  revolution,  and  Washington  still  more  gloriously  to 
achieve  it. 

Gasca’s  conduct  on  his  first  coming  to  the  colonies  affords 
the  best  illustration  of  his  character.  Had  he  come  backed  by 
a military  array,  or  even  clothed  in  the  paraphernalia  of 
authority,  every  heart  and  hand  would  have  been  closed  against 
him.  But  the  humble  ecclesiastic  excited  no  apprehension  ; 
and  his  enemies  were  already  disarmed  before  he  had  begun  his 
approaches.  Had  Gasca,  impatient  of  Hinojosa’s  tardiness, 
listened  to  the  suggestions  of  those  who  advised  his  seizure,  he 
would  have  brought  his  cause  into  jeopardy  by  this  early  dis- 
play of  violence.  But  he  wisely  chose  to  win  over  his  enemy 
by  operating  on  his  conviction. 

In  like  manner,  he  awaited  his  time  for  making  his  entry 
into  Peru.  He  suffered  his  communications  to  do  their  work 

45  “ Fue  tan  recatado  y estremado  en  esta  virtud,  que  puesto  que  de  muchos  quedd  mal 
quisto,  quando  del  Pere  se  partio  para  Espana,  por  el  reparimiento  que  hizo  : con  todo 
esso,  jamas  nadie  dixo  del,  ni  sospechd  ; que  en  esto,  ni  otra  cosa,  »e  vuiesse  mouido  por 
codicia.”  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  x,  lib.  2,  cap.  95. 


326  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [book  v. 

in  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  was  careful  not  to  thrust  in 
the  sickle  before  the  harvest  was  ripe.  In  this  way,  wherever 
he  went,  everything  was  prepared  for  his  coming ; and  when 
he  set  foot  in  Peru  the  country  was  already  his  own. 

After  the  dark  and  turbulent  spirits  with  which  we  have 
been  hitherto  occupied,  it  is  refreshing  to  dwell  on  a character 
like  that  of  Gasca.  In  the  long  procession  which  has  passed 
in  review  before  us,  we  have  seen  only  the  mail-clad  cavalier, 
brandishing  his  bloody  lance  and  mounted  on  his  war-horse, 
riding  over  the  helpless  natives  or  battling  with  his  own  friends 
and  brothers ; fierce,  arrogant,  and  cruel,  urged  on  by  the  lust 
of  gold  or  the  scarcely  more  honorable  love  of  a bastard 
glory.  Mingled  with  these  qualities,  indeed,  we  have  seen 
sparkles  of  the  chivalrous  and  romantic  temper  which  belongs 
to  the  heroic  age  of  Spain.  But,  with  some  honorable  excep- 
tions, it  was  the  scum  of  her  chivalry  that  resorted  to  Peru 
and  took  service  under  the  banner  of  the  Pizarros.  At  the 
close  of  this  long  array  of  iron  warriors  we  behold  the  poor 
and  humble  missionary  coming  into  the  land  on  an  errand  of 
mercy  and  everywhere  proclaiming  the  glad  tidings  of  peace. 
No  warlike  trumpet  heralds  his  approach,  nor  is  his  course  to 
be  tracked  by  the  groans  of  the  wounded  and  the  dying.  The 
means  he  employs  are  in  perfect  harmony  with  his  end.  His 
weapons  are  argument  and  mild  persuasion.  It  is  the  reason 
he  would  conquer,  not  the  body.  He  wins  his  way  by  con- 
viction, not  by  violence.  It  is  a moral  victory  to  which  he 
aspires,  more  potent,  and  happily  more  permanent,  than  that 
of  the  blood-stained  conqueror.  As  he  thus  calmly  and  imper- 
ceptibly, as  it  were,  comes  to  his  great  results,  he  may  remind 
us  of  the  slow,  insensible  manner  in  which  Nature  works  out 
her  great  changes  in  the  material  world,  that  are  to  endure 
when  the  ravages  of  the  hurricane  are  passed  away  and  for- 
gotten. 

With  the  mission  of  Gasca  terminates  the  history  of  the 
Conquest  of  Peru.  The  Conquest,  indeed,  strictly  terminates 
with  the  suppression  of  the  Peruvian  revolt,  when  the  strength, 
if  not  the  spirit,  of  the  Inca  race  was  crushed  forever.  The 


CHAP.  IV. j 


ZARATE. 


327 


reader,  however,  might  feel  a natural  curiosity  to  follow  to  its 
close  the  fate  of  the  remarkable  family  who  achieved  the  Con- 
quest. Nor  would  the  story  of  the  invasion  itself  be  complete 
without  some  account  of  the  civil  wars  which  grew  out  of  it ; 
which  serve,  moreover,  as  a moral  commentary  on  preceding 
events,  by  showing  that  the  indulgence  of  fierce,  unbridled 
passions  is  sure  to  recoil,  sooner  or  later,  even  in  this  life,  on 
the  heads  of  the  guilty. 

It  is  true,  indeed,  that  the  troubles  of  the  country  were  re- 
newed on  the  departure  of  Gasca.  The  waters  had  been  too 
fearfully  agitated  to  be  stilled  at  once  into  a calm ; but  they 
gradually  subsided  under  the  temperate  rule  of  his  successors, 
who  wisely  profited  by  his  policy  and  example.  Thus  the  in- 
fluence of  the  good  president  remained  after  he  was  withdrawn 
from  the  scene  of  his  labors,  and  Peru,  hitherto  so  distracted, 
continued  to  enjoy  as  large  a share  of  repose  as  any  portion 
of  the  colonial  empire  of  Spain.  With  the  benevolent  mis- 
sion of  Gasca,  then,  the  historian  of  the  Conquest  may  be 
permitted  to  terminate  his  labors — with  feelings  not  unlike 
those  of  the  traveller  who,  having  long  journeyed  among  the 
dreary  forests  and  dangerous  defiles  of  the  mountains,  at 
length  emerges  on  some  pleasant  landscape  smiling  in  tran- 
quillity and  peace. 

Augustin  de  Zarate — a highly  respectable  authority,  frequently  cited  in 
the  later  portion  of  this  work — was  Contador  de  Mercedes,  Comptroller  of 
Accounts,  for  Castile.  This  office  he  filled  for  fifteen  years  ; after  which 
he  was  sent  by  the  government  to  Peru  to  examine  into  the  state  of  the 
colonial  finances,  which  had  been  greatly  deranged  by  the  recent  troubles, 
and  to  bring  them,  if  possible,  into  order. 

Zarate  went  out  accordingly  in  the  train  of  the  viceroy  Blasco  Nunez, 
and  found  himself,  through  the  passions  of  his  imprudent  leader,  en- 
tangled, soon  after  his  arrival,  in  the  inextricable  meshes  of  civil  discord. 
In  the  struggle  which  ensued,  he  remained  with  the  Royal  Audience ; 
and  we  find  him  in  Lima,  on  the  approach  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to  that 
capital,  when  Zarate  was  deputed  by  the  judges  to  wait  on  the  insurgent 
chief  and  require  him  to  disband  his  troops  and  withdraw  to  his  own 
estates.  The  historian  executed  the  mission,  for  which  he  seems  to  have 
had  little  relish,  and  which  certainly  was  not  without  danger.  From  this 
period  we  rarely  hear  of  him  in  the  troubled  scenes  that  ensued.  He 


328 


ZARATE. 


[BOOS  v. 


probably  took  no  further  part  in  affairs  than  was  absolutely  forced  on  him 
by  circumstances  ; but  the  unfavorable  bearing  of  his  remarks  on  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  intimates  that,  however  he  may  have  been  discontented  with  the 
conduct  of  the  viceroy,  he  did  not  countenance  for  a moment  the  criminal 
ambition  of  his  rival.  The  times  were  certainly  unpropitious  to  the  exe- 
cution of  the  financial  reforms  for  which  Zarate  had  come  to  Peru.  But 
he  showed  so  much  real  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  crown  that  the 
emperor,  on  his  return,  signified  his  satisfaction  by  making  him  Superin- 
tendent of  the  Finances  in  Flanders. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  in  Peru  he  seems  to  have  conceived  the  idea  of 
making  his  countrymen  at  home  acquainted  with  the  stirring  events  pass- 
ing in  the  colony,  which,  moreover,  afforded  some  striking  passages  for 
the  study  of  the  historian.  Although  he  collected  notes  and  diaries,  as 
he  tells  us,  for  this  purpose,  he  did  not  dare  to  avail  himself  of  them  till 
his  return  to  Castile.  “For  to  have  begun  the  history  in  Peru,”  he  says, 
“ would  have  alone  been  enough  to  put  my  life  in  jeopardy  ; since  a cer- 
tain commander,  named  Francisco  de  Carbajal,  threatened  to  take  ven- 
geance on  anyone  who  should  be  so  rash  as  to  attempt  the  relation  of  his 
exploits — far  less  deserving,  as  they  were,  to  be  placed  on  record  than  to 
be  consigned  to  eternal  oblivion.”  In  this  same  commander  the  reader 
will  readily  recognize  the  veteran  lieutenant  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro. 

On  his  return  home,  Zarate  set  about  the  compilation  of  his  work.  His 
first  purpose  was  to  confine  it  to  the  events  that  followed  the  arrival  of 
Blasco  Nunez  ; but  he  soon  found  that  to  make  these  intelligible  he  must 
trace  the  stream  of  history  higher  up  toward  its  sources.  He  accordingly 
enlarged  his  plan,  and,  beginning  with  the  discovery  of  Peru,  gave  an  en- 
tire view  of  the  conquest  and  subsequent  occupation  of  the  country,  bring- 
ing the  narrative  down  to  the  close  of  Gasca’s  mission.  For  the  earlier 
portion  of  the  story  he  relied  on  the  accounts  of  persons  who  took  a lead- 
ing part  in  the  events.  He  disposes  more  summarily  of  this  portion  than 
of  that  in  which  he  himself  was  both  a spectator  and  an  actor  ; where  his 
testimony,  considering  the  advantages  his  position  gave  him  for  informa- 
tion, is  of  the  highest  value. 

Alcedo,  in  his  Biblioteca  Americana,  M.S.,  speaks  of  Zarate’s  work  as 
“ containing  much  that  is  good,  but  as  not  entitled  to  the  praise  of  exact- 
ness.” He  wrote  under  the  influence  of  party  heat,  which  necessarily 
operates  to  warp  the  fairest  mind  somewhat  from  its  natural  bent.  For 
this  we  must  make  allowance  in  perusing  accounts  of  conflicting  parties. 
But  there  is  no  intention,  apparently,  to  turn  the  truth  aside  in  support  of 
his  own  cause  ; and  his  access  to  the  best  sources  of  knowledge  often  sup- 
plies us  with  particulars  not  within  the  reach  of  other  chroniclers.  His 
narrative  is  seasoned,  moreover,  with  sensible  reflections  and  passing  com- 
ments, that  open  gleams  of  light  into  the  dark  passages  of  that  eventful 
period.  Yet  the  style  of  the  author  can  make  but  moderate  pretensions 
to  the  praise  of  elegance  or  exactness  ; while  the  sentences  run  into  that 


FERNANDEZ. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


329 


tedious,  interminable  length  which  belongs  to  the  garrulous  compositions 
of  the  regular  thoroughbred  chronicler  of  the  olden  time. 

The  personalities  necessarily  incident  more  or  less  to  such  a work  led  its 
author  to  shrink  from  publication,  at  least  during  his  life.  By  the  jealous 
spirit  of  the  Castilian  cavalier,  “censure,  ” he  says,  “ however  light,  is  re- 
garded with  indignation,  and  even  praise  is  rarely  dealt  out  in  a measure 
satisfactory  to  the  subject  of  it.”  And  he  expresses  his  conviction  that 
those  do  wisely  who  allow  their  accounts  of  their  own  times  to  repose  in 
the  quiet  security  of  manuscript  till  the  generation  that  is  to  be  affected  by 
them  has  passed  away.  His  own  manuscript,  however,  was  submitted  to 
the  emperor  ; and  it  received  such  commendation  from  this  royal  authority 
that  Zarate,  plucking  up  a more  courageous  spirit,  consented  to  give  it  to 
the  press.  It  accordingly  appeared  at  Antwerp,  in  1555,  in  octavo  ; and  a 
second  edition  was  printed  in  folio,  at  Seville,  in  1577.  It  has  since  been 
incorporated  in  Barcia’s  valuable  collection  ; and,  whatever  indignation  or 
displeasure  it  may  have  excited  among  contemporaries,  who  smarted  under 
the  author’s  censure  or  felt  themselves  defrauded  of  their  legitimate  guer- 
don, Zarate’s  work  has  taken  a permanent  rank  among  the  most  respect- 
able authorities  for  a history  of  the  time. 

The  name  of  Zarate  naturally  suggests  that  of  Fernandez,  for  both  were 
laborers  in  the  same  field  of  history.  Diego  Fernandez  de  Palencia,  or 
Palentino , as  he  is  usually  called,  from  the  place  of  his  birth,  came  over 
to  Peru  and  served  as  a private  in  the  royal  army  raised  to  quell  the  insur- 
rections that  broke  out  after  Gasca’s  return  to  Castile.  Amidst  his  mili- 
tary occupations  he  found  leisure  to  collect  materials  for  a history  of  the 
period,  to  which  he  was  further  urged  by  the  viceroy,  Mendoza,  Marques 
de  Canete,  who  bestowed  on  him,  as  he  tells  us,  the  post  of  Chronicler 
of  Peru.  This  mark  of  confidence  in  his  literary  capacity  intimates 
higher  attainments  in  Fernandez  than  might  be  inferred  from  the  humble 
station  that  he  occupied.  With  the  fruits  of  his  researches  the  soldier- 
chronicler  returned  to  Spain,  and,  after  a time  completed  his  narrative 
of  the  insurrection  of  Giron. 

The  manuscript  was  seen  by  the  President  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies, 
and  he  was  so  much  pleased  with  its  execution  that  he  urged  the  author  to 
write  the  account,  in  like  manner,  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro’s  rebellion  and  of  the 
administration  of  Gasca.  The  historian  was  further  stimulated,  as  he 
mentions  in  his  dedication  to  Philip  the  Second,  by  the  promise  of  a guer- 
don from  that  monarch  on  the  completion  of  his  labors — a very  proper  as 
well  as  politic  promise,  but  which  inevitably  suggests  the  idea  of  an  influ- 
ence not  altogether  favorable  to  severe  historic  impartiality.  Nor  will 
such  an  inference  be  found  altogether  at  variance  with  truth  ; for,  while 
the  narrative  of  Fernandez  studiously  exhibits  the  royal  cause  in  the  most 
favorable  aspect  to  the  reader,  it  does  scanty  justice  to  the  claims  of  the 
opposite  party.  It  would  not  be  meet,  indeed,  that  an  apology  for  rebel- 
lion should  be  found  in  the  pages  of  a royal  pensioner  ; but  there  are  ah 


330 


FERNANDEZ. 


[BOOK  V. 


ways  mitigating  circumstances,  which,  however  we  may  condemn  the 
guilt,  may  serve  to  lessen  our  indignation  toward  the  guilty.  These  cir- 
cumstances are  not  to  be  found  in  the  pages  of  Fernandez.  It  is  unfortu- 
nate for  the  historian  of  such  events  that  it  is  so  difficult  to  find  one  dis- 
posed to  do  even  justice  to  the  claims  of  the  unsuccessful  rebel.  Yet  the 
Inca  Garcilasso  has  not  shrunk  from  this,  in  the  case  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  ; 
and  even  Gomara,  though  living  under  the  shadow,  or  rather  in  the  sun- 
shine, of  the  court,  has  occasionally  ventured  a generous  protest  in  his 
behalf. 

The  countenance  thus  afforded  to  Fernandez  from  the  highest  quarter 
opened  to  him  the  best  fountains  of  intelligence — at  least,  on  the  govern- 
ment side  of  the  quarrel.  Besides  personal  communication  with  the 
royalist  leaders,  he  had  access  to  their  correspondence,  diaries,  and  official 
documents.  He  industriously  profited  by  his  opportunities ; and  his 
narrative,  taking  up  the  story  of  the  rebellion  from  its  birth,  continues  it 
to  its  final  extinction  and  the  end  of  Gasca’s  administration.  Thus  the 
First  Part  of  his  work,  as  it  was  now  called,  was  brought  down  to  the 
commencement  of  the  Second,  and  the  whole  presented  a complete 
picture  of  the  distractions  of  the  nation,  till  a new  order  of  things  was 
introduced,  and  tranquillity  was  permanently  established  throughout  the 
country. 

The  diction  is  sufficiently  plain,  not  aspiring  to  rhetorical  beauties  be* 
jrond  the  reach  of  its  author  and  out  of  keeping  with  the  simple  character 
of  a chronicle.  The  sentences  are  arranged  with  more  art  than  in  most  of 
the  unwieldy  compositions  of  the  time  ; and,  while  there  is  no  attempt  at 
erudition  or  philosophic  speculation,  the  current  of  events  flows  on  in  an 
orderly  manner,  tolerably  prolix,  it  is  true,  but  leaving  a clear  and  intel- 
ligible impression  on  the  mind  of  the  reader.  No  history  of  that  period 
compares  with  it  in  the  copiousness  of  its  details  ; and  it  has  accordingly 
been  resorted  to  by  later  compilers  as  an  inexhaustible  reservoir  for  the 
supply  of  their  own  pages  ; a circumstance  that  may  be  thought  of  itself  to 
bear  no  slight  testimony  to  the  general  fidelity,  as  well  as  fulness,  of  the 
narrative.  The  Chronicle  of  Fernandez,  thus  arranged  in  two  parts,  un- 
der the  general  title  of  Historia  del  Peru,  was  given  to  the  world  in  the 
author’s  lifetime,  at  Seville,  in  1571,  in  one  volume,  folio,  being  the  edi- 
tion used  in  the  preparation  of  this  work. 


APPENDIX, 


No.  I.— See  vol.  i.,  p.  42. 

DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  ROYAL  PROGRESSES  OF  THE  INCAS  J 
EXTRACTED  FROM  SARMIENTO’S  RELACION,  MS. 

[The  original  manuscript,  which  was  copied  for  Lord 
Kingsborough’s  valuable  collection,  is  in  the  library  of  the 
Escorial.] 

Quando  en  tiempo  de  paz  salian  los  Yngas  a visitar  su  Reyno,  cuentan 
que  iban  por  el  con  gran  majestad,  sentados  en  ricas  andas  armadas  sobre 
unos  palos  lisos  largos,  de  manera  escelente,  engastadas  en  oro  y argente- 
ria,  y de  las  andas  salian  dos  arcos  altos  hechos  de  oro,  engastados  en  pie- 
dras  preciosas  : caian  unas  mantas  algo  largas  por  todas  las  andas,  de  tal 
manera  que  las  cubrian  todas,  y sino  era  queriendo  el  que  iba  dentro,  no 
podia  ser  visto,  ni  alzaban  las  mantas  si  no  era  cuando  entraba  y salia,  tanta 
era  su  estimacion  ; ypara  que  le  entrase  aire,  y el  pudiese  ver  el  camino,  ha- 
via  en  las  mantas  hechos  algunos  agujeros  hechos  por  todas  partes.  En 
estas  andas  habia  riqueza,  y en  algunas  estaba  esculpido  el  Sol  y la  luna, 
y en  otras  unas  culebras  grandes  ondadas  y unos  como  bastones  que  las 
atravesaban.  Esto  trahian  por  encima  por  armas,  y estas  andas  las  lleva- 
ban  en  ombros  de  los  Senores,  los  mayores  y mas  principales  del  Reyno, 
y aquel  que  mas  con  ellas  andaba,  aquel  se  tenia  por  mas  onrado  y por  mas 
faborecido.  En  rededor  de  las  andas,  a la  ila,  iba  la  guardia  del  Rey  con 
los  arqueros  y alabarderos,  y delante  iban  cinco  mil  honderos,  y detras 
venian  otros  tantos  Lanceros  con  sus  Capitanes,  y por  los  lados  del  camino 
y por  el  mesmo  camino  iban  corredores  fides,  descubriendo  lo  que  habia,  y 
avisando  la  ida  del  Senor ; y acudia  tanta  gente  por  lo  ver,  que  parecia 
que  todos  los  cerros  y laderas  estaba  lleno  de  ella,  y todos  le  davan  las 
vendiciones,  alzando  alaridos,  y grita  grande  k su  usanza,  llamandole, 
Ancha  atunapo  indie hiri  campa  capalla  apatueo  pacha  camba  holla  Yulley , 
que  en  nuestra  lengua  diri  “ Muy  grande  y poderoso  Sefior,  hijo  del  Sol, 


332 


APPENDIX. 


tu  solo  eres  SeBor,  todo  el  mundo  te  oya  en  verdad,”  y sin  esto  le  decian 
otras  cosas  mas  altas,  tanto  que  poco  faltaba  para  le  adorar  por  Dios.  Todo 
el  camino  iban  Yndios  llimpiandolo,  de  tal  manera  que  ni  yerba  ni  pie- 
dra  no  parecia,  sino  todo  limpio  y barrido.  Andaba  cada  dia  cuatro  le- 
guas,  o lo  que  el  queria,  paraba  lo  que  era  servido,  para  entender  el  estado 
de  su  Reyno,  oia  alegremente  a los  que  con  quejas  le  venian,  remediando, 
y castigando  a quien  hacia  injusticias  ; los  que  con  ellos  iban  no  se  des- 
mandaban  a nada  ni  salian  un  paso  del  camino.  Los  naturales  proveian  a 
lo  necesario,  sin  lo  cual  lo  havia  tan  cumplido  en  los  depositos,  que  sobra- 
ba,  y ninguna  cosa  faltaba.  Por  donde  ibaa,  salian  muchos  hombres  y 
mujeres  y muchachos  a servir  personalmente  en  lo  que  les  era  mandado, 
y para  llebar  las  cargas,  los  de  un  pueblo  las  llebaban  hasta  otro,  de  donde 
los  unos  las  tomaban  y los  otros  las  dejaban,  y como  era  un  dia,  y cuando 
mucho  dos,  no  lo  sentian,  ni  de  ello  recivian  agravio  ninguno.  Pues  yen- 
do  el  Senor  de  esta  manera,  caminaba  por  su  tierra  el  tiempo  que  le  placia, 
viendo  por  sus  ojos  lo  que  pasaba,  y proveyendo  lo  que  entendia  que  con- 
venia,  que  todo  era  cosas  grandes  e importantes  ; lo  cual  hecho,  daba  ia 
buelta  al  Cuzco,  principal  Ciudad  de  todo  su  imperio. 

No.  II. — See  vol.  i.,  p.  66. 

ACCOUNT  OF  THE  GREAT  ROAD  MADE  BY  THE  INCAS  OVER  THE 

PLATEAU,  FROM  QUITO  TO  CUZCO  ; EXTRACTED  FROM  SAR- 

MIENTO’S  RELACION,  MS. 

Una  de  las  cosas  de  que  yo  mas  me  admiri,  contemplando  y notando  las 
cosas  de  estos  Reynos,  fue  pensar  como  y de  que  manera  se  pudieron 
hacer  caminos  tan  grandes  y sovervios  como  por  el  vemos,  y que  fuerzas  de 
hombres  bastaran  a lo  hacer,  y con  que  herramientas  y instrumentos  pu- 
dieron  allanar  los  montes  y quebrantar  las  penas  para  hacerlos  tan  anchos 
y buenos  como  estan  ; porque  me  parece  que  si  el  Emperador  qui- 
siese  mandar  hacer  otro  camino  Real  como  el  que  ba  del  Quito  al  Cuzco  6 
sale  del  Cuzco  para  ir  a Chile,  ciertam1®  creo,  con  todo  su  poder,  para  ello 
no  fuese  poderoso,  ni  fuerzas  de  hombres  lo  pudiesen  hacer,  sino  fuese  con 
la  orden  tan  grande  que  para  ello  los  Yngas  mandaron  que  hubiese  : por 
que  si  fuera  Camino  de  cinquenta  leguas,  6 de  ciento,  6 de  doscientas,  es 
de  creer  que  aunque  la  tierra  fuera  mas  aspera,  no  se  tubiera  en  mucho 
con  buena  diligencia  hacerlo  ; mas  estos  eran  tan  largos  que  havia  alguno 
que  tenia  mas  de  mil  y cien  leguas,  todo  hechado  por  sierras  tan  grandes  y 
espantosas  que  por  algunas  partes  mirando  abajo  se  quitaba  la  vista,  y 
algunas  de  estas  Sierras  derechas  y llenas  de  piedras,  tanto  que  era  men- 
ester  cavar  por  las  laderas  en  pena  viva  para  hacer  el  camino  ancho  y 
llano,  todo  lo  qual  hacian  con  fuego  y con  sus  picos  ; por  otras  lugares 
havia  subidas  tan  altas  y asperas,  que  hacian  desde  lo  bajo  escalones 


APPENDIX. 


333 


para  poder  subir  por  ellos  a lo  mas  alto,  haciendo  entre  medias  de  ellos  al- 
gunos  descansos  anchos  para  el  reposo  de  la  gente ; en  otros  lugares  havia 
montones  de  nieve  que  eran  mas  de  temer,  y estos  no  en  un  lugar  sino  en 
muchas  partes,  y no  asi  como  quiera  sino  que  no  ba  ponderado  ni  en- 
carecido  como  ello  es,  ni  como  lo  bemos,  ye  por  estas  nieves  y por 
donde  havia  montafias,  de  arboles  y cespedes  lo  hacian  llano  y empedrado 
si  menester  fuese.  Los  que  leyeren  este  Libro  y hubieren  estado  en  el 
Peru,  miren  el  Camino  que  ba  desde  Lima  a Xauxa  por  las  Sierras  tan 
asperas  de  Guayacoire  y por  las  montanas  nevadas  de  Pavacaca,  y enten- 
deran  los  que  a ellos  lo  oyeren  si  es  mas  lo  que  ellos  vieren  que  no  lo  que 
yo  escrivo. 

No.  III. — See  vol.  i.,  p.  76. 

POLICY  OBSERVED  BY  THE  INCAS  IN  THEIR  CONQUESTS  J TA- 
KEN FROM  SARMIENTO’S  RELACION,  MS. 

Una  de  las  cosas  de  que  mas  se  tiene  embidia  a estos  Sefiores,  es  en- 
tender  quan  bien  supieron  conquistar  tan  grandes  tierras  y ponerlas  con  su 
prudencia  en  tanta  razon  como  los  Espafioles  las  hallaron  quando  por 
ellos  fue  descubierto  este  Reyno,  y de  que  esto  sea  asi  muchas  vezes  me 
acuerdo  yo  estando  en  alguna  Provincia  indomita  fuera  de  estos  Reynos 
oir  luego  a los  mesmos  Espafioles  yo  aseguro  que  si  los  Yngas  anduvieran 
por  aqui  que  otra  cosa  fuera  esto,  es  decir  no  conquistaran  los  Yngas  esto 
como  lo  otro,  porque  supieran  servir  y tributar,  por  manera  que  quanto  a 
esto,  conozida  esta  la  ventaja  que  nos  hacen  pues  con  su  orden  las  gentes 
vivian  con  ella  y crecian  en  multiplicacion,  y de  las  Provincias  esteriles 
hacian  fertiles  y abundantes  en  tanta  manera  y por  tan  galana  orden  como 
se  dira,  siempre  procuraron  de  hacer  por  bien  las  cosas  y no  por  mal  en  el 
comienzo  de  los  negocios,  despues  algunos  Yngas  hicieron  grandes  castigos 
en  muchas  partes,  pero  antes  todos  afirman  que  fue  grande  con  la  benevo- 
lencia  y amicicia  que  procuraban  el  atraer  a su  servicio  estas  gentes,  ellos 
salian  del  Cuzco  con  su  gente  y aparato  de  guerra  y caminaban  con  gran 
concierto  hasta  cerca  de  donde  havian  de  ir,  y querian  conquistar,  donde 
muy  bastantemente  se  informaban  del  poder  que  tenian  los  enemigos  y de 
las  ayudas  que  podrian  tener  y de  que  parte  les  podrian  venir  favores  y 
por  que  Camino,  y esto  entendido  por  ellos,  procuraban  por  las  vias  a 
ellos  posibles  estorvar  que  no  fuesen  socorridos  ora  con  dones  grandes 
que  hacian  ora  con  resistencias  que  ponian,  entendiendo  sin  esto  de  man- 
dar  hacer  sus  fuertes,  los  quales  eran  en  Cerro  6 ladera  hechos  en  ellos 
ciertas  Cercas  altas  y largas,  con  su  puerta  cada  una,  porque  perdida  la 
una  pudiesen  pasarse  a la  otra  y de  la  otra  hasta  lo  mas  alto,  y embiaban 
esanchas  de  los  Confederados  para  marcar  la  tierra  y ver  los  caminos  y 
conocer  del  arte  qe  estaban  aguardando  y por  donde  havia  mas  manteni- 
miento,  saviendo  por  el  camino  que  havian  de  Ue«ar  y la  orden  con  que 


334 


APPENDIX. 


havian  de  ir,  embiabales  mensageros  propios  con  los  quales  les  embiaba 
a decir,  que  e)  los  queria  tener  por  parientes  y aliados,  por  tanto  que  con 
buen  animo  y corazon  alegre  se  saliesen  a !o  recevir  y recivirlo  en  su  Pro- 
vincia,  para  que  en  ella  le  sea  dada  la  obediencia  como  en  las  demas  y 
porq®  lo  hagan  con  voluntad,  embiaba  presentes  a los  Senores  naturales, 
y con  esto  y con  otras  buenas  maneras  que  tenia  entraron  en  muchas 
tierras  sin  guerra,  en  las  quales  inandaban  a la  gente  de  guerra  que  con 
el  iba  que  no  hiciesen  dano  ni  injuria  ninguna  ni  robo  ni  fuerza,  y si  en 
tal  Provincia  no  havia  mantenimiento  mandaba  que  de  otra  parte  se  pro- 
veyese,  porque  a los  nuebamente  venidos  a su  servicio  no  les  pareciese 
desde  luego  pesado  su  mando  y conocimiento,  y el  conocerle  y aborrecerle 
fuese  en  un  tiempo,  y si  en  alguna  de  estas  Provincias  no  havia  ganado 
mandaba  luego  que  les  diese  por  quenta  tantas  mil  Cavezas,  lo  qual  man- 
daban  que  mirasen  mucho  y con  ello  multiplicasen  para  proberse  de  Lana 
para  sus  Ropas,  y que  no  fuesen  osados  de  comer  ni  matar  ninguna  cria 
por  los  afios  y tiempo  que  les  senalaba,  y si  havia  ganado  y tenian  de  otra 
cosa  falta  era  lo  mismo,  y si  estaban  en  Collados  y arenales  bien  les  hacien 
entender  con  buenas  palabras  que  hiciesen  Pueblos  y Casas  en  lo  mas 
llano  de  las  Sierras  y laderas,  y como  muchos  no  eran  diestros  en  cultibar 
las  tierras  abecavanles  como  lo  havian  de  hacer  imponiendoles  en  que 
supiesen  sacar  acequias  y regar  con  ellas  los  Campos,  en  todo  los  havian 
de  proveer  tan  concertadamente  que  quando  entraba  por  amistad  alguno 
de  los  Yngas  en  Provincias  de  estas,  en  brebe  tiempo  quedaba  tal  que 
parecia  otra  y los  naturales  le  daban  la  obediencia  consintiendo  que  sus 
delegados  quedasen  en  ellos,  y lo  mismo  los  Mitimaes  ; en  otras  muchas 
que  entraron  de  guerra  y por  fuerza  de  armas  mandabase  que  en  los  man- 
tenimientos  y Casas  de  los  enemigos  se  hiciese  poco  dano,  diciendoles  el 
Senor,  presto  seran  estos  nuestros  como  los  que  ya  lo  son  ; como  esto 
tenian  conocido,  procuraban  que  la  guerra  fuese  la  mas  liviana  que  ser 
pudiese,  no  embargante  que  en  muchos  lugares  se  dieron  grandes  batallas, 
porque  todavia  los  naturales  de  ellos  querian  conservarse  en  la  livertad 
antigua  sin  perder  sus  costumbres  y Religion  por  tomar  otras  estranas, 
mas  durando  la  guerra  siempre  havian  los  Yngas  lo  mejor,  y vencidos  no 
los  destruian  de  nuebo,  antes  mandaban  restituhir  los  Presos  si  algunos 
havia  y el  despojo  y ponerlos  en  posesion  de  sus  haciendas  y senorio, 
amonestandoles  que  no  quieran  ser  locos  en  tener  contra  su  Persona  Real 
competencias  ni  dejar  su  amistad,  antes  querian  ser  sus  amigos  como  lo 
son  los  Comarcanos  suyos,  y diciendoles  esto,  dabanles  algunas  mugeres 
hermosas  y presas  ricas  de  Lana  6 de  metal  de  oro,  con  estas  dadivas  y 
buenas  palabras  havia  las  voluntades  de  todos,  de  tal  manera  que  sin  nin- 
gun  temor  los  huidos  a los  montes  se  bolvian  a sus  Casas  y todos  dejaban 
las  armas  y el  que  mas  veces  veia  al  Ynga  se  tenia  por  mas  bien  aventu- 
rado  y dichoso.  Los  sefiorios  nunca  los  tiraban  a los  naturales,  a todos 
mandaban  unos  y otros  que  por  Dios  adorasen  el  Sol  ; sus  demas  religio- 
nes  y costumbres  no  se  las  prohivian,  pero  mandabanles  que  se  gover- 


APPENDIX. 


335 


naten  por  las  Leyes  y costumbres  que  se  governaban  en  el  Cuzco  y que 
todos  hablasen  en  la  Lengua  general,  y puesto  Governador  por  el  Senor 
con  guarniciones  de  gente  de  guerra,  parten  para  lo  de  adelante ; y si 
estas  Provincias  eran  grandes,  luego  se  entendia  en  edificar  un  Templo 
del  Sol  y colocar  las  mugeres  que  ponian  en  los  demas  y hacer  Palacios 
para  los  Senores,  y cobraban  para  los  tributos  que  havian  de  pagar  sin 
llevarles  nada  demasiado  ni  agraviarles  en  cosa  ninguna,  encaminandoles 
en  su  policia  y en  que  supiesen  hacer  edificios  y traer  ropas  largas  y vivir 
concertadamente  en  sus  Pueblos,  a los  quales  si  algo  les  faltaba  de  que 
tubiesen  necesidad  eran  provehidos  y ensenados  como  lo  havian  de  sem- 
brar  y beneficiar,  de  tal  manera  se  hacia  esto  que  sabemos  en  muchos 
Lugares  que  no  havia  maiz  tenello  despues  sobrado,  y en  todo  lo  demas 
andaban  como  salvages  mal  vestidos  y descalsos,  y desde  que  conocieron 
a estos  Senores  usaron  de  Camisetas  lares  y mantas  y las  mugeres  lo 
mismo  y de  otras  buenas  cosas,  tanto  que  para  siempre  habra  memoria  de 
todo  ello ; y en  el  Collao  y en  otras  partes  mando  pasar  Mitimaes  a la 
Sierra  de  los  Andes  para  que  sembrasen  maiz  y coca  y otras  frutas  y raizes 
de  todos  los  Pueblos  la  cantidad  combeniente,  los  quales  con  sus  mugeres 
vivian  siempre  en  aquella  parte  donde  sembraban  y cojian  tanto  de  lo  que 
digo  que  se  sentia  poco  la  falta  por  traer  mucho  de  estas  partes  y no  haver 
Pueblo  ninguno  por  pequeno  que  fuese  que  no  tubiese  de  estos  Mitimaes. 
Adelante  trataremos  quantas  suertes  havia  de  estos  Mitimaes  y hacian  los 
unos  y entendian  los  otros. 


No.  IV.  — See  vol.  i.,  p.  139. 

EXTRACT  FROM  THE  LAST  WILL  AND  TESTAMENT  OF  MANCIO 
SIERRA  LEJESEMA,  MS. 

[The  following  is  the  preamble  of  the  testament  of  a soldier 
of  the  Conquest,  named  Lejesema.  It  is  in  the  nature  of  a death- 
bed confession,  and  seems  intended  to  relieve  the  writer’s  mind, 
who  sought  to  expiate  his  own  sins  by  this  sincere  though  tardy 
tribute  to  the  merits  of  the  vanquished.  As  the  work  in  which 
it  appears  is  rarely  to  be  met  with,  I have  extracted  the  whole 
of  the  preamble.] 

Verdadera  confesion  y protestacion  en  articulo  de  muerta  hecha  poruno 
de  los  primeros  espanoles  conquistadores  del  Peru,  nombrado  Mancio 
Sierra  Lejesema,  con  su  testamento  otorgado  en  la  ciudad  del  Cuzco  el  dia 
15  de  Setiembre  de  1589  ante  Geronimo  Sanchez  de  Quesada  escribano 
publico : la  qual  la  trae  el  P.  Fr.  Antonio  Calancha  del  orden  de  hermi- 


336 


APPENDIX. 


tanos  de  San  Augustin  en  la  cronica  de  su  religion  en  el  lib.  I.  cap.  15, 
folio  98,  y es  del  tenor  siguiente  : 

“ Primeramente  antes  de  empezar  dicho  mi  testamento,  declaro  que  ha 
muchos  anos  que  yo  he  deseado  tener  orden  de  advertir  a la  Catolica  Ma- 
jestad  del  Rey  Don  Felipe,  nuestro  Senor,  viendo  cuan  catolico  y cristiani- 
simo  es,  y cuan  zeloso  del  servicio  de  Dios  nuestro  Senor,  por  lo  que  toca 
al  descargo  de  mi  anima,  a causa  de  haber  sido  yo  mucho  parte  en  descu- 
brimientro,  conquista,  y poblacion  de  estos  Reynos,  cuando  los  quitamos 
4 los  que  eran  Sefiores  Ingas,  y los  poseian,  y regian  como  suyos  propios, 
y los  pusimos  debajo  de  la  real  corona,  que  entienda  su  Majestad  Catolica 
que  los  dichos  Ingas  los  tenian  gobernados  de  tal  manera,  que  en  todos 
ellos  no  habia  un  Ladron  ni  hombre  vicioso,  ni  hombre  holgazan,  ni  una 
muger  adultera  ni  mala  ; ni  se  permitia  entre  ellos  ni  gente  de  mal  vivir 
en  lo  moral  ; que  los  hombres  tenian  sus  ocupaciones  honestas  y pro- 
vechosas  ; y que  los  montes  y minas,  pastos,  caza  y madera,  y todo  genero 
de  aprovechamientos  estaba  gobemado  y repartido  de  suerte  que  cada  uno 
conocia  y tenia  su  hacienda  sin  que  otro  ninguno  se  la  ocupase  6 tomase, 
ni  sobre  ello  habian  pleytos  ; y que  las  cosas  de  guerra,  aunque  eran  mu- 
chas,  no  impedian  a las  del  Comercio,  ni  estas  a las  cosas  de  labranza,  6 
cultivar  de  las  tierras,  ni  otra  cosa  alguna,  y que  en  todo,  desde  lo  mayor 
hasta  lo  mas  menudo,  tenia  su  orden  y concierto  con  mucho  acierto  ; y 
que  los  Ingas  eran  tenidos  y obecidos  y respetados  de  sus  subditos  como 
gente  muy  capaz  y de  mucho  Gobierno,  y que  lo  mismo  eran  sus  Gobema- 
dores  y Capitanes,  y que  como  en  estos  hallamos  la  fuerza  y el  mando  y 
la  resistencia  para  poderlos  sugetar  e oprimir  al  servicio  de  Dios  nuestro 
Senor  y quitarles  su  tierra  y ponerla  debaxo  de  la  real  corona,  fue  nece- 
sario  quitarles  totalmente  el  poder  y mando  y los  bienes,  como  se  los  qui- 
tamos a fuerza  de  armas  : y que  mediante  haberlo  permitido  Dios  nuestro 
Sefior  nos  fue  posible  sujetar  este  reyno  de  tanta  multitud  de  gente  y 
riqueza,  y de  Senores  los  hicimos  Siervos  tan  sujetos,  como  se  ve  : y que 
entienda  su  Magestad  que  el  intento  que  me  mueve  a hacer  esta  relacion, 
es  por  descargo  de  mi  conciencia,  y por  hallarme  culpado  en  ello,  pues 
habemos  destruido  con  nuestro  mal  exemplo  gente  de  tanto  gobierno  como 
eran  estos  naturales,  y tan  quitados  de  cometer  delitos  ni  excesos  asi  hom- 
bres como  mugeres,  tanto  por  el  Indio  que  tenia  cien  mil  pesos  de  oro  y 
plata  en  su  casa,  y otros  indios  dejaban  abierta  y puesta  una  escoba  6 un 
palo  pequefto  atravesado  en  la  puerta  para  seiial  de  que  no  estaba  alii  su 
duefio,  y con  esto  segun  su  costumbre  no  podia  entrar  nadie  adentro,  ni 
tomar  cosa  de  las  que  alii  habia,  y cuando  ellos  vieron  que  nosotros  ponia- 
mos  puertas  y Haves  en  nuestras  casas  entendieron  que  era  de  miedo  de 
ellos  porque  no  nos  matasen,  pero  no  porque  creyesen  que  ninguno  tomase 
ni  hurtase  4 otro  su  hacienda  ; y asi  cuando  vieron  que  habia  entre  noso- 
tros ladrones,  y hombres  que  incitaban  4 pecado  4 sus  mugeres  y hijas  nos 
tubieron  en  poco,  y han  venido  4 tal  rotura  en  ofensa  de  Dios  estos  natu- 
rales por  el  mal  exemplo  que  les  hemos  dado  en  todo,  que  aquel  extreme* 


APPENDIX. 


337 


de  no  hacer  cosa  mala  se  ha  convertido  en  que  hoy  ninguna  6 pocas  hacen 
buenas,  y requieren  remedio,  y esto  toca  a su  Magestad,  para  que  discar- 
gue  su  conciencia,  y se  lo  advierte,  pues  no  soy  parte  para  mas  ; y con 
esto  suplico  a mi  Dios  me  perdone  ; y mueveme  a decirlo  porque  soy  el 
postrero  que  mueve  de  todos  los  descubridores  y conquistadores,  que  como 
es  notorio  ya  no  hay  ninguno,  sino  yo  solo  en  este  reyno,  ni  fuera  de  el,  y 
con  esto  hago  lo  que  puedo  para  descargo  de  mi  conciencia,” 


No.  V. — See  vol.  i.,  p.  180. 

TRANSLATION  FROM  OVIEDO’S  HISTORIA  GENERAL  DE  LAS  IN- 
DIAS,  MS.,  PARTE  II.,  CAP.  23. 

[This  chapter  of  the  gossiping  old  chronicler  describes  a 
conversation  between  the  governor  of  Tierra  Firme  and  Alma- 
gro,  at  which  the  writer  was  present.  It  is  told  with  much 
spirit,  and  is  altogether  so  curious,  from  the  light  it  throws  on 
the  characters  of  the  parties,  that  I have  thought  the  following 
translation,  which  has  been  prepared  for  me,  might  not  be  un- 
interesting to  the  English  reader.] 

THE  INTERVIEW  BETWEEN  ALMAGRO  AND  PEDRARIAS,  IN  WHICH  THE 
LATTER  RELINQUISHES  HIS  SHARE  OF  THE  PROFITS  ARISING  FROM 
THE  DISCOVERY  OF  PERU.  TRANSLATED  FROM  OVIEDO,  HISTORIA 
GENERAL,  MS.,  PARTE  II.,  CAP.  23. 

In  February,  1527,  I had  some  accounts  to  settle  with  Pedrarias,  and 
was  frequently  at  his  house  for  the  purpose.  While  there  one  day,  Alma- 
gro  came  in  and  said  to  him,  “Your  Excellency  is  of  course  aware  that 
you  contracted  with  Francisco  Pizarro,  Don  Fernando  de  Luque,  the 
schoolmaster,  and  myself,  to  fit  out  an  expedition  for  the  discovery  of 
Peru.  You  have  contributed  nothing  for  the  enterprise,  while  we  have 
sunk  both  fortune  and  credit ; for  our  expenses  have  already  amounted  to 
about  fifteen  thousand  Castellanos  de  oro.  Pizarro  and  his  followers  are 
now  in  the  greatest  distress,  and  require  a supply  of  provisions,  with  a re- 
inforcement of  brave  recruits.  Unless  these  are  promptly  raised,  we  shall 
be  wholly  ruined,  and  our  glorious  enterprise,  from  which  the  most  brill- 
iant results  have  been  justly  anticipated,  will  fall  to  the  ground.  An  exact 
account  will  be  kept  of  our  expenses,  that  each  may  share  the  profits  of 
the  discovery  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of  his  contribution  toward  the 
outfit.  You  have  connected  yourself  with  us  in  the  adventure,  and,  from 
the  terms  of  our  contract,  have  no  right  to  waste  our  time  and  involve  us 

P 31  Yol.  2 


338 


APPENDIX. 


in  ruin.  But  if  you  no  longer  wish  to  be  a member  of  the  partnership, 
pay  down  your  share  of  what  has  already  been  advanced,  and  leave  the 
affair  to  us.” 

To  this  proposal  Pedrarias  replied  with  indignation,  “ One  would  really 
think,  from  the  lofty  tone  you  take,  that  my  power  was  at  an  end  ; but,  if 
I have  not  been  degraded  from  my  office,  you  shall  be  punished  for  your 
insolence.  You  shall  be  made  to  answer  for  the  lives  of  the  Christians 
who  have  perished  through  Pizarro’s  obstinacy  and  your  own.  A day  of 
reckoning  will  come  for  all  these  disturbances  and  murders,  as  you  shall 
see,  and  that  before  you  leave  Panama.” 

“ I grant,”  returned  Almagro,  “ that,  as  there  is  an  almighty  Judge, 
before  whose  tribunal  we  must  appear,  it  is  proper  that  all  should  render 
account  of  the  living  as  well  as  the  dead.  And,  sir,  I shall  not  shrink 
from  doing  so,  when  I have  received  an  account  from  you,  to  be  immedi- 
ately sent  to  Pizarro,  of  the  gratitude  which  our  sovereign,  the  emperor, 
has  been  pleased  to  express  for  our  services.  Pay,  if  you  wish  to  enjoy 
the  fruits  of  this  enterprise  ; for  you  neither  sweat  nor  toil  for  them,  and 
have  not  contributed  even  a third  of  the  sum  you  promised  when  the  con- 
tract was  drawn  up — your  whole  expenditure  not  exceeding  two  or  three 
paltry  pesos.  But  if  you  prefer  to  leave  the  partnership  at  once,  we  will 
remit  one-half  of  what  you  owe  us,  for  our  past  outlays.” 

Pedrarias,  with  a bitter  smile,  replied,  ‘ 1 It  would  not  ruin  you  if  you 
were  to  give  me  four  thousand  pesos  to  dissolve  our  connection.” 

“ To  forward  so  happy  an  event,”  said  Almagro,  “we  will  release  you 
from  your  whole  debt,  although  it  may  prove  our  ruin  ; but  we  will  trust 
our  fortunes  in  the  hand  of  God.” 

Although  Pedrarias  found  himself  relieved  from  the  debt  incurred  for 
the  outfit  of  the  expedition,  which  could  not  be  less  than  four  or  five  thou- 
sand pesos,  he  was  not  satisfied,  but  asked,  “What  more  will  you  give 
me?” 

Almagro,  much  chagrined,  said,  “ I will  give  three  hundred  pesos, 
though  I swear  by  God  I have  not  so  much  money  in  the  world  ; but  I 
will  borrow  it  to  be  rid  of  such  an  incubus.” 

“You  must  give  me  two  thousand.” 

“ Five  hundred  is  the  most  I will  offer.” 

“You  must  pay  me  more  than  a thousand.” 

“A  thousand  pesos,  then,”  cried  the  captain  in  a rage,  “ I will  give  you, 
though  I do  not  own  them  ; but  I will  find  sufficient  security  for  their 
future  payment.” 

Pedrarias  declared  himself  satisfied  with  this  arrangement  ; and  a con- 
tract was  accordingly  drawn  up,  in  which  it  was  agreed  that,  on  the  receipt 
of  a thousand  pesos,  the  governor  should  abandon  the  partnership  and 
give  up  his  share  in  the  profits  of  the  expedition.  I was  one  of  the  wit- 
nesses who  signed  this  instrument,  in  which  Pedrarias  released  and  as- 
signed over  all  his  interest  in  Peru  to  Almagro  and  his  associates,  by  this 


APPENDIX. 


339 


act  deserting  the  enterprise,  and,  by  his  littleness  of  soul,  forfeiting  the 
rich  treasures  which  it  is  well  known  he  might  have  acquired  from  the 
golden  empire  of  the  Incas. 


No.  VI. — See  vol.  i. , p.  181. 

CONTRACT  BETWEEN  PIZARRO,  ALMAGRO,  AND  LUQUE  ; EX- 
TRACTED FROM  MONTESINOS,  ANNALES,  MS.,  ANO  1 5 26. 

[This  memorable  contract  between  three  adventurers  for  the 
discovery  and  partition  of  an  empire  is  to  be  found  entire  in 
the  manuscript  history  of  Montesinos,  whose  work  derives  more 
value  from  the  insertion  in  it  of  this  and  other  original  docu- 
ments than  from  any  merit  of  its  own.  This  instrument, 
which  may  be  considered  as  the  basis  of  the  operations  of  Pi- 
zarro,  seems  to  form  a necessary  appendage  to  a history  of  the 
Conquest  of  Peru.] 

En  el  nombre  de  la  santisima  Trinidad,  Padre,  Hijo  y Espiritu-Santo, 
tres  personas  distintas  y un  solo  Dios  verdadero,  y de  la  santisima  Virgen 
nuestra  Senora,  hacemos  esta  compania. 

Sepan  cuantos  esta  carta  de  compania  vieren  como  yo  don  Fernando  de 
Luque,  clerigo  presbitero,  vicario  de  la  santa  iglesia  de  Panama,  de  la 
una  parte  ; y de  la  otra  el  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y Diego  de  Almagro, 
vecinos  que  somos  en  esta  ciudad  de  Panama,  decimos  : que  somos  con- 
certados  y convenidos  de  hacer  y formar  compania  la  cual  sea  firme  y 
valedera  para  siempre  jamas  en  esta  manera  : Que  por  cuanto  nos  los 
dichos  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y Diego  de  Almagro,  tenemos  licencia 
del  senor  gobernador  Pedro  Arias  de  Avila  para  descubrir  y conquistar 
las  tierras  y provincias  de  los  reinos  llamados  del  Peru,  que  esta,  por 
noticia  que  hay,  pasado  el  golfo  y travesia  del  mar  de  la  otra  parte  ; y 
porque  para  hacer  la  dicha  conquista  y jornada  y navios  y gente  y bas- 
timento  y otras  cosas  que  son  necesarias,  no  lo  podemos  hacer  por  no 
tener  dinero  y posibilidad  tanta  cuanta  es  menester : y vos  el  dicho  don 
Fernando  de  Luque  nos  los  dais  porque  esta  compania  la  hagamos  por 
iguales  partes  : somos  contentos  y convenidos  de  que  todos  tres  herma- 
nablemente,  sin  que  hagan  de  haber  ventaja  ninguna  mas  el  uno  que  el 
otro,  ni  el  otro  que  el  otro  de  todo  lo  que  se  descubriere,  ganare  y con- 
quistare,  y poblar  en  los  dichos  reinos  y provincias  del  Peru.  Y por 
cuanto  vos  el  dicho  D.  Fernando  de  Luque  nos  disteis,  y poneis  de  puesto 
por  vuestra  parte  en  esta  dicha  compania  para  gastos  de  la  armada  y gente 
que  se  hace  para  la  dicha  jornada  y conquista  del  dicho  reino  del  Peru, 


340 


APPENDIX. 


veinte  mil  pesos  en  barras  de  oro  yde  a cuatrocientos  y cincuenta  mar» 
vedis  el  peso,  los  cuales  los  recibimos  luego  en  las  dichas  barras  de  oro 
que  pasaron  de  vuestro  poder  al  nuestro  en  presencia  del  escribano  de 
esta  carta,  que  lo  valio  y monto  ; y yo  Hernando  del  Castillo  doy  fe  que 
los  vide  pesar  los  dichos  veinte  mil  pesos  en  las  dichas  barras  de  oro  y lo 
recibieron  en  mi  presencia  los  dichos  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y Diego 
de  Almagro,  y se  dieron  por  contentos  y pagados  de  ella.  Y nos  los 
dichos  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y Diego  de  Almagro  ponemos  de  nuestra 
parte  en  esta  dicha  compania  la  merced  que  tenemos  del  dicho  senor 
gobernador,  y que  la  dicha  conquista  y reino  que  descubriremos  de  la 
tierra  del  dicho  Peru,  que  en  nombre  de  S.  M.  nos  ha  hecho,  y las  demas 
mercedes  que  nos  hiciere  y acrescentare  S.  M.,  y los  de  su  consejo  de  las 
Indias  de  aqui  adelante,  para  que  de  todo  goceis  y hayais  vuestra  ter- 
cera  parte,  sin  que  en  cosa  alguna  hayamos  de  tener  mas  parte  cada  uno 
de  nos,  el  uno  que  el  otro,  sino  que  hayamos  de  todo  ello  partes  iguales. 
Y mas  ponemos  en  esta  dicha  compania  nuestras  personas  y el  haber  de 
hacer  la  dicha  conquista  y descubrimiento  con  asistir  con  ellas  en  la 
guerra  todo  el  tiempo  que  se  tardare  en  conquistar  y ganar  y poblar  el 
dicho  reino  del  Peru,  sin  que  por  ello  hayamos  de  llevar  ninguno  ventaja 
y parte  mas  de  la  que  vos  el  dicho  don  Fernando  de  Luque  llevaredes, 
que  ha  de  ser  por  iguales  partes  todos  tres,  asi  de  los  aprovechamientos 
que  con  nuestras  personas  tuvieremos,  y ventajas  de  las  partes  que  nos 
cupieren  en  la  guerra  y en  los  despojos  y ganancias  y suertes  que  en  la 
dicha  tierra  del  Peru  hubieremos  y gozaremos,  y nos  cupieren  por  cual- 
quier  via  y forma  que  sea,  asi  a mi  el  dicho  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro 
como  a mi  Diego  de  Almagro,  habeis  de  haber  de  todo  ello,  y es  vuestro, 
y os  lo  daremos  bien  y fielmente,  sin  desfraudaros  en  cosa  alguna  de 
ello,  la  tercera  parte,  porque  desde  ahora  en  lo  que  Dios  nuestro  Senor 
nos  diere,  decimos  y confesamos  que  es  vuestro  y de  vuestros  herederos 
y succesores,  de  quien  en  esta  dicha  compania  succediere  y lo  hubiere  de 
haber,  en  vuestro  nombre  se  lo  daremos,  y le  daremos  cuenta  de  todo 
ello  a vos,  y a vuestros  succesores,  quieta  y pacificamente,  sin  llevar  mas 
parte  cada  uno  de  nos,  que  vos  el  dicho  don  Fernando  de  Luque,  y quien 
vuestro  poder  hubiere  y le  perteneciere  ; y asi  de  cualquier  dictado  y 
estado  de  sefiorio  perpetuo,  6 por  tiempo  senalado  que  S.  M.  nos  hiciere 
merced  en  el  dicho  reino  del  Peru,  asi  a mi  el  dicho  capitan  Francisco 
Pizarro,  6 "a  mi  el  dicho  Diego  de  Almagro,  6 a cualquiera  de  nos,  sea 
vuestro  el  tercio  de  toda  la  renta  y estado  y vasallos  que  a cada  uno  de 
nos  se  nos  diere  y hiciere  merced  en  cualquiera  manera  6 forma  que  sea 
en  el  dicho  reino  del  Peru  por  via  de  estado,  6 renta,  repartimiento  de 
indios,  situaciones,  vasallos,  seais  senor  y goceis  de  la  tercia  parte  de  ello 
como  nosotros  mismos,  sin  adicion  ni  condicion  ninguna,  y si  la  hubiere 
y alegaremos,  yo  el  dicho  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y Diego  de  Almagro, 
y en  nuestros  nombres  nuestros  herederos,  que  no  seamos  oidos  en  juicio 
ni  fuera  del,  y nos  damos  por  condenados  en  todo  y por  todo  como  en 


APPENDIX. 


341 


esta  escriptura  se  contiene  para  lo  pagar  y que  haya  efecto;  y yo  el 
dicho  D.  Fernando  de  Luque  hago  la  dicha  compania  en  la  forma  y 
manera  que  de  suso  esta  dedarado,  y doy  los  veinte  mil  pesos  de  buen 
oro  para  el  dicho  descubrimiento  y conquista  del  dicho  reino  del  Pern,  4 
perdida  6 ganancia,  como  Dios  nuestro  Senor  sea  servido,  y de  lo  suce- 
dido  en  el  dicho  descubrimiento  de  la  dicha  gobernacion  y tierra,  he  yo 
de  gozar  y haber  la  tercera  parte,  y la  otra  tercera  para  el  capitan  Fran- 
cisco Pizarro,  y la  otra  tercera  para  Diego  de  Almagro,  sin  que  el  uno 
lleve  mas  que  el  otro,  asi  de  estado  de  senor,  como  de  repartimiento  de 
indios  perpetuos,  como  de  tierras  y solares  y heredades  ; como  de  tesoros, 
y escondijos  encubiertos,  como  de  cualquier  riqueza  6 aprovechamiento 
de  oro,  plata,  perlas,  esmeraldas,  diamantes  y rubies,  y de  cualquier 
estado  y condicion  que  sea,  que  los  dichos  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y 
Diego  de  Almagro  hayais  y tengais  en  el  dicho  reino  del  Peru,  me 
habeis  de  dar  la  tercera  parte.  Y nos  el  dicho  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y 
Diego  de  Almagro  decimos  que  aceptamos  la  dicha  compania  y la 
hacemos  con  el  dicho  don  Fernando  de  Luque  de  la  forma  y manera  que 
lo  pide  el,  y lo  declara  para  que  todos  por  iguales  partes  hayamos  en 
todo  y por  todo,  asi  de  estados  perpetuos  que  S.  M.  nos  hiciese  mercedes 
en  vasallos  6 indios  6 en  otras  cualesquiera  rentas,  goce  el  derecho  don 
Fernando  de  Luque,  y haya  la  dicha  tercia  parte  de  todo  ello  entera- 
mente,  y goce  de  ello  como  cosa  suya  desde  el  dia  que  S.  M.  nos  hiciere 
cualesquiera  mercedes  como  dicho  es.  Y para  mayor  verdad  y seguridad 
de  esta  escriptura  de  compania,  y de  todo  lo  en  ella  contenido,  y que  os 
acudiremos  y pagaremos  nos  los  dichos  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y Diego 
de  Almagro  a vos  el  dicho  Fernando  de  Luque  con  la  tercia  parte  de 
todo  lo  que  se  hubiere  y descubriere,  y nosotros  hubieremos  por  cual- 
quiera  via  y forma  que  sea ; para  mayor  fuerza  de  que  lo  cumpliremos 
como  en  esta  escriptura  se  contiene,  juramos  a Dios  nuestro  Senor  y a 
los  Santos  Evangelios  donde  mas  largamente  son  escritos  y estan  en 
esta  libro  Misal,  donde  pusieron  sus  manos  el  dicho  capitan  Francisco 
Pizarro  y Diego  de  Almagro,  hicieron  la  senal  de  la  cruz  en  semejanza  de 
esta  j-  con  sus  dedos  de  la  mano  en  presencia  de  mi  el  presente  escribano, 
y dijeron  que  guardaran  y cumpliran  esta  dicha  compania  y escriptura 
en  todo  y por  todo,  como  en  ello  se  contiene,  sopena  de  infames  y malos 
cristianos,  y caer  en  caso  de  menos  valer,  y que  Dios  se  lo  demande  mal 
y caramente ; y dijeron  el  dicho  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y Diego  de 
Almagro,  amen  ; y asi  lo  juramos  y le  daremos  el  tercio  de  todo  lo  que 
descubrieremos  y conquistaremos  y poblaremos  en  el  dicho  reino  y tierra 
del  Peru,  y que  goce  de  ello  como  nuestras  personas,  de  todo  aquello  en 
que  fuere  nuestro  y tuvieremos  parte  como  dicho  es  en  esta  dicha  escrip- 
tura ; y nos  obligamos  de  acudir  con  ello  a vos  el  dicho  don  Fernando  de 
Luque,  y a quien  en  vuestro  nombre  le  perteneciere  y hubiere  de  haber, 
y les  daremos  cuenta  con  pago  de  todo  ello  cada  y cuando  que  se  nos 
pidiere,  hecho  el  dicho  descubrimiento  y conquista  y poblacion  del  dicho 


342 


APPENDIX. 


reino  y tierra  del  PenS ; y prometemos  que  en  la  dicha  conquista  y 
descubrimiento  nos  ocuparemos  y trabajaremos  con  nuestras  personas  sin 
ocuparnos  en  otra  cosa  hasta  que  se  conquiste  la  tierra  y se  gan&re,  y si 
no  lo  hicieremos  seamos  castigados  por  todo  rigor  de  justicia  por  infames 
y perjuros,  seamos  obligados  a volver  a vos  el  dicho  don  Fernando  de 
Luque  los  dichos  veinte  mil  pesos  de  oro  que  de  vos  recibimos.  Y para 
lo  cumplir  y pagar  y haber  por  firme  todo  lo  en  esta  escriptura  contenido, 
cada  uno  por  lo  que  le  toca,  renunciaron  todas  y cualesquier  leyes  y 
ordenamientos  y pramaticas,  y otras  cualesquier  constituciones,  ordenan- 
zas  que  esten  fechas  en  su  favor,  y cualesquiera  de  ellos  para  que  aunque 
las  pidan  y aleguen,  que  no  les  valga.  Y valga  esta  escriptura  dicha,  y 
todo  lo  en  ella  contenido,  y traiga  aparejada  y debida  ejecucion  asi  en 
sus  personas  como  en  sus  bienes,  muebles  y raices  habidos  y por  haber  ; 
y para  lo  cumplir  y pagar,  cada  uno  por  lo  que  le  toca,  obligaron  sus  per- 
sonas y bienes  habidos  y por  haber  segun  dicho  es,  y dieron  poder 
cumplido  a cualesquier  justicias  y jueces  de  S.  M.  para  que  por  todo 
rigor  y mas  breve  remedio  de  derecho  les  compelan  y apremien  a lo  asi 
cumplir  y pagar,  como  si  lo  que  dicho  es  fuese  sentencia  definitiva  de 
juez  competente  pasada  en  cosa  juzgada  ; y renunciaron  cualesquier  leyes 
y derechos  que  en  su  favor  hablan,  especialmente  la  ley  que  dice  : Que 
general  renunciacion  de  leyes  no  vala  : Que  es  fecha  en  la  ciudad  de 
Panama  a diez  dias  del  mes  de  marzo,  ano  del  nacimiento  de  nuestro 
Salvador  Jesu-cristo  de  mil  quinientos  veinte  y seis  anos  : testigos  que 
fueron  presentes  a lo  que  dicho  es  Juan  de  Panes,  y Alvaro  del  Quiro  y 
Juan  de  Vallejo,  vecinos  de  la  ciudad  de  Panama,  y firmo  el  dicho  D. 
Fernando  de  Luque  ; y porque  no  saben  firmar  el  dicho  capitan  Fran- 
cisco Pizarro  y Diego  de  Almagro,  firmaron  por  ellos  en  el  registro  de 
esta  carta  Juan  de  Panes  y Alvaro  del  Quiro,  a los  cuales  otorgantes  yo 
el  presente  escribano  doy  fe  que  conozco.  Don  Fernando  de  Luque. — A 
su  ruego  de  Francisco  Pizarro — Juan  de  Panes  ; y a su  ruego  de  Diego  de 
Almagro — Alvaro  del  Quiro : E yo  Hernando  del  Castillo,  escribano  de 
S.  M.  y escribano  publico  y del  numero  de  esta  ciudad  de  Panama,  pre- 
sente fui  al  otorgamiento  de  esta  carta,  y la  fice  escribir  en  estas  cuatro 
fojas  con  esta,  y por  ende  fice  aquf  este  me  signo  a tal  en  testimonio  de 
verdad.  Hernando  del  Castillo,  escribano  publico. 

No.  VII. — See  vol.  i.,  pp.  165,  229. 

CAPITULATION  MADE  BY  FRANCISCO  PIZARRO  WITH  THE  QUEEK} 
MS.,  DATED  TOLEDO,  JULY  26,  1 5 29. 

[For  a copy  of  this  document  I am  indebted  to  Don  Martin 
Fernandez  de  Navarrete,  late  Director  of  the  Royal  Academy 
of  History  at  Madrid.  Though  sufficiently  long,  it  is  of  no 


APPENDIX. 


343 


less  importance  than  the  preceding  contract,  forming,  like 
that,  the  foundation  on  which  the  enterprise  of  Pizarro  and 
his  associates  may  be  said  to  have  rested.] 

La  Reina  : — Por  cuanto  vos  el  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro,  vecino  de 
Tierra  firme,  llamada  Castilla  del  Oro,  por  vos  y en  nombre  del  venerable 
padre  D.  Fernando  de  Luque,  maestre  escuela  y provisor  de  la  iglesia  del 
Darien,  sede  vacante , que  es  en  la  dicha  Castilla  del  Oro,  y el  capitan 
Diego  de  Almagro,  vecino  de  la  ciudad  Panama,  nos  hicisteis  relacion, 
que  vos  e los  dichos  vuestros  companeros  con  deseo  de  nos  servir  e del 
bien  e acrecentamiento  de  nuestra  corona  real,  puede  haber  cinco  anos, 
poco  mas  o menos,  que  con  licencia  e parecer  de  Pedrarias  Davila,  nuestro 
gobemador  e capitan  general  que  fue  de  la  dicha  Tierra  firme,  tomastes 
cargo  de  ir  a conquistar,  descubrir  e pacificar  e poblar  por  la  costa  del  mar 
del  Sur,  de  la  dicha  tierra  a la  parte  de  Levante,  a vuestra  costa  e de  los 
dichos  vuestros  companeros,  todo  lo  mas  que  por  aquella  parte  pudieredes, 
e hicisteis  para  ello  dos  navios  e un  bergantin  en  la  dicha  costa,  en  que  asi 
en  esto  por  se  haber  de  pasar  la  jarcia  e aparejos  necesarios  al  dicho  viaje 
e armada  desde  el  Nombre  de  Dios,  que  es  la  costa  del  Norte,  a la  otra 
costa  del  Sur,  como  con  la  gente  e otras  cosas  necesarias  al  dicho  viaje,  e 
tornar  a rehacer  la  dicha  armada,  gastateis  mucha  suma  de  pesos  de  oro, 
e fuistes  a hacer  e hicisteis  el  dicho  descubrimiento,  donde  pasastes  muchos 
peligros  e trabajo,  a causa  de  lo  cual  os  dejo  toda  la  gente  que  con  vos  iba 
en  una  isla  despoblada  con  solos  trece  hombres  que  no  vos  quisieron  dejar, 
y que  con  ellos  y con  el  socorro  que  de  navios  e gente  vos  hizo  el  dicho 
capitan  Diego  de  Almagro,  pasastes  de  la  dicha  isla  e descubristes  las 
tierras  e provincias  del  Piru  e ciudad  de  Tumbes,  en  que  habeis  gastado 
vos  e los  dichos  vuestros  companeros  mas  de  trienta  mil  pesos  de  oro,  e 
que  con  el  deseo  que  teneis  de  nos  servir  querriades  continuar  la  dicha 
conquista  e poblacion  a vuestra  costa  e mision,  sin  que  en  ningun  tiempo 
seamos  obligados  a vos  pagar  ni  satisfacer  los  gastos  que  en  ello  hicieredes, 
mas  de  lo  que  en  esta  capitulacion  vos  fuese  otorgado,  e me  suplicasteis  e 
pedistes  por  merced  vos  mandase  encomendar  la  conquista  de  las  dichas 
tierras,  e vos  concediese  e otorgase  las  mercedes,  e con  las  condiciones  que 
de  suso  seran  contenidas  ; sobre  lo  cual  yo  mande  tomar  con  vos  el  asiento 
y capitulacion  siguiente. 

Primeramente  doy  licencia  y facultad  a vos  el  dicho  capitan  Francisco 
Pizarro,  para  que  por  nos  y en  nuestro  nombre  e de  la  corona  real  de  Cas- 
tilla, podais  continuar  el  dicho  descubrimiento,  conquista  y poblacion  de  la 
dicha  provincia  del  Peru,  fasta  ducientas  leguas  de  tierra  por  la  misma 
costa,  las  cuales  dichas  ducientas  leguas  comienzan  desde  el  pueblo  que 
en  lengua  de  indios  se  dice  Tenumpuela,  e despues  le  llamasteis  Santiago, 
hasta  llegar  al  pueblo  de  Chincha,  que  puede  haber  las  dichas  ducientas 
leguas  de  costa,  poco  mas  o menos. 


344 


APPENDIX. 


Item  : Entendiendo  ser  cumplidero  al  servicio  de  Dios  nuestro  Sefior  y 
nuestro,  y por  honrar  vuestra  persona,  e por  vos  hacer  merced,  prometemos 
de  vos  hacer  nuestro  gobernador  e capitan  general  de  toda  la  dicha  pro- 
vincia  del  Piru,  e tierras  y pueblos  que  al  presente  hay  e adelante  hubiere 
en  todas  las  dichas  ducientas  leguas,  por  todos  los  dias  de  vuestra  vida, 
con  salario  de  setecientos  e veinte  y cinco  mill  maravedis  cada  afio,  conta- 
dos  desde  el  dia  que  vos  hiciesedes  a la  vela  destos  nuestros  reinos  para 
continuar  la  dicha  poblacion  e conquista,  los  cuales  vos  han  de  ser  pagados 
de  las  rentas  y derechos  a nos  pertenecientes  en  la  dicha  tierra  que  ansi 
habeis  de  poblar  ; del  cual  salario  habeis  de  pagar  en  cada  un  afio  un  al- 
calde mayor,  diez  escuderos,  e treinta  peones,  e un  medico,  e un  boticario, 
el  cual  salario  vos  ha  de  ser  pagado  por  los  nuestros  oficiales  de  la  dicha 
tierra. 

Otrosi  : Vos  hacemos  merced  de  titulo  de  nuestro  Adelantado  de  la 
dicha  provincia  del  Peru,  e ansimismo  del  oficio  de  alguacil  mayor  della, 
todo  ello  por  los  dias  de  vuestra  vida. 

Otrosi  : Vos  doy  licencia  para  que  con  parecer  y acuerdo  de  los  dichos 
nuestros  oficiales  podais  hacer  en  las  dichas  tierras  e provincias  del  Peru, 
hasta  cuatro  fortalezas,  en  las  partes  y lugares  que  mas  convengan,  pares- 
ciendo  a vos  e a los  dichos  nuestros  oficiales  ser  necesarias  para  guarda  e 
pacificacion  de  la  dicha  tierra,  e vos  hare  merced  de  las  tenencias  dellas, 
para  vos,  e para  los  herederos,  e subcesores  vuestros,  uno  en  pos  de  otro, 
con  salario  de  setenta  y cinco  mill  maravedis  en  cada  un  ano  por  cada  una 
de  las  dichas  fortalezas,  que  ansi  estuvieren  hechas,  las  cuales  habeis  de 
hacer  a vuestra  costa,  sin  que  nos,  ni  los  reyes  que  despues  de  nos  vinie- 
ron,  seamos  obligados  a vos  lo  pagar  al  tiempo  que  asi  lo  gastaredes,  salvo 
dende  en  cinco  afios  despues  de  acabada  la  fortaleza,  pagandoos  en  cada 
un  ano  de  los  dichos  cinco  afios  la  quinta  parte  de  lo  que  se  montare  el 
dicho  gasto,  de  los  frutos  de  la  dicha  tierra. 

Otrosi  : Vos  hacemos  merced  para  ayuda  a vuestra  costa  de  mill  duca- 
dos  en  cada  un  afio  por  los  dias  de  vuestra  vida  de  las  rentas  de  las  dichas 
tierras. 

Otrosi  : Es  nuestra  merced,  acatando  la  buena  vida  e doctrina  de  la 
persona  del  dicho  don  Fernando  de  Luque  de  le  presentar  a nuestro  muy 
Sancto  Padre  por  obispo  de  la  ciudad  de  Tumbes,  que  es  en  la  dicha  pro- 
vincia y gobernacion  del  Peru,  con  limites  e diciones  que  por  nos  con  au- 
toridad  apostolica  seran  sefialados  ; y entretanto  que  vienen  las  bulas  del 
dicho  obispado,  le  hacemos  protector  universal  de  todos  los  indios  de 
dicha  provincia,  con  salario  de  mill  ducados  en  cada  un  afio,  pagado  de 
nuestras  rentas  de  la  dicha  tierra,  entretanto  que  hay  diezmos  eclesiasticos 
de  que  se  pueda  pagar. 

Otrosi  : Por  cuanto  nos  habedes  suplicado  por  vos  en  el  dicho  nombre 
vos  hiciese  merced  de  algunos  vasallos  en  las  dichas  tierras,  e al  presente 
lo  dejamos  de  hacer  por  no  tener  entera  relacion  de  ellas,  es  nuestra  mer- 
ced que,  entretanto  que  informados  proveamos  en  ello  lo  que  a nuestro 


APPENDIX. 


345 


6ervicio  e a la  enmienda  e satisfaccion  de  vuestros  trabajos  e servicios  con* 
viene,  tengais  la  veintena  parte  de  los  pechos  que  nos  tuvidremos  en  cada 
un  afio  en  la  dicha  tierra,  con  tanto  que  no  exceda  de  mill  y quinientos 
ducados,  los  mill  para  vos  el  dicho  capitan  Pizarro,  e los  quinientos  para 
el  dicho  Diego  de  Almagro. 

Otrosi  : Hacemos  merced  al  dicho  capitan  Diego  de  Almagro  de  la 
tenencia  de  la  fortaleza  que  hay  u obiere  en  la  dicha  ciudad  de  Tumbes, 
que  es  en  la  dicha  provincia  del  Peru,  con  salario  de  cien  mill  maravedis 
cada  un  afio,  con  mas  ducientos  mill  maravedis  cada  un  ano  de  ayuda  de 
costa,  todo  pagado  de  las  rentas  de  la  dicha  tierra,  de  las  cuales  ha  de 
gozar  desde  el  dia  que  vos  el  dicho  Francisco  Pizarro  llegaredes  a la  dicha 
tierra,  aunque  el  dicho  capitan  Almagro  se  quede  en  Panama,  e en  otra 
parte  que  le  convenga  ; e le  haremos  home  hijodalgo,  para  que  goce  de  las 
honras  e preminencias  que  los  homes  hijodalgo  pueden  y deben  gozar  en 
todas  las  Indias,  islas  e tierra  firme  del  mar  Oceano. 

Otrosi  : Mandamos  que  las  dichas  haciendas,  e tierras,  e solares  que 
teneis  en  tierre  firme,  llamada  Castilla  del  Oro,  e vos  estan  dadas  como  a 
vecino  de  ella,  las  tengais  e goceis,  e hagais  de  ello  lo  que  quisieredes  e 
por  bien  tuvieredes,  conforme  a lo  que  tenemos  consedido  y otorgado  a los 
vecinos  de  la  dicha  tierra  firme  ; e en  lo  que  toca  a los  indios  e naborias 
que  teneis  e vos  estan  encomendados,  es  nuestra  merced  e voluntad  e man- 
damos que  los  tengais  e goceis  e sirvais  de  ellos,  e que  no  vos  seran  quita- 
dos  ni  removidos  por  el  tiempo  que  nuestra  voluntad  fuere. 

Otrosi  : Concedemos  a los  que  fueren  a poblar  la  dicha  tierra  que  en 
los  seis  anos  primeros  siguientes  desde  el  dia  de  la  data  de  esta  en  ade- 
lante,  que  del  oro  que  se  cogiere  de  las  minas  nos  paguen  el  diezmo,  y 
cumplidos  los  dichos  seis  anos  paguen  el  noveno,  e ansi  decendiendo  en 
cada  un  ano  hasta  llegar  al  quinto  : pero  del  oro  e otras  cosas  que  se 
obieren  de  rescatar,  o cabalgadas,  o en  otra  cualquier  manera,  desde  luego 
nos  han  de  pagar  al  quinto  de  todo  ello. 

Otrosi  : Franqueamos  a los  vecinos  de  la  dicha  tierra  por  los  dichos 
seis  anos,  y mas,  y cuanto  fuere  nuestra  voluntad,  de  almojarifazgo  de 
todo  lo  que  llevaren  para  proveimiento  e provision  de  sus  casas,  con  tanto 
que  no  sea  para  lo  vender  ; e de  lo  que  vendieren  ellos,  e otras  cualesquier 
personas,  mercaderes  e tratantes,  ansimesmo  los  franqueamos  por  dos  anos 
tan  solamente. 

Item  : Prometemos  que  por  termino  de  diez  anos,  e mas  adelante  hasta 
que  otra  cosa  mandemos  en  contrario,  no  impornemos  a los  vecinos  de  las 
dichas  tierras  alcabalas  ni  otro  tributo  alguno. 

Item  : Concedemos  a los  dichos  vecinos  e pobladores  que  les  sean 
dados  por  vos  los  solares  y tierras  convenientes  a sus  personas,  conforme 
a lo  que  se  ha  hecho  e hace  en  la  dicha  isla  Espanola  ; e ansimismo  os 
daremos  poder  para  que  en  nuestro  nombre,  durante  el  tiempo  de  vuestra 
gobernacion,  hagais  la  encomienda  de  los  indios  de  la  dicha  tierra,  guar- 
dando  en  ella  las  instrucciones  e ordenanzas  que  vos  seran  dadas. 


346 


APPENDIX. 


Item  : A suplicacion  vuestra  hacemos  nuestro  piloto  mayor  de  la  mat 
del  Sur  a Bartolome  Ruiz,  con  setenta  y cinco  mill  maravedis  de  salano 
en  cada  un  afio,  pagados  de  la  renta  de  la  dicha  tierra,  de  los  cuales  ha 
de  gozar  desde  el  dia  que  le  fuere  entregado  el  titulo  que  de  ello  le  man- 
daremos  dar,  e en  las  espaldas  se  asentara  el  juramento  e solenidad  que 
ha  de  hacer  ante  vos,  e otorgado  ante  escribano.  Asimismo  daremos 
titulo  de  escribano  de  numero  e del  consejo  de  la  dicha  ciudad  de  Turn- 
bes,  a un  hijo  de  dicho  Bartolome  Ruiz,  siendo  habil  e sufificiente  para 
ello. 

Otrosi  : Somos  contentos  e nos  place  que  vos  el  dicho  capitan  Pizarro, 
cuanto  nuestra  merced  e voluntad  fuere,  tengais  la  gobernacion  e admin- 
istracion  de  los  indios  de  la  nuestra  isla  de  Flores,  que  es  cerca  de  Panama, 
e goceis  para  vos  e para  quien  vos  quisieredes,  de  todos  los  aprovecha- 
mientos  que  hobiere  en  la  dicha  isla,  asi  de  tierras  como  de  solares,  e 
montes,  e arboles,  e mineros,  e pesqueria  de  perlas,  con  tanto  que  seais 
obligado  por  razon  de  ello  a dar  a nos  e a los  nuestros  oficiales  de  Cas- 
tilla del  Oro  en  cada  un  ano  de  los  que  ansi  fuere  nuestra  voluntad  que 
vos  la  tengais,  ducientos  mill  maravedis,  e mas  el  quinto  de  todo  el  oro 
e perlas  que  en  cualquier  manera  e por  cualesquier  personas  se  sacare  en 
la  dicha  isla  de  Flores,  sin  descuento  alguno,  con  tanto  que  los  dichos 
indios  de  la  dicha  isla  de  Flores  no  los  podais  ocupar  en  la  pesquerfa  de 
las  perlas,  ni  en  las  minas  del  oro,  ni  en  otros  metales,  sino  en  las  otras 
granjerfas  e aprovechamientos  de  la  dicha  tierra,  para  provision  e man- 
tenimiento  de  la  dicha  vuestra  armada,  e de  las  que  adelante  obieredes  de 
hacer  para  la  dicha  tierra  ; e permitimos  que  si  vos  el  dicho  Francisco 
Pizarro  llegado  a Castilla  del  Oro,  dentro  de  dos  meses  luego  siguientes, 
declarades  ante  el  dicho  nuestro  gobernador  e juez  de  residencia  que  alii 
estuviere,  que  no  vos  querais  encargar  de  la  dicha  isla  de  Flores,  que  en 
tal  caso  no  seais  tenudo  e obligado  a nos  pagar  por  razon  de  ello  las  dichas 
ducientas  mill  maravedis,  e que  se  quede  para  no.s  la  dicha  isla,  como 
agora  la  tenemos. 

Item  : Acatando  lo  mucho  que  han  servido  en  el  dicho  viaje  e descu-- 
brimiento  Bartolome  Ruiz,  Cristoval  de  Peralta,  e Pedro  de  Candia,  e 
Domingo  de  Soria  Luce,  e Nicolas  de  Ribera,  e Francisco  de  Cuellar,  e 
Alonso  de  Molina,  e Pedro  Alcon,  e Garcia  de  Jerez,  e Anton  de  Carrion, 
e Alonso  Briceno,  e Martin  de  Paz,  e Joan  de  la  Torre,  e porque  vos  me 
lo  suplicasteis  e pedistes  por  merced,  es  nuestra  merced  e voluntad  de  les 
hacer  merced,  como  por  la  presente  vos  la  hacemos  a los  que  de  ellos  no 
son  idalgos,  que  sean  idalgos  notorios  de  solar  conocido  en  aquellas 
partes,  e que  en  ellas  e en  todas  las  nuestras  Indias,  islas  y tierra  firme  del 
mar  Oceano,  gocen  de  las  preeminencias  e libertades,  e otras  cosas  de 
que  gozan,  y deben  ser  guardadas  a los  hijosdalgo  notorios  de  solar  cono- 
cido dentro  nuestros  reinos,  e a los  que  de  los  susodichos  son  idalgos,  que 
sean  caballeros  de  espuelas  doradas,  dando  primero  la  information  que  en 
tal  caso  se  requiere. 


APPENDIX. 


347 


Item  : Vos  hacemos  merced  de  veinte  y cinco  veguas  e otros  tantos 
eaballos  de  los  que  nos  tenemos  en  la  isla  de  Jamaica,  e no  las  abiendo 
cuando  las  pidieredes,  no  seamos  tenudos  al  precio  de  ellas,  ni  de  otra 
cosa  por  razon  de  ellos. 

Otrosi  : Os  hacemos  merced  de  trescientos  mill  maravedis  pagados  en 
Castilla  del  Oro  para  el  artilleria  e municion  que  habeis  de  llevar  a la 
dicha  provincia  del  Peru,  llevando  fe  de  los  nuestros  oficiales  de  la  casa 
de  Sevilla  de  las  cosas  que  ansi  comprastes,  e de  lo  que  vos  costo,  con- 
tando  el  interese  e cambio  de  ello,  e mas  os  hare  merced  de  otros  ducien- 
tos  ducados  pagados  en  Castilla  del  Oro  para  ayuda  al  acarreto  de  la 
dicha  artilleria  e municiones  e otras  cosas  vuestras  desde  el  Nombre  de 
Dios  so  la  dicha  mar  del  Sur. 

Otrosi  : Vos  daremos  licencia,  como  por  la  presente  vos  la  damos,  para 
que  destos  nuestros  reinos,  e del  reino  de  Portugal  e islas  de  Cabo  Verde, 
e dende,  vos,  e quien  vuestro  poder  hubiere,  quisieredes  e por  bien  tuvi- 
eredes,  podais  pasar  e paseis  a la  dicha  tierra  de  vuestra  gobernacion  cin- 
cuenta  esclavos  negros  en  que  haya  a lo  menos  el  tercio  de  hembras, 
libres  de  todos  derechos  a nos  pertenecientes,  con  tanto  que  si  los  dejare- 
des  e parte  de  ellos  en  la  isla  Espanola,  San  Joan,  Cuba,  Santiago  e en 
Castilla  del  Oro,  e en  otra  parte  alguna  los  que  de  ellos  ansi  dejaredes, 
sean  perdidos  e aplicados,  e por  la  presente  los  aplicamos  a nuestra  camara 
e fisco. 

Otrosi  : Que  hacemos  merced  y limosna  al  hospital  que  se  hiciese  en 
la  dicha  tierra,  para  ayuda  al  remedio  de  los  pobres  que  alia  fueren,  de 
cien  mill  maravedis  librados  en  las  penas  aplicadas  de  la  camara  de  la 
dicha  tierra.  Ansimismo  a vuestro  pedimento  e consentimiento  de  los 
primeros  pobladores  de  la  dicha  tierra,  decimos  que  haremos  merced, 
como  por  la  presente  la  hacemos,  a los  hospitales  de  la  dicha  tierra  de  los 
derechos  de  la  escubilla  e relaves  que  hubiere  en  las  fundiciones  que  en 
ella  se  hicieren,  e de  ello  mandaremos  dar  nuestra  provision  en  forma. 

Otrosi  : Decimos  que  mandaremos,  e por  la  presente  mandamos,  que 
hayan  e residan  en  la  ciudad  de  Panama,  e donde  vos  fuere  mandado,  un 
carpintero  e un  calafate,  e cada  uno  de  ellos  tenga  de  salario  treinta  mill 
maravedis  en  cada  un  ano  dende  que  comenzaren  a residir  en  la  dicha 
ciudad,  o donde,  como  dicho  es,  vos  les  mandaredes  ; a los  cuales  les 
mandaremos  pagar  por  los  nuestros  oficiales  de  la  dicha  tierrra  de  vuestra 
gobernacion  cuando  nuestra  merced  y voluntad  fuere. 

Item  : Que  vos  mandaremos  dar  nuestra  provision  en  forma  para  que 
en  la  dicha  costa  del  mar  del  Sur  podais  tomar  cualesquier  navios  que 
hubieredes  menester,  de  consentimiento  de  sus  dueiios,  para  los  viajes 
que  hobieredes  de  hacer  a la  dicha  tierra,  pagando  a los  duenos  de  los 
tales  navios  el  flete  que  justo  sea,  no  embargante  que  otras  personas  los 
tengan  fletados  para  otras  partes. 

Ansimismo  que  mandaremos,  e por  la  presente  mandamos  e defer) de- 
mos, que  destos  nuestros  reinos  no  vayan  ni  pasen  a las  dichas  tierras  nip 


348 


APPENDIX. 


gunas  personas  de  las  prohibidas  que  no  puedan  pasar  a aquellas  partes,  so 
las  penas  contenidas  en  las  leyes  e ordenanzas  e cartas  nuestras,  que  cerca 
de  esto  por  nos  e por  los  reyes  catolicos  estan  dadas  ; ni  letrados  ni  pro 
curadores  para  usar  de  sus  oficios. 

Lo  cual  que  dicho  es,  e cada  cosa  e parte  de  ello  vos  concedemos  con 
tanto  que  vos  el  dicho  capitan  Pizarro  seais  tenudo  e obligado  de  salir 
destos  nuestros  reinos  con  los  navios  e aparejos  e mantenimientos  e otras 
cosas  que  fueren  menester  para  el  dicho  viaje  y poblacion,  con  ducientos 
e cincuenta  hombres,  ios  ciento  y cincuenta  destos  nuestros  reinos  e otras 
partes  no  prohibidas,  e los  ciento  restantes  podais  llevar  de  las  islas  e tierra 
firme  del  mar  Oceano,  can  tanto  que  de  la  dicha  tierra  firme  llamada  Cas- 
tilla del  Oro  no  saqueis  mas  de  veinte  hombres,  sino  fuere  de  los  que  en 
el  primero  e segundo  viaje  que  vos  hicisteis  a la  dicha  tierra  del  Peru  se 
hallaron  con  vos,  porque  a estos  damos  licencia  que  puedan  ir  con  vos 
libremente  ; lo  cual  hayais  de  cumplir  desde  el  dia  de  la  data  de  esta 
hasta  seis  meses  primeros  siguientes  : allegado  a la  dicha  Castilla  del  Oro, 
e allegado  a Panama,  seais  tenudo  de  proseguir  el  dicho  viaje,  e hacer 
el  dicho  descubrimiento  e poblacion  dentro  de  otros  seis  meses  luego 
siguientes. 

Item  : Con  condicion  que  cuando  salieredes  destos  nuestros  reinos  e 
llegaredes  a las  dichas  provincias  del  Peru  hayais  de  llevar  y tener  con  vos 
a los  oficiales  de  nuestra  hacienda,  que  por  nos  estan  e fueren  nombrados ; 
e asimismo  las  personas  religiosas  o eclesiasticas  que  por  nos  seran  sefiala- 
das  para  instruccion  de  los  indios  e naturales  de  aquella  provincia  a nues- 
tra santa  fe  catolica,  con  cuyo  parecer  e no  sin  ellos  habeis  de  hacer  la 
conquista,  descubrimiento  e poblacion  de  la  dicha  tierras  ; a los  cuales  re- 
ligiosos  habeis  de  dar  e pagar  el  flete  e matalotaje,  e los  otros  mantenimi- 
entos necesarios  conforme  a sus  personas,  todo  a vuestra  costa,  sin  por 
ello  les  llevar  cosa  alguna  durante  la  dicha  navegacion,  lo  cual  mucho  vos 
lo  encargamos  que  ansi  hagais  e cumplais,  como  cosa  de  servicio  de  Dios 
e nuestro,  porque  de  lo  contrario  nos  terniamos  de  vos  por  deservidos. 

Otrosi  : Con  condicion  que  en  la  dicha  pacificacion,  conquista  y pobla- 
cion e tratamiento  de  los  dichos  indios  en  sus  personas  y bienes,  seais 
tenudos  e obligados  de  guardar  en  todo  e por  todo  lo  contenido  en  les  or- 
denanzas e instrucciones  que  para  esto  tenemos  fechas,  e se  hicieren,  e 
vos  seran  dadas  en  la  nuestra  carta  e provision  que  vos  mandaremos  dar 
para  la  encomienda  de  los  dichos  indios.  E cumpliendo  vos  el  dicho  capi- 
tan Francisco  Pizarro  lo  contenido  en  este  asiento,  en  todo  lo  que  a vos 
toca  e incumbe  de  guardar  e cumplir,  prometemos,  e vos  aseguramos  por 
nuestra  palabra  real  que  agora  e de  aqui  adelante  vos  mandaremos  guardar 
e vos  sera  guardado  todo  lo  que  ansi  vos  concedemos,  e facemos  merced,  a 
vos  e a los  pobladores  e tratantes  e la  dicha  tierra  ; e para  ejecucion  y 
cumplimiento  dello,  vos  mandaremos  dar  nuestras  cartas  e provisiones 
particulares  que  convengan  e menester  sean,  obligandoos  vos  el  dicho  capi- 
tan Pizarro  primeramente  ante  escribano  publico  de  guardar  e cumplir  lc 


APPENDIX. 


349 


contenido  en  este  asiento  que  a tos  toca  como  dicho  e*.  Fecha  en  Toledo 
a 26  de  jullio  de  1529  anos, — YO  LA  REINA.— Por  mandado  de  S.  M. 
—Juan  Vazquez. 


No.  VIII. — See  vol.  i.,  p.  303. 

CONTEMPORARY  ACCOUNTS  OF  ATAHUALLPA’s  SEIZURE. 

[As  the  seizure  of  the  Inca  was  one  of  the  most  memorable, 
as  well  as  foulest,  transactions  of  the  Conquest,  I have  thought 
it  might  be  well  to  put  on  record  the  testimony,  fortunately  in 
my  possession,  of  several  of  the  parties  present  on  the  occa- 
sion.] 


Relation  del  primer  Descubrimiento  de  la  Costa  y Mar  del  Sur,  MS. 

A la  hora  de  las  cuatro  comienzan  a caminar  por  su  calzada  adelante 
derecho  a donde  nosotros  estabamos,  y a las  cinco  o poco  mas  llego  a la 
puerta  de  la  ciudad,  quedando  todos  los  campos  cubiertos  de  gente,  y asi 
comenzaron  a entrar  por  la  plaza  hasta  trescientos  hombres  como  mozos 
despuelas  con  sus  arcos  y flechas  en  las  manos,  cantando  un  cantar  no 
nada  gracioso  para  los  que  lo  oyamos,  antes  espantoso  porque  parecia  cosa 
infernal,  y dieron  una  vuelta  a aquella  mezquita  amagando  al  suelo  con  las 
manos  a limpiar  lo  que  por  el  estaba,  de  lo  cual  habia  poca  necesidad, 
porque  los  del  pueblo  le  tenian  bien  barrido  para  cuando  entrase.  Aca- 
bada  de  dar  su  vuelta  pararon  todos  juntos,  y entro  otro  escuadron  de 
hasta  mil  hombres  con  picas  sin  yerros  tostadas  las  puntas,  todos  de  una 
librea  de  colores,  digo  que  la  de  los  primeros  era  blanca  y colorada,  como 
las  casas  de  un  axedrez.  Entrado  el  segundo  escuadron  entro  el  tercero 
de  otra  librea,  todos  con  martillos  en  las  manos  de  cobre  y plata,  que  es 
una  arma  que  ellos  tienen,  y ansi  desta  manera  entraron  en  la  dicha  plaza 
muchos  senores  principales  que  venian  en  medio  de  los  delanteros  y de  la 
persona  de  Atabalipa.  Detras  destos  en  una  litera  muy  rica,  los  cabos  de 
los  maderos  cubiertos  de  plata,  venia  la  persona  de  Atabalipa,  la  cual 
traian  ochenta  senores  en  hombros  todos  vestidos  de  una  librea  azul  muy 
rica,  y el  vestido  su  persona  muy  ricamente  con  su  corona  en  la  cabeza,  y 
al  cuello  un  collar  de  esmeraldas  grandes  y sentado  en  la  litera  en  una 
silla  muy  pequena  con  un  coxin  muy  rico.  En  llegando  al  medio  de  la 
plaza  paro,  llevando  descubierto  el  medio  cuerpo  de  fuera ; y toda  la  gente 
de  guerra  que  estaba  en  la  plaza  le  tenian  en  medio,  estando  dentro  hasta 
seis  6 siete  mil  hombres.  Como  el  vi6  que  ninguna  persona  salia  a el,  ni 
parecia,  tubo  creido,  y asi  lo  confeso  el  despues  de  preso,  que  nos  habi- 
amos  escondido  de  miedo  de  ver  su  poder  ; y dio  una  voz  y dixo  : Donde 
estan  estos  ? A la  cual  salid  del  aposento  del  dicho  Gobernador  Pizarro  el 


350 


APPENDIX. 


Padre  Fray  Vicente  de  Valverde  de  la  orden  de  los  Predicadores,  que 
despues  fue  obispo  de  aquella  tierra,  con  la  bribia  en  la  mano  y con  el  una 
lengua,  y asi  juntos  llegaron  por  entre  la  gente  a poder  hablar  con  Ataba- 
lipa,  al  cual  le  comenzo  a decir  cosas  de  la  sagrada  escriptura,  y que  nues- 
tro  Senor  Jesu-Christo  mandaba  que  entre  los  suyos  no  hubiese  guerra,  ni 
discordia,  sino  todo  paz,  y que  el  en  su  nombre  ansi  se  lo  pedia  y requeria  ; 
pues  habia  quedado  de  tratar  della  el  dia  antes,  y de  venir  solo  sin  gente 
de  guerra.  A las  cuales  palabras  y otras  muchas  que  el  Frayle  le  dixo,  el 
estubo  callando  sin  volver  respuesta ; y tornandole  a decir  que  mirase  lo 
que  Dios  mandaba,  lo  cual  estaba  en  aquel  libro  que  Uevaba  en  la  mano 
escripto,  admirandose  a mi  parecer  mas  de  la  escriptura,  que  de  lo  escripto 
en  ella  : le  pidio  el  libro,  y le  abrio  y ojeo,  mirando  el  molde  y la  orden 
del,  y despues  de  visto,  le  arrojo  por  entre  la  gente  con  mucha  ira,  el  ros- 
tro  muy  encarnizado,  diciendo  : Decildes  a esos,  que  vengan  aca,  que  no 
pasare  de  aqui  hasta  que  me  den  cuenta  y satisfagan  y paguen  lo  que  han 
hecho  en  la  tierra.  Visto  esto  por  el  Frayle  y lo  poco  que  aprovechaban 
sus  palabras,  tomo  su  libro,  y abajo  su  cabeza,  y fuese  para  donde  estaba 
el  dicho  Pizarro,  casi  corriendo,  y dijole  : No  veis  lo  que  pasa  ? para  que 
estais  en  comedimientos  y requerimientos  con  este  perro  lleno  de  soberbia, 
que  vienen  los  campos  llenos  de  Indio  ? Salid  a el — que  yo  os  absuelvo, 
Y ansi  acabadas  de  decir  estas  palabras  que  fue  todo  en  un  instante,  tocan 
las  trompetas,  y parte  de  su  posada  con  toda  la  gente  de  pie,  que  con  el 
estaba,  diciendo  : Santiago  a ellos  ; y asi  salimos  todos  a aquella  vos  a una, 
porque  todas  aquellas  casas  que  salian  a la  plaza  tenian  muchas  puertas,  y 
parece  que  se  habian  fecho  a aquel  proposito.  En  arremetiendo  los  de 
caballo  y rompiendo  por  ellos  todo  fue  uno,  que  sin  matar  sino  solo  un 
negro  de  nuestra  parte,  fueron  todos  desbaratados  y Atabalipa  preso,  y la 
gente  puesta  en  huida,  aunque  no  pudieron  huir  del  tropel,  porque  la 
puerta  por  do  habian  entrado  era  pequena  y con  la  turbacion  no  podian 
salir  ; y visto  los  traseros  cuan  lejos  tenian  la  acoxida  y remedio  de  huir, 
arrimaronse  dos  6 tres  mil  dellos  a un  lienso  de  pared,  y dieron  con  el  a 
tierra,  el  cual  salia  al  campo,  porque  por  aquella  parte  no  habia  casas,  y 
ansi  tubieron  camino  ancho  para  huir  : y los  escuadrones  de  gente  que 
habian  quedado  en  el  campo  sin  entrar  en  el  pueblo,  como  vieron  huir  y 
dar  alaridos,  los  mas  dellos  fueron  desbaratados  y se  pusieron  en  huida, 
que  era  cosa  harto  de  ver,  que  un  valle  de  cuatro  6 cinco  leguas  todo  iba 
cuaxado  de  gente.  En  este  vino  la  noche  muy  presto,  y la  gente  se  re- 
cogio,  y Atabalipa  se  puso  en  una  casa  de  piedra,  que  era  el  templo  del 
sol,  y asi  se  paso  aquella  noche  con  grand  regocijo  y placer  de  la  vitoria  que 
nuestro  Serior  nos  habia  dado,  poniendo  mucho  recabdo  en  hacer  guardia 
a la  persona  de  Atabalipa  para  que  no  volviesen  a tomarnosle.  Cierto  fue 
permision  de  Dios  y grand  acertamiento  guiado  por  su  mano,  porque  si 
este  dia  no  se  prendiera,  con  la  soberbia  que  trahia,  aquella  noche  fuera* 
mos  todos  asolados  por  ser  tan  pocos,  como  tengo  dicho,  y ellos  tantos. 


APPENDIX. 


35i 


Pedro  Pizarro,  Dcscubrimiento  y Conquista  de  los  Reynos  del  Peru , MS. 

Pues  despues  de  aver  comido,  que  acavaria  a hora  de  missa  mayor, 
enpe5o,  a levantar  su  gente  y a venirse  hazia  Caxamalca.  Hechos  sus  es- 
quadrones,  que  cubrian  los  campos,  y el  metido  en  vnas  andas  enpejo  a 
caminar,  viniendo  delante  del  dos  mil  yndios  que  le  barrian  el  camino 
por  donde  venia  caminando,  y la  gente  de  guerra  la  mitad  de  vn  lado 
y la  mitad  de  otro  por  los  campos  sin  entrar  en  camino : traia  ansi 
mesmo  al  senor  de  Chincha  consigo  en  vnas  andas,  que  parescia  a los 
suyos  cossa  de  admiracion,  porque  ningun  yndio,  por  senor  principal  que 
fuese,  avia  de  parescer  delante  del  sino  fuese  con  vna  carga  a cuestas 
y descalzo  : pues  hera  tanta  la  pateneria  que  traian  d’  oro  y plata,  que 
hera  cossa  estrana  lo  que  reluzia  con  el  sol  : venian  ansi  mesmo  delante 
de  Atabalipa  muchos  yndios  cantando  y danzando.  Tardose  ste  sefior  en 
andar  esta  media  legua  que  ay  dende  los  banos  a donde  el  estava  hasta 
Caxarnalca,  dende  ora  de  missa  mayor,  como  digo,  hasta  tres  oras  antes 
que  anochesciese.  Pues  llegada  la  gente  a la  puerta  de  la  plaza,  enpe9aron 
4 entrar  los  esquadrones  con  grandes  cantares,  y ansi  entrando  ocuparon 
toda  la  plaza  por  todas  partes.  Visto  el  marquez  don  Francisco  Pizarro 
que  Atabalipa  venia  ya  junto  a la  plaza,  embio  al  padre  Fr.  Vicente  de 
Balverde  primero  obispo  del  Cuzco,  y a Hernando  de  Aldana  vn  buen 
soldado,  y a don  Martinillo  lengua,  que  fuesen  a bablar  a Atabalipa  y 
4 requerille  de  parte  de  Dios  y del  Rey  se  subjetase  4 la  ley  de  nue- 
stro  Senor  Jesucristo  y al  servicio  de  S.  Mag.,  y que  el  Marquez  le 
tendria  en  lugar  de  hermano,  y no  consintiria  le  hiziesen  enojo  ni  dano 
en  su  tierra.  Pues  Uegado  que  fue  el  padre  a las  andas  donde  Ataba- 
lipa venia,  le  hablo  y le  dixo  a lo  que  yva,  y le  predico  cossas  de  nue- 
stra  sancta  ffee,  declarandoselas  la  lengua.  Llevava  el  padre  vn  bre- 
viario  en  las  manos  donde  leya  lo  que  la  predicaba  : el  Atabalipa  se  lo 
pidio,  y el  cerrado  se  lo  dio,  y como  le  tuvo  en  las  manos  y no  supo  abrille 
arrojole  al  suelo.  Llamo  al  Aldana  que  se  Uegase  a el  y le  diese  la  espa- 
da,  y el  Aldana  la  saco  y se  la  mostro,  pero  no  se  la  quiso  dar.  Pues  pa- 
sado  lo  dicho,  el  Atabalipa  les  dixo  que  se  fuesen  para  Vellacos  ladrones, 
y que  los  avia  de  matar  a todos.  Pues  oydo  esto,  el  padre  se  bolvio  y 
conto  al  marquez  lo  que  le  avia  pasado  ; y el  Atabalipa  entro  en  la  plaza 
con  todo  su  trono  que  traya,  y el  senor  de  Chincha  tras  del.  Desque  ovie- 
ron  entrado  y vieron  que  no  parescia  espanol  ninguno,  pregunto  4 sus  capi- 
tanes,  Donde  estan  estos  cristianos  que  no  parescen  ? Elios  le  dixeron, 
Senor,  estan  escon didos  de  miedo.  Puez  visto  el  marquez  don  Francisco 
Pijarro  las  dos  andas,  no  conosciendo  qual  hera  la  de  Atabalipa,  mando  a 
Joan  Pi9arro  su  hermano  fuese  con  los  peones  que  tenia  a la  vna,  y el  yria 
a la  otra.  Pues  mandado  esto,  hizieron  la  sena  al  Candia,  el  qual  solto  el 
tiro,  y en  soltandolo  tocaron  las  trompetas,  y salieron  los  de  acavallo  de 
tropel,  y el  marquez  con  los  de  a pie,  como  esta  dicho,  tras  dellos,  de  manera 


352 


APPENDIX. 


que  con  el  estruendo  del  tiro  y las  trompetas  y el  tropel  de  los  cavallos  con  los 
cascaveles  los  yndios  se  embararon  y se  cortaron.  Los  espafioles  dieron  en 
ellos  y empejaron  a matar,  y fue  tanto  el  miedoque  los  yndios  ovieron,  que 
porhuir,  no  pudiendo  salir  por  la  puerta,  derribaronvn  lienzo  de  vna  pared 
de  la  5erca  de  la  plaza  de  largo  de  mas  de  dos  mil  passos  y de  alto  de  mas 
de  vn  estado.  Los  de  acavallo  fueron  en  su  seguimiento  hasta  los  bafios, 
donde  hizieron  grande  estrago,  y hizieran  mas  sino  les  anochesciera.  Pues 
bolviendo  A don  Francisco  P^arro  y a su  hermano,  salieron,  como  estava 
dicho,  con  la  gente  de  A pie  : el  marquez  fue  A dar  con  las  andas  de  Ataba- 
lipa,  y el  hermano  con  el  senor  de  Chincha,  al  qual  mataron  alii  en  las 
Andas  ; y lo  mismo  fuera  del  Atabalipa  sino  se  hallara  el  marquez  alii,  por- 
que  no  podian  derivalle  de  las  andas,  que  aunque  matavan  los  yndios  que 
las  tenian,  se  metian  luego  otros  de  reffresco  a sustentallas,  y desta  manera 
estuvieron  vn  gran  rrato  fforcejando  y matando  indios,  y de  cansados  vn 
espafiol  tiro  vna  cuchillada  para  matalle,  y el  marquez  don  Francisco  Pi^arro 
se  la  rreparo,  y del  rreparo  le  hirio  en  la  mano  el  marquez  el  espanol,  queri- 
endo  dar  al  Atabalipa,  a cuya  caussa  el  marquez  dio  dozes  diciendo  : Nadie 
hiera  al  indio,  so  pena  de  la  vida.  Entendido  esto,  aguijaron  siete  6 
ocho  espafioles  y asieron  de  vn  bordo  de  las  andas  y haziendo  fuerga  las 
trastornaron  A vn  lado,  y ansi  fue  preso  el  Atabalipa,  y el  marquez  le  llevo 
A su  aposento,  y alii  le  puso  guardas  que  le  guardavan  de  dia  y de  noche. 
Pues  venida  la  noche,  los  espanoles  se  recoxieron  todos  y dieron  muchas 
gracias  A nuestro  Senor  por  las  mercedes  que  les  avia  hecho,  y muy  con- 
tentos  en  tener  presso  al  senor,  porque  a no  prendelle  noseganara  latierra 
como  se  gano. 

Carta  de  Hernando  Pizarro , ap.  Oviedo,  Historia  general  de  las  Indias, 
MS.,  lib.  46,  cap.  15. 

Venia  en  unas  handas,  A delante  de  el  hasta  trecientos  o cuatrocientos 
Yndios  con  Camisetas  de  librea  limpiando  las  pajas  del  camino,  A can- 
tando,  A el  en  medio  de  la  otra  gente  que  eran  Caciques  e principales,  e los 
mas  principales  Caciques  le  traian  en  los  hombros  : e entrando  en  la  Plaza 
subieron  doce  6 quince  Yndios  en  una  fortaleza  que  alii  estaba,  e tomaron- 
la  A manera  de  posesion  con  vandera  puesta  en  una  lanza  : entrando  hasta 
la  mitad  de  la  Plaza  reparo  alii  : A salib  un  Fraile  Dominico  que  estaba  con 
el  Gobernador  A hablarle  de  su  parte,  que  el  Gobernador  le  esperaba  en  su 
aposento,  que  le  fuese  A hablar,  e dijole  como  era  Sacerdote,  A que  era  em- 
biado  por  el  Emperador  para  que  le  ensenase  las  cosas  de  la  fe  si  quisiesen 
ser  Cristianos,  e mostrole  un  libro  que  llevaba  en  las  manos,  A dijole  qua 
aquel  libro  era  de  las  cosas  de  Dios  ; A el  Atabaliva  pidid  el  libro,  A ar- 
rojole  en  el  suelo  e dijo  : Yo  no  pasare  de  aquf  hasta  que  me  deis  todo  lo 
que  habeis  tornado  en  mi  tierra,  que  yo  bien  se  quien  sois  vosotros,  y en 
lo  que  andais  : e levantose  en  las  andas,  e hablo  A su  gente,  e obo  mur- 
tnullo  entre  ellos  llamando  A la  gente  que  tenian  las  armas  : e el  fraile 


APPENDIX. 


353 


fue  al  Gobemador  i dijole  que  que  hacia,  que  ya  no  estaba  la  cosa  ea 
tiempo  de  esperar  mas  : el  Gobemador  me  lo  embid  a decir  s yo  tenia 
concertado  con  el  Capitan  de  la  artilleria,  que  haciendole  una  sefia 
disparasen  los  tiros,  e con  la  gente  que  oyendolos  saliesen  todos  & un 
tiempo  ; e como  asi  se  hizo  e como  los  Vndios  estaban  sin  armas  fueron 
desbaratados  sin  peligro  de  ningun  Cristiano.  Los  que  traian  las  andas, 
e los  Caciques  que  venian  al  rededor  del,  nunca  lo  desampararon  hasta  que 
todos  murieron  al  rededor  del  : el  Gobemador  salio  e tomo  a Atabaliva, 
e por  defenderle  le  did  un  cristiano  una  cuchillada  en  una  mano.  La  gente 
siguio  el  alcance  hasta  donde  estaban  los  Yndios  con  armas  ; no  se  halld 
en  ellos  resistencia  alguna,  porque  ya  era  noche : recogieronse  todos  al 
Pueblo,  donde  el  Gobemador  quedaba. 


No.  IX. — See  vol.  i.,  p.  328. 

ACCOUNT  OF  THE  PERSONAL  HABITS  OF  ATAHUALLPA  J EX- 
TRACTED FROM  THE  MS.  OF  PEDRO  PIZARRO. 

[This  minute  account  of  the  appearance  and  habits  of  the 
captive  Inca  is  of  the  most  authentic  character,  coming  as  it 
does  from  the  pen  of  one  who  had  the  best  opportunities  of 
personal  observation  during  the  monarch’s  imprisonment 
by  his  Conquerors.  Pizarro’s  MS.  is  among  those  recently 
given  to  the  world  by  the  learned  Academicians  Salva  and 
Baranda.] 

Este  Atabalipa  ya  dicho  hera  indio  bien  dispuesto,  de  buena  persona, 
de  medianas  carnes,  no  grueso  demasiado,  hermosso  de  Rostro  y grave  en 
cl,  los  ojos  encarnizados,  muy  temido  de  los  suyos.  (Acuerdome  que  el 
Serior  de  Guaylas  le  pidio  licencia  para  yr  a ver  su  tierra,  y se  la  dio,  dan- 
dole  tiempo  en  que  fuese  y viniese  limitado.  Tardose  algo  mas,  y cuando 
bolvio,  estando  yo  presente,  llego  con  vn  presente  de  fruta  de  la  tierra,  y 
llegado  que  fue  a su  presencia  empego  a temblar  en  tanta  manera  que  no 
se  podia  tener  en  los  pies.  El  Atabalipa  algo  lo  caveza  vn  poquito  y son- 
rriendose  le  hizo  sena  que  se  ffuese.)  Quando  le  sacaron  a matar,  toda 
la  gente  que  avia  en  la  plaza  de  los  naturales,  que  avia  harto,  se  pros- 
traron  por  tierra,  dexandose  caer  en  el  suelo  como  Borrachos.  Este 
indio  se  servia  de  sus  mugeres  por  la  horden  que  tengo  ya  dicha,  sir- 
viendole  vna  hermana  diez  dias  6 ocho  con  mucha  cantidad  de  hijas  de 
senores  que  a estas  hermanas  Servian,  mudandose  de  ocho  a ocho  dias. 
Estas  estavan  siempre  con  el  para  serville,  que  yndio  no  entrava  dond’ 
si  estava.  Tenia  muchos  caciques  consigo : estos  estavan  afuera  en  va 


354 


APPENDIX. 


patio,  y en  llamando  alguno  entrava  descalzo  y donde  el  estava ; y si 
venia  de  fuera  parte,  avia  de  entrar  descalzo  y cargado  con  vna  carga ; 
y quando  su  capitan  Challicuchima  vino  con  Hernando  Pigarro  y le  en- 
tro  a ver,  entro  asi  como  digo  con  vna  carga  y descalzo  y se  hecho  k 
sus  pies,  y llorando  se  los  beso.  El  Atabalipa  con  Rostro  sereno  le 
dixo  : Seas  bien  venido  alii,  Challicuchima  ; queriendo  dezir,  Seas  bien 
venido,  Challicuchima.  Este  yndio  se  ponia  en  la  caveza  vnos  llautos 
que  son  vnas  trengas  hechas  de  lanas  de  colores,  de  grosor  de  medio 
dedo  y de  anchor  de  vno,  hecho  desto  vna  manera  de  corona  y no  con 
puntas,  sino  redonda,  de  anchor  de  vna  mano,  que  encaxava  en  la  ca- 
veza, y en  la  frente  vna  borla  cossida  en  este  Uauto,  de  anchor  de  vna 
mano,  poco  mas,  de  lana  muy  ffina  de  grana,  cortada  muy  ygual  metida 
por  vnos  canutitos  de  oro  muy  sotilmente  hasta  la  mitad  : esta  lana 
hera  hilada,  y de  los  canutos  abaxo  destorcida,  que  hera  lo  que  caya  en 
la  frente  ; que  los  canutillos  de  oro  hera  quanto  tomavan  todo  el  llauto  y 
dicho.  Cayale  esta  borla  hasta  encima  de  las  cejas,  de  vn  dedo  de  grosor. 
que  le  tomava  toda  la  frente  ; y todos  estos  sefiores  andavan  tresquilados 
y los  orejones  como  a sobre  peine.  Vestian  Ropa  muy  delgada  y muy 
blanda  ellos  y sus  hermanas  quetenian  por  mugeres,  y sus  deudos,  orejones 
principales,  que  se  la  davan  los  sefiores,  y todos  los  demas  vestian 
Ropa  basta.  Poniase  este  senor  la  manta  por  encima  de  la  cavega  y 
atabasela  debajo  de  la  barva,  tapandose  las  orejas  : esto  traia  el  por 
tapar  vna  oreja  que  tenia  rompida,  que  quando  le  prendieron  los  de 
Guascar  se  la  quebraron.  Bestiase  este  senor  Ropas  muy  delicadas. 
Estando  vn  dia  comiendo,  questas  senoras  ya  dichas  le  llevavan  la  co- 
mida  y se  la  ponian  delante  en  vnos  juncos  verdes  muy  delgados  y peque- 
fios  ; estaba  sentado  este  senor  en  vn  duo  de  madera  de  altor  de  poco 
mas  de  un  palmo  : esto  duo  hera  de  madera  colorada  muy  linda,  y te- 
nianle  siempre  tapado  con  vna  manta  muy  delgada,  aunque  stuviese  el 
sentado  en  el  : estos  juncos  ya  dichos  le  tendian  siempre  delante  quando 
queria  comer,  y alii  le  ponian  todos  los  manjares  en  oro,  plata  y Barro, 
v el  que  a el  apetescia  senalava  se  lo  truxesen,  y tomandolo  vna  senora 
destas  dichas  se  lo  tenia  en  la  mano  mientras  comia.  Pues  estando  vn 
dia  desta  manera  comiendo  y yo  presente,  llevando  vna  tajada  del  manjar 
a la  boca  le  cayo  vna  gota  en  el  vestido  que  tenia  puesto,  y dando  de  mano 
a la  yndia  se  levanto  y se  entro  a su  aposento  a vestir  otro  vestido,  y buelto 
saco  vestido  vna  camiseta  y vna  manta  (pardo  escuro).  Llegandome  yo 
pues  a el  le  tente  la  manta  que  hera  mas  blanda  que  seda,  y dixele  : Ynga., 
de  que  es  este  vestido  tan  blando  ? El  me  dixo,  Es  de  vnos  pajaros  que 
andan  de  noche  en  Puerto  Viejo  y en  Tumbez,  que  muerden  a los  indios. 
Venido  a aclararse  dixo,  que  hera  de  pelo  de  murcielagos.  Diziendole,  que 
de  donde  se  podria  junta  tanto  murcielago  ? dixo,  Aquellos  perros  de  Tum- 
bez y Puerto  Viejo  que  avian  de  hazer  sino  tomar  destos  para  hazer  Ropa 
k mi  padre  ? Y es  ansi  questos  murcielagos  de  aquellas  partes  muerden  de 
noche  a los  indios  y a espanoles  y a cavallos,  y sacan  tanta  sangre  ques 


APPENDIX. 


355 


5089a  de  misterio,  y ansi  se  averiguo  ser  este  vestido  de  lana  de  murciela- 
gos,  y ansi  hera  la  color  como  dellos  del  vestido,  que  en  Puerto  Viejo  y en 
Tumbez  y sus  comarcas  ay  gran  cantidad  dellos.  Pues  acontescio  vn  dia 
que  viniendose  a quexar  vn  indio  que  vn  espanol  tomava  vnos  bestidos  de 
Atabalipa,  el  marquez  me  mando  fuesse  yo  a saver  quien  hera  y llamar  al 
espanol  para  castigallo.  El  indio  me  lleve  a vn  buhio  donde  avia  gran 
cantidad  de  petacas,  porquel  espanol  ya  hera  ydo,  diciendome  que  de  alii 
avia  tornado  vn  bestido  del  seiior ; e yo  preguntandole  que  que  tenian 
aquellas  petacas,  me  mostro  algunas  en  que  tenian  todo  aquello  que  Ataba- 
lipa avia  tocado  con  las  manos,  y avia  estado  de  pies,  y vestidos  que  el 
avia  deshechado  ; en  vnas  los  junquillos  que  le  hechavan  delante  a los  pies 
quando  comia  ; en  otras  los  guessos  de  las  carnas  6 aves  que  comia,  que 
el  avia  tocado  con  las  manos  ; en  otras  los  maslos  de  las  mazorcas  de  ma- 
hiz  que  avia  tornado  en  sus  manos  ; en  otras  las  rropas  que  havia  deshe- 
chado : finalmente  todo  aquello  que  el  avia  tocado.  Preguntelee,  que  para 
que  tenian  aquello  alii  ? Respondieronme,  que  para  quemallo,  porque  cada 
ano  quemavan  todo  esto,  porque  lo  que  tocavan  los  senores  que  heran  hi- 
jos  del  sol,  se  avia  de  quemar  y hazer  seniza  y hechallo  por  el  ayre,  que 
nadie  avia  de  tocar  a ello  ; y en  guarda  desto  estava  vn  prencipal  con  in- 
dios  que  lo  guardava  y rrecoxia  de  las  mugeres  que  les  Servian.  Estos 
senores  dormian  en  el  suelo  en  vnos  colchones  grandes  de  algodon : tenian 
vnas  ffrecadas  grandas  de  lana  con  que  se  cubijaban  : y no  e visto  en  todo 
este  Piru  indio  semejante  a este  Atabalipa  ni  de  su  ferocidad  ni  autoridad. 


No.  X. — See  vol.  i.,  p.  353. 

CONTEMPORARY  ACCOUNTS  OF  THE  EXECUTION  OF  ATAHUALLPA. 

[The  following  notices  of  the  execution  of  the  Inca  are  from 
the  hands  of  eye-witnesses ; for  Oviedo,  though  not  present 
himself,  collected  his  particulars  from  those  who  were.  I give 
the  notices  here  in  the  original,  as  the  best  authority  for  the 
account  of  this  dismal  tragedy.] 

Pedro  Pizarro  Descubrimiento  y Conquista  de  los  Reynos  del  Peru , MS. 

Acordaron  pues  los  oficiales  y Almagro  que  Atabalipa  muriese,  tratand© 
entre  si  que  muerto  Atabalipa  se  acababa  el  auto  hecho  acerca  del  tesoro. 
Pues  dixeron  al  Marquez  don  Francisco  Pijarro  que  no  convenia  que  Ata- 
balipa biviese  ; porque  si  se  soltava,  S.  Mag.  perderia  la  tierra  y todos 
los  espafioles  serian  muertos  ; y a la  verdad,  si  esto  no  fuera  tratado  con 
malicia,  como  esta  dicho,  tenian  razon,  porque  hera  imposible  soltandosc 
poder  ganar  la  tierra.  Pues  el  marquez  no  quiso  venir  en  ello.  Visto  esto 


356 


APPENDIX. 


los  oficiales  hiiieronle  muchos  rrequerimientos,  poniendole  el  servicio  de 
S.  Mag.  por  delante.  Pues  estando  asi  atravesose  vn  demonio  de  vna 
lengua  que  se  dezia  ffelipillo,  vno  de  los  muchachos  que  el  marquez  avia 
llevado  4 Espaffa,  que  al  presente  hera  lengua,  y andava  enamorado  de  vna 
muger  de  Atabalipa,  y por  avella  hizo  entender  al  marquez  que  Atabalipa 
hazia  gran  junta  de  gente  para  matar  los  espanoles  en  Caxas.  Pues  sabido 
el  marquez  esto  prendio  a Challicuchima  que  estava  suelto  y preguntandole 
por  esta  gente  que  dezia  la  lengua  re  juntavan,  aunque  negava  y dezia  que 
no,  el  ffelipillo  dezia  a la  contra  trastornando  las  palabras  dezian  a quien  se 
preguntava  este  casso.  Pues  el  marquez  don  Francisco  Pifarro  acordo 
embiar  4 Soto  4 Caxas  a saver  si  se  hazia  alii  alguna  junta  de  gente,  porque 
cierto  el  marquez  no  quisiera  matalle.  Pues  visto  Almagro  y los  oficiales  la 
yda  de  Soto  apretaron  al  marquez  con  muchos  rrequirimientos,  y la  lengua 
por  su  parte  que  ayudava  con  sus  rretruecos,  vinieron  4 convencer  al  marquez 
que  muriese  Atabalipa,  porque  el  marquez  hera  muy  zeloso  del  servicio  de 
S.  Mag.  y ansi  le  hizieron  temer,  y contra  su  voluntad  sentencio  4 muerte  4 
Atabalipa  mandando  le  diesen  garrote,  y despues  de  muerto  le  quemasen 
porque  tenia  las  hermanas  por  mugeres.  Cierto  pocas  leyes  avian  leido 
estos  sefiores  ni  entendido,  pues  al  infiel  sin  aver  sido  predicado  le  davan 
esta  sentencia.  Pues  el  Atabalipa  lloravay  dezia  que  no  le  matasen,  que 
no  abria  yndio  en  la  tierra  que  se  meneasse  sin  su  mandado,  y que  presso  le 
tenian,  que  de  que  temian  ? y que  si  lo  avian  por  oro  y plata,  que  el  daria 
dos  tanto  de  lo  que  avia  mandado.  Yo  videllorar  al  marques  de  pesar  por 
no  podelle  dar  la  vida,  porque  cierto  temio  los  requirimientos  y el  rriezgo 
que  avia  en  la  tierra  si  se  soltava.  Este  Atabalipa  avia  hecho  entender  4 
sus  mugeres  6 yndios  que  si  no  le  quemavan  el  cuerpo,  aunque  le  matassen 
avia  de  bolver  4 ellos,  que  el  sol  su  padre  le  rresucitaria.  Pues  sacandole 
4 dar  garrote  4 la  plaza  el  padre  fray  Vicente  de  Balverde  ya  dicho  le  pre- 
dico  diziendole  se  tornase  cristiano : y el  dixo  que  si  el  se  tornava  cris- 
tiano,  si  le  quemarian,  y dixeronle  que  no  : y dixo  que  pues  no  le  avian 
de  quemar  que  queria  ser  baptizado,  y ansi  fray  Vicente  la  baptizo  y le 
dieron  garrote,  y otro  dia  le  enterraron  en  la  yglesia  que  en  Caxamalca 
teniamos  los  espanoles.  Esto  se  hizo  antes  que  Soto  bolviese  a dar  aviso 
de  lo  que  le  hera  mandado  ; y quando  vino  truxo  por  nueva  no  aver  visto 
nada  ni  aver  nada,  de  que  el  marquez  le  peso  mucho  de  avelle  muerto,  y 
al  Soto  mucho  mas,  porque  dezia  el,  y tenia  rrazon,  que  mejor  ffuera  em- 
bialle  4 Espana,  y que  el  se  obligara  4 ponello  en  la  mar  : y cierto  esto 
fuera  lo  mejor  que  con  este  indio  se  pudiera  hazer,  porque  quedar  en  la 
tierra  no  convenia  : tambien  se  entendio  que  no  biviera  muchos  dias,  aun- 
que le  embiara,  porque  el  hera  muy  regalado  y muy  senior. 


Relation  del  primer  Descubrimiento  de  la  Costa  y Mar  del  Sur , MS. 

Dando  forma  como  se  llevaria  Atabalipa  de  camino,  y que  guardia  se  le 
poadria,  y cor.sultando  y tratando  si  seriamos  parte  para  defenderle  es 


APPENDIX. 


357 


aquellos  pasos  malos  y rios  si  nos  le  quisiesen  tomar  los  suyos  : comen* 
z6se  a decir  y 4 certificar  entre  los  Indios,  que  el  mandaba  venir  grand 
multitud  de  gente  sobre  nosotros  : esta  nueva  se  fue  encendiendo  tanto, 
que  se  tom6  informacion  de  muchos  senores  de  la  tierra,  que  todos  a una 
dijeron  que  era  verdad,  que  el  mandaba  venir  sobre  nosotros  para  que  le 
salvasen,  y nos  matasen  si  pudiesen,  y que  estaba  toda  la  gente  en  cierta 
provincia  ayuntada  que  ya  venia  de  camino.  Tomada  esta  informacion, 
juntaronse  el  dicho  Gobernador,  y Almagro,  y los  Oficiales  de  S.  Mag.  no 
estando  ahi  Hernando  Pizarro,  porque  ya  era  partido  para  Espafia  con 
alguna  parte  del  quinto  de  S.  Mag.  y a darle  noticia  y nueva  de  lo  acae- 
cido  ; y resumieronse,  aunque  contra  voluntad  del  dicho  Gobernador,  que 
nunca  estubo  bien  en  ello,  que  Atabalipa,  pues  quebrantaba  la  paz,  y queria 
hacer  traicion  y traher  gentes  para  matar  los  cristianos,  muriese,  porque 
con  su  muerte  cesaria  todo,  y se  allanaria  la  tierra  : a lo  cual  hubo  contra- 
rios  pareceres,  y lamas  de  la  gente  se  puso  en  defender  que  no  muriese;  al 
cabo  insistiendo  mucho  en  su  muerte  el  dicho  Capitan  Almagro,  y dando 
muchas  razones  por  que  debia  morir,  ei  fui  muerto,  aunque  para  el  no  fue 
muerte,  sino  vida,  porque  murio  cristiano,  y es  de  creer  que  se  fu6  al  cielo. 
Publicado  por  toda  la  tierra  su  muerte,  la  gente  cornun  y de  pueblos  venian 
donde  el  dicho  Gobernador  estaba  a dar  la  obediencia  a S.  Mag.  ; pero 
los  capitanes  y gente  de  guerra  que  estaban  en  Xauxa  y en  el  Cuzco,  antes 
se  rehicieron,  y no  quisieron  venir  de  paz.  Aqui  acaecio  la  cosa  mas  es- 
trana  que  se  ha  visto  en  el  mundo,  que  yo  vi  por  mi  sojos,  y fu^  ; que 
estando  en  la  iglesia  cantando  los  oficios  de  difuntos  a Atabalipa,  presente 
el  cuerpo,  llegaron  ciertas  sefioras  hermanas  y mugeres  suyas,  y otros  pri- 
vados  con  grand  estruendo,  tal  que  impidieron  el  oficio,  y dijeron  que  les 
hiciesen  aquella  fiesta  muy  mayor,  porque  era  costumbre  cuand^,  el  grand 
senor  moria,  que  todos  aquellos  que  bien  le  querian,  se  enterrasen  vivos 
con  el : a los  cuales  se  les  respondio,  que  Atabalipa  habia  muerto  como 
cristiano,  y como  tal  le  hacian  aquel  oficio,  que  no  se  habia  de  hacer  lo 
que  ellos  pedian,  que  era  muy  mal  hecho  y contra  cristianidad  ; que  se 
fuesen  de  alii,  y no  les  estorbasen,  y se  le  dejasen  enterrar,  y ansi  se 
fueron  a sus  aposentos,  y se  ahorcaron  todos  ellos  y ellos.  Las  cosas  que 
pasaron  en  estos  dias,  y los  extremos  y llantos  de  la  gente  son  muy  largas 
y prolijas,  y por  eso  no  se  diran  aqui. 


Oviedo,  Historia  general  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  46,  cap.  22. 

Cuando  el  Marques  Don  Francisco  Pizarro  tubo  preso  al  gran  Rey  Ata- 
baliva  le  aconsejaron  hombres  faltos  de  buen  entendimiento,  que  le 
matase,  6 el  obo  gana,  porque  como  se  vieron  cargados  de  oro,  parecioles 
que  muerto  aquel  Sefior  lo  podian  poner  mas  a su  salvo  en  Espana,  donde 
quisiesen  e dejando  la  tierra,  y que  asimismo  serian  mas  parte  para  se 
sustener  en  ella  sin  aquel  escrupoloso  impedimento,  que  no  conservan- 
dose  la  vida  de  un  Principe  tan  grande,  e tan  temido  e acatado  de  sus  na- 


358 


APPENDIX. 


turales,  y en  todas  aquellas  partes ; k la  esperiencia  ha  mostrado  cuan 
mal  acordado  e peor  fecho  fue  todo  lo  que  contra  Atabaliva  Se  hizo  da- 
spues  de  su  prision  en  le  quitar  la  vida,  con  la  cual  demas  de  deservirse 
Dios  quitaron  al  Emperador  nuestro  Senor,  6 a los  misrnos  Espafioles  que 
en  aquellas  partes  se  hallaron,  y a los  que  en  Espana  quedaron,  que  en- 
tonces  vivian  y a los  que  aora  viven  6 naceran  innumerables  tesoros,  que 
aquel  Principe  les  diera  ; e ninguno  de  sus  vasallos  se  mobiera  ni  alterara 
como  se  alteraron  e revelaron  en  faltando  su  Persona.  Notorio  es  que  el  Go- 
bernador  le  aseguro  la  vida,  y sin  que  le  diese  tal  seguro  el  se  le  tenia,  pues 
ningun  Capitan  puede  disponer  sin  licenciade  su  Reyy  Senor  dela  Persona 
del  Principe  que  tiene  preso,  cuyo  es  de  derecho,  cuanto  mas  que  Atabaliva 
dijo  al  Marques,  que  si  algun  Cristiano  matasen  los  Yndios,  6 le  hiciesen 
el  menor  dano  del  mundo,  que  creyese  que  por  su  mandado  lo  hacia,  y que 
cuando  eso  fuese  le  matase  6 hiciese  del  lo  que  quisiese  ; e que  tratandole 
bien  el  le  chaparia  las  paredes  de  plata,  e le  allanaria  las  Sierras  e los  mon- 
tes,  e le  daria  a el,  e a los  Cristianos  cuanto  oro  quisiesen,  e que  desto  no 
tubiese  duda  alguna  ; y en  pago  de  sus  ofrecimientos  encendidas  pajas  se  las 
ponian  en  los  pies  ardiendo,  porque  digese  que  traicion  era  la  que  tenia 
ordenada  contra  los  Cristianos,  e inventando  e fabricando  contra  el  false- 
dades,  le  levantaron  que  los  queria  matar,  e todo  aquello  fue  rodeado  por 
malos  e por  la  inadvertencia  e mal  Consejo  del  Gobernador,  e comenza- 
ron  a le  hacer  proceso  mal  compuesto  y peor  escrito,  seyendo  uno  de  los 
Adalides  un  inquieto,  desasosegado  e deshonesto  Clerigo,  y un  Escribano 
falto  de  conciencia,  e de  mala  habilidad,  y otros  tales  que  en  la  maldad 
concurrieron,  e asi  mal  fundado  el  libelo  se  concluyo  a sabor  de  danados 
paladares,  como  se  dijo  en  el  Capitulo  catorce,  no  acordandose  que  le 
habian  enchido  las  casas  de  oro  e plata,  e le  habian  tornado  sus  mugeres  e 
repartidolas  en  su  presencia  e usaban  de  ellas  en  sus  adulterios,  e en  lo  que 
les  placia  a aquellos  aquien  las  dieron  ; y como  les  parecio  a los  culpados 
que  tales  ofensas  no  eran  de  olvidar,  e que  merecian  que  el  Atabaliva  les 
diese  la  recompensa  como  sus  obras  eran,  asentoseles  en  el  animo  un  temor 
e enemistad  con  el  entranable  ; e por  salir  de  tal  cuidado  e sospecha  le 
ordenaron  la  muerte  por  aquello  que  el  no  hizo  ni  penso  ; y de  ver  aquesto 
algunos  Espanoles  comedidos  aquien  pesaba  que  tan  grande  deservicio  se 
hiciese  a Dios  y ai  Emperador  nuestro  Senor ; y aunque  tan  grande  in- 
gratitud  se  perpetraba  e tan  senalada  maldad  se  cometia  como  matar  a un 
Principe  tan  grande  sin  culpa.  E viendo  que  le  traian  a colacion  sus  de- 
litos  e crueldades  pasadas,  que  el  habia  usado  entre  sus  Yndios  y enemi- 
gos  en  el  tiempo  pasado,  de  lo  cual  ninguno  era  Juez,  sino  Dios  ; queriendo 
saber  la  verdad  e por  excusar  tan  notorios  danos  como  se  esperaban  que 
habian  de  proceder  matando  aquel  Senor  se  ofrecieron  cinco  hidalgos  de  ir 
en  persona  a saber  y ver  si  venia  aquella  gente  de  guerra  que  los  falsos  in- 
ventores  e sus  mentirosas  espias  publicaban,  a dar  en  los  Cristianos  ; en  fin 
el  Gobernador  (que  tambien  se  puede  creer  que  era  engafiado)  lo  obo  por 
bien  » e fueron  el  Capitan  Hernando  de  Soto,  el  Capitan  Rodrigo  Orgaix, 


APPENDIX. 


359 


e Pedro  Ortiz,  e Miguel  de  Estete,  e Lope  Velez  a Ter  esos  enemigos  que 
decian  que  venian  ; e el  Gobernador  les  dio  una  Guia  6 Espia,  que  decia 
que  sabia  donde  estaban  ; ea  dos  dias  de  camino  se  despeno  la  guia  de  un 
risco,  que  lo  supo  muy  bien  hacer  el  Diablo  para  que  el  dafio  fuese  mayor  ; 
pero  aquellos  cinco  de  caballo  que  he  dicho  pasaron  adelante  hasta  que 
llegaron  al  lugar  donde  se  decian  que  habian  de  hallar  el  egercito  con- 
trario,  e no  hallaron  hombre  de  guerra,  ni  con  armas  algunas,  sino  todos 
de  paz  ; e aunque  no  iban  sino  esos  pocos  cristianos  que  es  dicho  les 
hicieron  mucha  fiesta  por  donde  andubieron,  e les  dieron  todo  lo  que  les 
pidieron  de  lo  que  tenian  para  ellos  e sus  criados  e Yndios  de  servicio  que 
llevaban  ; por  manera  que  viendo  que  era  burla,  e muy  notoria  mentira  e 
falsedad  palpable,  se  tornaron  a Cajamalca  donde  el  Gobernador  estaba  ; 
el  cual  ya  habia  fecho  morir  al  Principe  Atabaliva  se  que  la  historia  lo  ha 
contado  ; e como  llegaron  al  Gobernador  hallaronle  mostrando  mucho  sen- 
timiento  con  un  gran  sombrero  de  fieltro  puesto  en  la  cabeza  por  luto  e 
muy  calado  sobre  los  ojos,  e le  digeron  : Senor  muy  mal  lo  ha  fecho  V.  Sa, 
y fuera  justo  que  fueramos  atendidos  para  que  supierades  que  es  muy  gran 
traicion  la  que  se  le  levanto  a Atabaliva,  porque  ningun  hombre  de  guerra 
hay  en  el  Campo,  ni  le  hallamos,  sino  todo  de  paz,  e muy  buen  trata- 
miento  que  no  se  nos  hizo  en  todo  lo  que  habemos  andado.  El  Gobernador 
respondio  e les  dijo  : Y veo  que  me  han  enganado  : desde  a pocos  dias 
sabida  esta  verdad,  e murmurandose  de  la  crueldad  que  con  aquel  Prin- 
cipe se  uso,  vinieron  a malas  palabras  el  Gobernador  y fray  Vicente  de 
Valverde,  y el  Tesorero  Riquelme  e a cada  uno  de  ellos  decia  que  el  otro 
lo  habia  fecho,  e se  desmintieron  unos  a otros  muchas  veces,  oyendo 
muchos  su  rencilla. 


No.  XI. — See  vol.  ii.,  p.  37. 

CONTRACT  BETWEEN  PIZARRO  AND  ALMAGRO,  MS.;  DATED  AT 
CUZCO,  JUNE  12,  X535. 

[This  agreement  between  these  two  celebrated  captains,  in 
which  they  bind  themselves  by  solemn  oaths  to  the  observance 
of  what  would  seem  to  be  required  by  the  most  common  prin- 
ciples of  honesty  and  honor,  is  too  characteristic  of  the  men  and 
the  times  to  be  omitted.  The  original  exists  in  the  archives 
at  Simancas.] 

Nos  Dn  Francisco  Pizarro,  Adelantado,  Capitan  General  y Governador 
por  S.  M.  en  estos  Reynos  de  la  Nueva  Castilla,  e Dn  Diego  de  Almagro, 
asimismo  Governador  por  S.  M.  en  la  provincia  de  Toledo,  decimos  : 

que  por  que  mediante  la  intima  amistad  y compania  que  entre  nosotros 


APPENDIX. 


360 

con  Unto  amor  ha  permanecido,  y queriendolo  Dios  Nuestro  Seftor  hacer, 
ha  sido  parte  y cabsa  que  el  Emperador  e Rey  nuestro  Sefior  haya  re- 
cevido  sefialados  servicios  con  la  conquista,  sujecion  e poblacion  destas 
provincias  y tierras,  e atrayendo  a la  conversion  y camino  de  nuestra 
Santa  Fee  Catolica  tanta  muchedumbre  de  infieles,  e confiando  S.  M.  que 
durante  nuestra  amistad  y compania  su  real  patrimonio  sera  acrecentado, 
e asi  por  tener  este  intento  como  por  los  servicios  pasados,  S.  M.  Catolica 
tubo  por  bien  de  conceder  a mi  el  dicho  D“  Francisco  Pizarro  la  gover- 
nacion  de  estos  nuebos  Reynos,  y a mi  el  dicho  Dn  Diego  de  Almagro  la 
governacion  de  la  provincia  de  Toledo,  de  las  quales  mercedes  que  de  su 
Real  liberalidad  hemos  recevido,  resulta  tan  nueba  obligacion,  que  per- 
petuamente  nuestras  vidas  y patrimonios  y de  los  que  de  nos  decendieren 
en  su  Real  servicio  se  gasten  y consuman,  y para  que  esto  mas  seguro  y 
mejor  efecto  haya  y la  confianza  de  S.  M.  por  nuestra  parte  no  fallezca 
renunciando  la  Ley  que  cerca  de  los  tales  juramentos  dispone,  prome- 
temos  e juramos  en  presencia  de  Dios  Nuestro  Sefior,  ante  cuyo  acta- 
miento  estamos,  de  guardar  y cumplir  bien  y enteramente,  y sin  cabtela 
ni  otro  entendimiento  alguno  lo  espresado  y contenido  en  los  capitulos 
siguientes,  e suplicamos  a su  infinita  bondad  que  a qualquier  de  nos  que 
fuere  en  contrario  de  lo  asi  convenido,  con  todo  rigor  de  justicia  permita 
la  perdicion  de  su  anima,  fin  y mal  acavamiento  de  su  vida,  destruicion  y 
perdimiento  de  su  familia,  honrras  y hacienda,  porque  como  quebrantador 
de  su  fee,  la  qual  el  uno  al  otro  y el  otro  nos  damos,  y no  temerosos  de  su 
acatamiento,  reciva  del  tal  justa  venganza  : y lo  que  por  parte  de  cada  uno 
de  nosotros  juramos  y prometemos  es  lo  siguiente. 

Primeramente  que  nuestra  amistad  e compania  se  conserve  mantenga 
para  en  adelante  con  aquel  amor  y voluntad  que  hasta  el  dia  presente  entre 
nosotros  ha  habido,  no  la  alterando  ni  quebrantando  por  algunos  intereses, 
cobdicias,  ni  ambicion  de  qualesquiera  honrras  e oficios,  sino  que  herman- 
ablemente  entre  nosotros  se  comunique  e seamos  parcioneros  en  todo  el 
bien  que  Dios  Nuestro  Sefior  nos  quiera  hacer. 

Otrosi,  decimos  so  cargo  del  juramento  e promesa  que  hacemos,  que 
ninguno  de  nosotros  calumniara  ni  procurara  cosa  alguna  que  en  dano  o 
menos  cabo  de  su  honrra,  vida  y hacienda  al  otro  pueda  subceder  ni  venir, 
ni  dello  sera  cabsa  por  vias  directas  ni  indirectas  por  si  propio  ni  por  otra 
persona  tacita  ni  espresamente  cabsandolo  ni  permitiendolo,  antes  procu- 
rara todo  bien  y honrra  y trabajara  de  se  lo  llegar  y adquirir,  y evitando 
todas  perdidas  y danos  que  se  le  puedan  recrecer,  no  siendo  de  la  otra 
parte  avisado. 

Otrosi : juramos  de  mantener,  guardar  y cumplir  lo  que  entre  nosotros 
esta  capitulado,  a lo  qual  al  presente  nos  referimos,  e que  por  via,  causa 
ni  mafia  alguna  ninguno  de  nosotros  verna  en  contrario  ni  en  quevranta- 
miento  dello,  ni  hara  diligencia,  protestacion  ni  Reclamacion  alguna,  £ que 
si  alguna  oviere  fecha,  se  aparta  6 desbte  de  ella  e la  renuncia  so  cargo  del 
dicho  juramento. 


APPENDIX. 


361 


Otrosi : juramos  que  juntamente  ambos  a dos,  y no  el  uno  sin  el  otro, 
informaremos  y escriviremos  a S.  M.  las  cosas  que  segun  nuestro  parecer 
mejor  a su  Real  servicio  convengan,  suplicandole,  informandole  de  todo 
aquello  con  que  mas  su  catolica  conciencia  se  descargue,  y estas  provincias 
y Reynos  mas  y mejor  se  conserven  y goviernen,  y que  no  habra  relacion 
particular  por  ninguno  de  nosotros  hecha  en  fraude  e cabtela  y con  intento 
de  daiiar  y enpecer  al  otro,  procurando  para  si,  posponiendo  el  servicio  de 
Nuestro  Senor  Dios  y de  S.  M.,  y en  quebrantamiento  de  nuestra  amistad 
y compania,  y asimismo  no  permitira  que  sea  hecho  por  otra  qualquier 
persona,  dicho  ni  comunicado,  ni  lo  permita  ni  consienta,  sino  que  todo 
se  haga  manifiestamente  entre  ambos,  porque  se  conozca  mejor  el  celo 
que  de  servir  a S.  M.  tenemos,  pues  de  nuestra  amistad  e compania  tanta 
confianza  ha  mostrado. 

Yten  : juramos  que  todos  los  provechos  e intereses  que  se  nos  recrecie- 
ren  asi  de  los  que  yo  Dn  Francisco  Pizarro  oviere  y adquiriere  en  esta  gov- 
ernacion  por  qualquier  vias  y cabsas,  como  los  otros  que  yo  D"  Diego  de 
Almagro  he  de  haber  en  la  conquista  y descubrimiento  que  en  nombre  y 
por  mandado  de  S.  M.  hago,  lo  traeremos  manifiestamente  a monton  y 
collacion,  por  manera  que  la  compania  que  en  este  caso  tenemos  hecha 
permanezca,  y en  ella  no  haya  fraude,  cabtela  ni  engano  alguno,  e que  los 
gastos  que  por  ambos  e qualquier  de  nos  se  obieren  de  hacer  ce  haga  moder- 
ada  y discretamente  conforme,  y proveyendo  a la  necesidad  que  se  ofreciere 
evitando  lo  escesivo  y superfluo  socorriendo  y proveyendo  a lo  necesario. 

Todo  lo  qual  segun  en  la  forma  que  dicho  esta,  es  nuestra  voluntad  de 
lo  asi  guardar  y cumplir  so  cargo  del  juramento  que  asi  tenemos  fecho, 
poniendo  a Nuestro  Senor  Dios  por  juez  y a su  gloriosa  Madre  Santa 
Maria  con  todos  los  Santos  por  testigos,  y por  que  sea  notorio  a todos  los 
que  aqui  juramos  y prometemos,  lo  firmamos  de  nuestros  nombres,  siendo 
presentes  por  testigos  en  Licenciado  Hernando  Caldera  Teniente  General 
de  Governador  en  estos  Reynos  por  el  dicho  Senor  Governador,  e Fran- 
cisco Pineda  Capellan  de  su  Senoria,  e Antonio  Picado  su  Secretario,  e 
Antonio  Tellez  de  Guzman  y el  Doctor  Diego  de  Loaisa,  el  qual  dicho 
juramento  fue  fecho  en  la  gran  Cibdad  del  Cuzco  en  la  casa  del  dicho 
Governador  Dn  Diego  Dalmagro,  estando  diciendo  misa  el  Padre  Barto- 
lome  de  Segovia  Clerigo,  despues  de  dicho  el  pater  noster,  poniendo  los 
dichos  Governadores  las  manos  derechas  encima  del  Ara  consagrada  a 12 
de  Junio  de  1535  anos. — Francisco  Pizarro. — El  Adeiantado  Diego  Dal- 
magro.— Testigos  el  Licenciado  Hernando  Caldera — Antonio  Tellez  de 
Guzman. 

Yo  Antonio  Picado  Escrivano  de  S.  M,  doy  fee  que  fui  testigo  y me 
halle  presente  al  dicho  juramento  e solenidad  fecho  por  los  dichos  Gov- 
ernadores, y yo  saque  este  traslado  del  original  que  queda  en  mi  poder 
como  secretario  del  Sefior  Governador  Dn  Francisco  Pizarro,  en  fee  de  lo 
qual  firme  aqui  nombre.  Fecho  en  la  gran  Cibdad  del  Cuzco  a 12  dias 
ares  de  Julio  de  1535  anos.  Antonio  Picado  Escribano  de  S.  M. 

P 32 


Vol.  2 


362 


APPENDIX. 


No.  XII. — See  vol.  ii.,  p.  129. 

LETTER  FROM  THE  YOUNGER  ALMAGRO  TO  THE  ROYAL  AUDIENCE 

OF  PANAMA,  MS.;  DATED  AT  LOS  REYES  [LIMA],  JULY  14, 

1541- 

[This  document,  coming  from  Almagro  himself,  is  valuable 
as  exhibiting  the  best  apology  for  his  conduct,  and,  with  due 
allowance  for  the  writer’s  position,  the  best  account  of  his  pro- 
ceedings. The  original — which  was  transcribed  by  Mufioz  for 
his  collection — is  preserved  in  the  archives  at  Simancas.] 

Mui  magnificos  Senores. — Ya  Vs  Mrds.  havran  sabido  el  estado  en  que 
he  estado  despues  que  fue  desta  vida  al  Adelantado  Don  Diego  de  Alma- 
gro mi  padre,  que  Dios  tenga  en  el  Cielo,  i como  quede  debajo  de  la  vara 
del  Marques  Don  Francisco  Pizarro,  i creo  yo  que  pues  son  notorias  las 
molestias  i malos  tratamientos  que  me  hicieron  i la  necesidad  en  que  me 
tenian  a vn  rincon  de  mi  casa  sin  tener  otro  remedio  sino  el  de  S.  M.  a 
quien  ocurri  que  me  lo  diese  como  Senor  agradecido  de  quien  yo  lo  espe- 
rava  pagando  los  servicios  tan  grandes  que  mi  padre  le  hizo  de  tan  gran 
ganancia  e acrecentamiento  para  su  Real  Corona,  no  hay  necesidad  de 
contarlas,  i por  eso  no  las  contare,  i dejare  lo  pasado  i vendre  a dar  a 
Vs  Mrds.  cuenta  de  lo  presente,  e dire  que  aunque  me  Uegava  al  alma 
verme  tan  afligido,  acordandome  del  mandamiento  que  mi  padre  me  dejo 
que  amase  el  servicio  de  S.  M.  i questava  en  poder  de  mis  enemigos ; 
sufria  mas  de  lo  que  mi  juicio  bastava,  en  especial  ser  cada  dia  quien  a 
mi  padre  quito  la  vida,  i havian  escurecido  sus  servicios  por  manera  que 
del  ni  de  mi  no  havia  memoria  ; i como  la  Enemistad  quel  Marques  me 
tenia  e a todos  mis  amigos  e criados  fuese  tan  cruel  i mortal,  i sobre  mi 
sucediese,  quiso  efetualla  por  la  medida  con  que  la  uso  con  mi  padre, 
estando  siguro  en  mi  casa,  gimiendo  mi  necesidad,  esperando  el  remedio 
i mercedes  que  de  S.  M.  era  razon  que  yo  alcanzase,  mui  confiado  de  go- 
zarlas,  haciendo  a S.  M.  servicios  como  yo  lo  deseo  ; fui  informado  quel 
Marques  trataba  mi  prendimiento  i fin,  determinado  que  no  quedase  en  el 
mundo  quien  la  muerte  de  mi  padre  le  pidiese,  y acordandome  que  para 
darsela  hallaron  testigos  a su  voluntad,  asi  mismo  los  hallaron  para  mi, 
por  manera  que  padre  i hijo  fueran  por  vn  juicio  juzgados.  Por  ne  dejar 
mi  vida  en  alvedrio  tan  diabolico  i desatinado,  temiendo  la  muerte,  deter- 
minado de  morir  defendiendo  mi  vida  i honra,  cos  los  criados  de  mi  padre 
i amigos,  acord^  de  entrar  en  su  casa  i prenderle  para  escusar  mayores 
dafios,  pues  el  Juez  de  S.  M.  ya  venia  i a cada  uno  hiciera  justicia,  i el 
Marques  como  persona  culpada  en  la  defensa  de  su  prision  e persona 


APPENDIX . 


363 


armada  para  ello  hizo  tanto  que  por  desdicha  suya  fue  herido  de  vna 
herida  de  que  murio  luego,  i puesto  que  como  hijo  de  padre  a quien  el 
havia  muerto  lo  podia  recibir  por  venganza,  me  peso  tan  estranamente  que 
todos  conocieron  en  mi  mui  gran  diferencia,  i por  ver  que  estava  tan 
poderoso  i acatado  como  era  razon  no  hovo  hombre  viendolo  en  mitad  del 
dia  que  echase  mano  a espada  para  ayuda  suya  ni  despues  hay  hombre  que 
por  el  responda  : parece  que  se  hizo  por  juicio  de  Dios  i por  su  voluntad, 
porque  mi  deseo  no  era  tan  largo  que  se  estendiese  a mas  de  conservar  mi 
vida  en  tanto  aquel  juez  llegava ; e como  vi  el  hecho  procure  antes  que  la 
cosa  mas  se  encendiese  en  el  pueblo  i que  cesasen  esecucion  de  prisiones 
de  personas  que  ambas  opiniones  havian  siguido  questaban  afrontadas,  i 
cesasen  crueldades,  e huviese  justicia  que  lo  estorvase  e castigase,  e se 
tomase  cabeza  que  en  nombre  de  S.  M.  hiciese  justicia  e governase  la 
tierra,  pareciendo  a la  republica  e comunidad  de  su  Cibdad  e oficales  de 
S.  M.  que  por  los  servicios  de  mi  padre  e por  haver  el  descubierto  e ga- 
nado  esta  tierra  me  pertenecia  mas  justamente  que  a otro  la  goVernacion 
della,  me  pidieron  por  Governador  i dentro  de  hos  horas  consultado  e 
negociado  con  el  Cabildo,  fui  recibido  en  amor  i conformidad  de  toda  la 
republica : Asi  quedo  todo  en  paz  i tan  asentados  i serenos  los  animos  de 
todos,  que  no  hovo  mudanza,  i todo  esta  pacifico,  i los  pueblos  en  la 
misma  conformidad  i justicia  que  han  estado,  i con  el  ayuda  de  Dios  se 
asentara  cada  dia  la  paz  tan  bien  que  de  todos  sea  obedecida  por  senora, 
i S.  M.  sera  tambien  servido  como  es  razon,  como  se  deve  : porque  aca- 
badas  son  las  opiniones  e parcialidades,  eyo  e todos  pretendemos  la  pobla- 
cion  de  la  tierra  i el  descubrimiento  della,  porque  los  tiempos  pasados  que 
se  han  gastado  tan  mal  con  alborotos  que  se  han  ofrecido,  e descuidos  que 
ha  habido,  agora  se  ganen  e se  alcencen  i cobren,  i con  este  presupuesto 
esten  VB  Mrds.  ciertos  que  esta  el  Peru  en  sosiego,  i que  las  riquezas  se 
descubriran  e iran  a poder  de  S.  M.  mas  acrecentadas  i multiplicadas  que 
hasta  aqui,  ni  havra  mas  pasion  ni  movimiento  sino  toda  quietud,  amando 
el  servicio  de  S.  M.  i su  obidiencia,  aprovechando  sus  Reales  rentas  : 
Suplico  a Vs  Mrds.  pues  el  caso  parece  que  lo  hizo  Dios  i no  los  hombres, 
ni  yo  lo  quise  asi  como  Dios  lo  hizo  por  su  juicio  secreto,  e como  tengo 
dicho  la  tierra  esta  sosegada,  i todos  en  paz  ; Vs  Mrds.  por  el  presente 
manden  suspender  qualquiera  novedad,  pues  la  tierra  se  consevara  como 
esta,  e sera  S.  M.  mui  servido  ; e despues  que  toda  la  gente  que  no  tienen 
vecindades  las  tengan,  e otros  vayan  a poblar  e descubrir,  podran  proveer 
lo  que  conviniere,  i es  tiempo  que  la  tierra  Espanoles  i naturales  no  reci- 
ban  mas  alteracion,  pues  no  pretenden  sino  sosiego  i quietud,  i poblar  la 
tierra  i servir  a S.  M.  porque  con  este  deseo  todos  estamos  i estaremos,  i 
de  otra  manera  crean  Vs  Mrds.  que  de  nuevo  la  tierra  se  rebue  ve  e inqui- 
eta,  porque  de  las  cosas  pasadas  vnos  i otros  han  pretendido  cada  vno  su 
fin,  e sino  descansan  de  los  trabajos  que  han  oadecido  con  tantas  persecu- 
ciones  de  buena  ni  de  mala  perdiendose  no  terna  S.  M.  della  cuenta,  e los 
naturales  se  destruirian  e no  asentaran  en  sus  casas  e pereceran  mas  de 


3<H 


APPENDIX. 


los  que  han  perecido  ; i conservar  estos  e conservar  la  tierra  i k>s  vecinos 
i raoradores  della  todo  es  vno,  i pues  en  tanta  conformidad  yo  tengo  la 
tierra  e con  voluntad  de  todos  fui  eligido  por  Governador,  porque  mas 
obidiencia  haya,  e la  justicia  mas  acatada  sea,  i entiendan  que  ma  han  de 
acatar  i obedecer  en  tanto  que  S.  M.  otra  cosa  manda,  porque  de  lo  pa- 
sado  yo  le  embio  aviso  ; Suplico  a V9  Mrds.  manden  despachar  desa 
Audiencia  Real  vna  cedula  para  que  todos  me  obedezcan  i tengan  por  Gov- 
ernador, porque  asi  mas  sosegados  ternan  todos  los  animos  i mas  i mejor 
se  hara  el  servicio  de  S.  M.  i terna  mas  paz  la  tierra,  e confundirse  han  las 
voluntades  que  se  quisieren  levantar  contra  esto  ; e sino  lo  mandasen  VS. 6 
Mrds.  proveer  en  tanto  que  S.  M.  declara  su  Real  Voluntad,  podria  ser 
que  por  parte  de  alguna  gente  que  por  aca  nunca  faltan  mas  amigos  de 
pasiones  que  de  razon,  que  se  levantase  algun  escandalo  de  que  Dios  i 
S.  M.  fuesen  mas  deservidos  : Nuestro  Senor  las  mui  magnificas  personas 
de  Vs  Mrds.  guarde  tan  prosperamente  como  desean  : destos  Reyes  a 14 
de  julio  de  1541  anos.  Beso  las  manos  de  Vs  Mrds.,  Don  Diego  de  Alma- 
gro. 


No.  XIII. — See  vol.  it. , p.  160. 

LETTER  FROM  THE  MUNICIPALITY  OF  AREQUIPA  TO  THE  EM* 

PEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH,  MS.  J DATED  AT  SAN  JUAN  DE 

LA  FRONTERO,  SEPTEMBER  24,  1 542. 

[The  stout  burghers  of  Arequipa  gave  efficient  aid  to  the 
royal  governor  in  his  contest  with  the  younger  Almagro ; and 
their  letter,  signed  by  the  municipality,  forms  one  of  the  most 
authentic  documents  for  a history  of  this  civil  war.  The  orig- 
inal is  in  the  archives  at  Simancas.] 

S.  C.  C.  M. — Aunque  de  otros  muchos  terna  V.  M.  aviso  de  la  vitoria 
que  en  ventura  de  V.  M.  i buena  deligencia  i animo  del  Governador  Vaca 
de  Castro  se  ovo  del  tirano  Don  Diego  de  Almagro  e sus  secazes,  nosotros 
el  Cabildo  i vecino  de  Arequipa  le  queremos  tambien,  dar,  porque  como 
quien  se  hallo  en  el  peligro,  podremos  contar  de  la  verdad  como  paso. 

Desde  Xauxa  hicimos  relacion  a V.  M.  de  todo  lo  sucedido  hasta  en- 
tonses,  i de  los  preparamientos  quel  Governador  tenia  proveidos  para  la 
guerra  de  alii.  Salio  con  toda  la  gente  en  orden  i se  vino  a esta  Cibdad 
de  San  Joan  de  la  Frontera,  donde  tuvimos  nuevas  como  el  traidor  de 
Don  Diego  de  Almagro  estava  en  la  provincia  de  Bilcas,  que  es  onze  leguas 
desta  Cidbad,  que  venia  determinado  con  su  danada  intencion  a darnos  la 
batalla.  En  este  comedio  vino  Lope  Diaquez  del  real  de  los  traidores,  i 
dio  al  Governador  una  carta  de  Don  Diego,  i otra  de  doze  Capitanes  mui 


APPENDIX . 


365 


desvergonzados  de  fieros  i amenazas  ; i el  Governador  con  zelo  de  que  no 
oviese  tantas  muertes  entre  los  vasallos  de  V.  M.  como  siempre  fue  su 
intento  de  ganar  el  juego  por  mafia,  acordo  de  tornarles  a enbiar  al  dicho 
Lope  Ydiaquez  i a Diego  de  Mercado  Fator  de  la  nueva  Toledo,  para  ver 
si  los  podian  reducir  i atraer  al  servicio  de  V.  M.  i fueron  tan  mal  rescibi- 
dos  que  quando  escaparon  con  las  vidas  se  tuvieron  por  bien  librados.  La 
respuesta  que  les  dieron  fue  que  no  querian  obedecer  las  provisiones  reales 
de  V.  M.  sino  darle  la  batalla,  i luego  alzaron  su  real  i caminaron  para 
nosotros.  Visto  esto  el  Governador  saco  su  real  deste  pueblo  i camino 
contra  ellos  dos  leguas,  donde  supo,  que  los  traidores  estavan  a tres,  en 
un  asiento  fuerte  i comodo  para  su  artilleria.  El  governador  acordo  de 
los  guardar  alii,  donde  le  tomo  la  voz,  porque  era  llano  i lugar  fuerte  al 
nuestro  proposito.  Como  esto  vieron  los  traidores,  sabado  que  se  contaron 
diez  i sies  de  setiembre,  se  levantaron  de  donde  estavan,  i caminaron  por 
lo  alto  de  la  sierra  i vinieron  una  legua  de  nosotros,  i sus  corredores  vi- 
nieron  a ver  nuestro  asiento,  Luego  el  Governador  provio  que  por  una 
media  loma  fuese  un  Capitan  con  cinquenta  arcabuceros,  i otro  con  cin- 
quenta  lanzas  a tomar  lo  alto,  i sucedio  tambien  que  sin  ningun  riesgo  se 
tomo,  i luego  todo  el  exercito  de  V.  M.  lo  subio.  Visto  esto,  los  enemi- 
gos  que  estarian  tres  quartos  de  legua,  procuraron  de  buscar  campo  donde 
nos  dar  la  batalla,  i asi  le  tomaron  a su  proposito  i asentaron  su  artilleria  i 
concertaron  sus  esquadrones,  que  eran  ducientos  i treinta  de  cavallo,  en 
que  venian  cinquenta  hombres  de  armas  : la  infanteria  eran  ducientos  ar- 
cabuzeros  i ciento  i cinquenta  piqueros,  todos  tan  lucidos  e bien  armados, 
que  de  Milan  no  pudieran  salir  mejor  aderezados : el  artilleria  eran  seis 
medias  culebrinas  de  diez  a doze  pies  de  largo,  que  echavan  de  bateria  una 
naranja  : tenian  mas  otros  seis  tiros  medianos  todos  de  fruslera,  tan  bien 
aderezados  i con  tanta  municion,  que  mas  parecia  artilleria  de  Ytalia  que 
no  de  Yndias.  El  Governador  vista  su  desverguenza,  la  gente  mui  en 
orden,  despues  de  haver  hecho  los  razonamientos  que  convenian,  diciendo- 
nos  que  viesemos  la  desverguenza  que  los  traidores  tenian  i el  gran  desacato 
a la  corona  Real,  camino  a ellos,  i llegando  a tiro  donde  su  artilleria  podia 
alcanzar,  jugo  luego  en  nosotros,  que  la  nuestra  por  ser  mui  pequefia  e ir 
caminando,  no  nos  podimos  aprovechar  della  de  ninguna  cosa,  i asi  la  dex- 
amos  por  popa  : matarnos  hian  antes  que  llegasemos  a romper  con  ellos 
mas  de  30  hombres,  i siempre  con  este  dafio  que  rescebiamos,  caminamos 
hasta  nos  poner  a tiro  de  arcabuz,  donde  de  una  parte  i de  otra  jugaron  i 
se  hizo  de  a mas  partes  arto  dafio,  i lo  mas  presto  que  nos  fue  posible 
porque  su  artilleria  aun  nos  echava  algunas  pelotas  en  nuestros  esqua- 
drones, cerramos  con  ellos,  donde  duro  la  batalla  de  lanzas,  porras,  i es- 
padas  mas  de  una  grande  hora  ; fue  tan  refiida  i porfiada  que  despues  de 
la  de  Rebena  no  se  ha  visto  entre  tan  poca  gente  mas  cruel  batalla,  donde 
hermanos  a hermanos,  ni  deudos  a deudos,  ni  amigos  a amigos  no  se  davan 
vida  uno  a otro.  Finalmente  como  llevasemos  la  justicia  de  nuestra  parte, 
nuestro  Senor  en  ventura  de  V.  M.  nos  dio  vitoria,  i en  el  denuedo  con  que 


366 


APPENDIX . 


acometio  el  Governador  Baca  de  Castro  el  qual  estava  sobresaliente  con  tre- 
inta  de  cavallo,  armado  en  bianco  con  una  ropilla  de  brocado  sobre  las  armas 
con  su  encomienda  descubierta  en  los  pechos,  contra  el  qual  estavan  con- 
jurados  muchos  de  los  traidores,  pero  el  como  cavallero  se  les  mostro  i de- 
fendio  tan  bien,  que  para  hombre  de  su  edad  i profesion,  estamos  espanta- 
dos  de  lo  que  hizo  i trabajo,  i como  rompio  con  sus  sobresalientes,  luego 
desampararon  el  campo  i conseguimos  gloriosa  vitoria,  la  qual  estuvo  harto 
dudosa,  porque  si  eramos  en  numero  ciento  mas  que  ellos,  en  escoger  el 
campo  i artilleria  i hombres  de  armas  i arcabuzes,  nos  tenian  doblada  ven- 
taja.  Fue  bien  sangrienta  de  entramas  partes,  i si  la  noche  no  cerrara  tan 
presto,  V.  M.  quedara  bien  satisfecho  destos  traidores,  pero  lo  que  no  se 
pudo  entonses  hacer,  ahora  el  Governador  lo  hace,  desquartizando  cada 
dia  a los  que  se  escaparon  : murieron  en  la  batalla  de  los  nuestros  el  capi- 
tan  Per  Alvarez  Holguin  i otros  sesenta  cavalleros  i Hidalgos  ; i estan  eri- 
dos  de  muerte  Gomez  de  Tordoya  i el  Capitan  Peranzures  i otros  mas  de 
ciento.  De  los  traidore  murieron  ciento  e cinquenta,  i mas  de  otros  tantos 
eridos  ; presos  estan  mas  de  ciento  i cinquenta : Don  Diego  i otros  tres 
capitanes  se  escaparon  : cada  ora  se  traen  presos  ; esperamos  que  un  dia 
se  habra  Don  Diego  a las  manos,  porque  los  Yndios  como  villanos  de 
Ytalia  los  matan  i traen  presos.  V.  M.  tenga  esta  vitoria  en  gran  servicio, 
porque  puede  creer  que  agora  se  acabo  de  ganar  esta  tierra  i ponerla  de- 
baxo  del  cetro  Real  de  V.  M.  i que  esta  ha  sido  verdadera  conquista  i pa. 
cificacion  della,  i asi  es  justo  que  V.  M.  como  gratisimo  Principe  gratifique 
i haga  mercedes  a los  que  se  la  dieron  ; i al  Governador  Baca  de  Castro 
perpetuarle  en  ella  en  entramas  governaciones  no  dividiendo  nada  dellas 
porque  no  hai  otra  batalla,  i a los  soldados  i vecinos  que  en  ella  se  hal- 
laron,  remunerarles  sus  trabajos  i perdidas,  que  han  rescibido  por  reddcir 
estos  Reinos  a la  Corona  Real  de  V.  M.  i mandando  castigar  a los  vecinos 
que  oyendo  la  voz  Real  de  V.  M.  se  quedaron  en  sus  casas  grangeando  sus 
repartimientos  i haciendas,  porque  gran  sin  justicia  seria,  Sacra  M.  que 
bolviendo  nosotros  a nuestras  casas  pobres  i mancos  de  guerra  de  mas  de 
un  ano,  hallasemos  a los  que  se  quedaron  sanos  i salvos  i ricos,  i que  a 
ellos  no  se  les  diese  pena  ni  a nosotros  premio  ni  galardon,  i esto  seria 
ocasion  para  que  si  otra  vez  oviese  otra  rebelion  en  esta  tierra  6 en  otra, 
no  acudiesen  al  servicio  de  V.  M.  como  seria  razon  i somos  obligados. 
Todos  tenemos  por  cierto,  quel  Governador  Baca  de  Castro  lo  hara  asi,  i 
que  en  nombre  de  V.  M.  a los  que  le  han  servido  hara  mercedes,  i a los 
que  no  acudieron  a servir  a V.  M.  castigara.  S.  C.  C.  M.  Dios  todo 
poderoso  acreciente  la  vida  de  V.  M.  dandole  vitoria  contra  sus  enemigos, 
porque  sea  acrescentada  su  santa  fee,  amen.  De  San  Joan  de  la  Frontera 
a 24  de  septiembre  de  1542  anos. — Besan  las  manos  i pies  de  V.  M.  sus 
leales  Vasallos,  Hernando  de  Silva,  Pedro  Piparro,  Lucas  Martinez, 
Gomez  de  Leons,  Hernando  de  Torre,  Lope  de  Alarcon,  Juan  de  Arves, 
Juan  Flores,  Juan  Ramirez,  Alonso  Buelte,  Melchior  de  Cervantes,  Mar- 
tin Lopez,  Juan  Crespo,  Francisco  Pinto,  Alonso  Rodriguez  Picardo. 


APPENDIX. 


307 


No.  XIV. — See  vol.  ii. , p.  302. 

PROCESS  CONTAINING  THE  SENTENCE  OF  DEATH  PASSED  ON 
GONZALO  PIZARRO  AT  XAQUIXAGUANA,  APRIL  9,  1 548. 

[This  instrument  is  taken  from  the  original  manuscript  of 
Zarate’s  Chronicle,  which  is  still  preserved  at  Simancas.  Mu- 
fioz  has  made  several  extracts  from  this  MS.,  showing  that 
Zarate’s  history,  in  its  printed  form,  underwent  considerable 
alteration,  both  in  regard  to  its  facts  and  the  style  of  its  exe- 
cution. The  printed  copy  is  prepared  with  more  consideration  ; 
various  circumstances,  too  frankly  detailed  in  the  original,  are 
suppressed  ; and  the  style  and  disposition  of  the  work  show  al- 
together a more  fastidious  and  practised  hand.  These  circum- 
stances have  led  Munoz  to  suppose  that  the  Chronicle  was 
submitted  to  the  revision  of  some  more  experienced  writer  be- 
fore its  publication;  and  a correspondence  which  the  critic 
afterward  found  in  the  Escorial,  between  Zarate  and  Florian 
d’ Ocampo,  leads  to  the  inference  that  the  latter  historian  did 
this  kind  office  for  the  former.  But,  whatever  the  published 
work  may  have  gained  as  a literary  composition,  as  a book  of 
reference  and  authority  it  falls  behind  its  predecessor,  which 
seems  to  have  come  without  much  premeditation  from  the 
author,  or,  at  least,  without  much  calculation  of  consequences. 
Indeed,  its  obvious  value  for  historical  uses  led  Munoz,  in  a 
note  indorsed  on  the  fragments,  to  intimate  his  purpose  of  copy- 
ing the  whole  manuscript  at  some  future  time.] 

Vista  e entendida  por  Nos  el  Mariscal  Francisco  de  Albarado,  Maestre  de 
Campo  deste  Real  exercito,  el  Licenciado  Andres  de  Cianca,  Oidor  de  S. 
M.  destos  Reinos,  e subdelegados  por  el  mui  Ilustre  Senor  el  Licenciado 
Pedro  de  la  Gazca  del  Consejo  de  S.  M.  de  la  Santa  Inquisicion,  Presi- 
dente  destos  Reinos  e provincias  del  Peru,  para  lo  infra  escripto  la  no- 
toriedad  de  los  muchos  graves  e atroces  delitos  que  Gonzalo  Pizarro  ha 
cometido  e consentido  cometer  a los  que  le  han  seguido,  despues  que  a es- 
tos  Reinos  ha  venido  el  Visorrey  Blasco  Nunez  Vela,  en  deservicio  e desa- 
cato  de  S.  M.  e de  su  preminencia  e corona  Real,  e contra  la  natural 
obligacion  e fidelidad  que  como  su  vasallo  tenia  e devia  a su  Rei  6 sefior 


APPENDIX. 


368 

natural  e de  personas  particulars,  los  quales  por  ser  tan  notorios  de\  dicho 
no  se  requiere  orden  ni  tela  de  juicio,  mayormente  que  muchos  de  los  di- 
chos  delitos  consta  por  confesion  del  dicho  Gonzalo  Pizarro  e la  notoriedad 
por  la  informacion  que  se  ha  tornado,  e que  combiene  para  la  pacifica- 
cion  destos  Reinos  e exemplo  con  brevedad  hacer  justicia  del  dicho  Gonzalo 
Pizarro. 

Fallamos  atento  lo  susodicho  junta  la  dispusicion  del  derecho,  que  deve- 
mos  declarar  e declaramos  el  dicho  Gonzalo  Pizarro  haver  cometido  crimen 
laesae  Majestatis  contra  la  corona  Real  Despana  en  todos  los  grados  e cau- 
sas  en  derecho  contenidas  despues  que  a estos  Reinos  vino  el  V trrey  Blasco 
Nunez  Vela,  e asi  le  declaramos  e condenamos  al  dicho  Gonzalo  Pizarro  por 
traidor,  e haver  incurrido  el  e sus  descendientes  nacidos  despues  quel  co- 
medo este  dicho  crimen  e traicion  los  por  linea  masculina  hasta  la  segunda 
generacion,  e por  la  femenina  hasta  la  primera,  en  la  infamia  e inabilidad 
e inabilidades,  e como  a tal  condenamos  al  dicho  Gonzalo  Pizarro  en  pena 
de  muerte  natural,  la  qual  le  mandamos  que  sea  dada  en  la  forma  sigui- 
ente  : que  sea  sacado  de  la  prision  en  questa  cavallero  en  una  mula  de  silla 
atados  pies  e manos  e traido  publicamente  por  este  Real  de  S.  M.  con  voz 
de  pregonero  que  manifieste  su  delito,  sea  llevado  al  tablado  que  por  nues- 
tro  mandado  esta  fecho  en  este  Real,  e alii  sea  apeado  e cortada  la  cabeza 
por  el  pescueso,  e despues  de  muerta  naturalmente,  mandamos  que  la  di- 
cha  cabeza  sea  llevada  a la  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes  como  ciudad  mas  princi- 
pal destos  Reinos,  e sea  puesta  6 clavada  en  el  rollo  de  la  dicha  Ciudad  con 
un  retulo  de  letra  gruesa  que  diga,  Esta  es  la  cabeza  del  traidor  de  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  que  se  hizo  justicia  del  en  el  valle  de  Aquixaguana  donde  did  la  ba- 
talla  campal  contra  el  estandarte  Real  queriendo  defender  su  traicion  e 
tirania  ; ninguno  sea  osado  de  la  quitar  de  aqui  so  pena  de  muerte  natural : 
6 mandamos  que  las  casas  quel  dicho  Pizarro  tiene  en  la  Cibdad  del  Cuz- 
co . . sean  derribadas  por  los  cimientos  e aradas  de  sal,  e a 

donde  agora  es  la  puerta  sea  puesto  un  letrero  en  un  pilar  que  diga  : Estas 
casas  eran  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  las  quales  fueron  mandadas  derrocar  por 
traidor,  e ninguna  persona  sea  osado  dellas  tornar  a hacer  i edificar  sin  li- 
cencia  expresa  de  S.  M.  so  pena  de  muerte  natural:  e condenamosle  mas 
en  perdimiento  de  todos  sus  bienes  de  qualquier  calidad  que  sean  e le  per- 
tenezcan,  los  quales  aplicamos  a la  Camara  e Fisco  de  S.  M.  e en  todos  las 
otras  penas  que  contra  los  tales  estan  instituidas  : e por  esta  nuestra  sen- 
tencia  definitiva  juzgamos  e asi  le  pronunciamos  e mandamos  en  esto* 
escritos  6 por  ellos. — Alonso  de  Albarado  5 el  Licdt  Cianca, 


INDEX 


A 

Abancay,  river  of,  battle  with  Peru- 
vians at,  i.  362;  battle  between 
Almagro  and  Alvarado  on,  ii.  77; 
passage  of,  by  Gasca,  282. 

Aborigines  of  North  and  South 
America,  i.  134  n. ; ii.  177. 

Acosta,  i.  79  n. , 96  v. 

Adelantado,  title  of,  given  to  Pizarro, 

i.  229  ; relinquish^O  by  him  to  Al- 
magro, 236. 

Adultery,  punished  with  death  by 
Peruvian  laws,  i.  54  w. 

Adventure,  impulse  givwn  to,  by  im- 
provements in  navigat.cn,  i.  150 ; 
romantic  character  of,  in  the  New 
World,  152 ; perils  attendant  on, 
153  ; on  the  northern  and  southern 
continents  of  America,,  153,  154. 

Agave  Americana,  i.  J17. 

Agrarian  law  perfectly  carried  out  in 
Peru,  i.  57. 

Agricultural  products,  great  variety 
of,  in  Peru,  i.  117  ; introduced  into 
that  country,  I18  n. 

Agriculture,  importance  and  excel- 
lence of  Peruvian,  i.  110-116;  su- 
pervised by  the  Inca  himself,  in  ; 
in  the  valleys,  112,  269,  284,  367  ; 
on  the  sides  of  the  sierra,  113,  114, 
322. 

Aldana,  Lorenzo  de,  ii.  251  ; sent  on 
a mission  to  Spain  by  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro, 232  ; takes  sides  with  Gasca, 

254  ; despatched  by  him  to  Lima, 

255  ; his  proceedings  there,  262. 

Almagrian  faction,  proceedings  of, 

ii.  147  ; driven  from  Cuzco,  147  ; 
at  Lima,  150. 

Almagro,  town  of,  i.  163. 

Almagro,  Diego  de,  i.  163  ; his  agree- 
ment with  Pizarro  and  Luque,  164; 
makes  preparations  for  a vogage, 
164  ; sails  from  Pan  ami,  176  ; loses 
an  eye  at  Pueblo  Quemado,  177  ; 
meets  Pizarro  at  Chicamd,  177  ; re- 


turns to  Panamd,  177  ; has  a diffi- 
culty with  Pedrarias,  178,  180;  his 
interview  with  him,  180  Appen- 
dix No.  V.  ; his  contract  with  Pi- 
zarro and  Luque.  181,  Appendix 
No.  VI.  ; unable  to  sign  his  name, 
183 ; sails  with  Pizarro,  186  ; is  sent 
back  for  reinforcements,  187 ; re- 
joins Pizarro,  192  ; sails  with  him 
along  the  coast,  193  ; quarrels  with 
him,  195 ; returns  to  Panamd  for 
recruits,  195 ; ill  received  there, 
198  ; sends  a letter  to  Pizarro,  200  ; 
exerts  himself  in  his  behalf,  204  ; 
urges  his  mission  to  Spain,  220 ; 
honors  granted  by  the  crown  to, 
229  ; Pizarro’s  neglect  of  the  inter- 
ests of,  231  ; his  dissatisfaction 
with  him,  233  ; frank  and  generous 
temper  of,  163,  219,  236  ; Hernando 
Pizarro's  jealousy  of,  236,  333  ; re- 
mains at  Panamd,  to  send  supplies 
to  Pizarro,  238  ; joins  him  in  Peru, 
330 ; cordially  received  by  him, 
332  ; receives  no  share  of  the  Inca's 
ransom,  340;  urges  Atahuallpa's 
death,  344,  334  ; Felipillo  hanged 
by,  356  n.  ; detached  to  aid  De 
Soto,  364  ; sent  against  Quizquiz, 
ii.  20  ; follows  Benalcazar  to  Quito, 
24  ; negotiates  with  Pedro  de  Alva- 
rado, 25  ; goes  to  Cuzco,  30  ; pow- 
ers conferred  on,  by  the  crown,  32  ; 
his  elation,  34  ; his  difficulties  with 
the  Pizarros,  36  ; enters  into  a sol- 
emn compact  with  Francisco,  36, 
Appendix  No.  XI.  ; sets  out  for 
Chili,  37  ; difficulties  of  his  march, 
69 ; traverses  the  desert  of  Ata- 
cama, 72  ; claims  jurisdiction  over 
Cuzco,  73 ; seizes  the  city,  75 ; 
takes  Gonzalo  and  Hernando  Pi- 
zarro prisoners,  75  ; refuses  to  put 
them  to  death,  76,  80,  81  ; battle  of 
Abancay,  77  ; leaves  Cuzco,  81  ; 
has  an  interview  with  Pizarro,  82  ; 
makes  a treaty  with  him,  83 ; re- 


37^ 


INDEX. 


treats  toward  Cuzco,  85  ; his  ill- 
ness, 86,  92,  94  ; pursued  by  Her- 
nando Pizarro,  86  ; battle  of  Las 
Salinas,  89-92  ; taken  prisoner,  92  ; 
brought  to  trial  by  Hernando  Pi- 
zarro, 95  ; condemned  to  death, 
96 ; begs  for  his  life,  96,  97  ; is  ex- 
ecuted in  prison,  98  ; his  character, 
99-101. 

Almagro,  the  younger,  his  birth  and 
character,  ii.  71,  130,  173  ; named 
his  successor  by  his  father,  97  ; Pi- 
zarro’s  treatment  of,  101  ; pro- 
claimed governor  of  Peru,  137 ; 
seizes  the  money  of  the  crown,  150 ; 
his  reluctance  to  hostilities  with  the 
governor,  152  ; his  difficulties  with 
his  followers,  153 ; attempts  to  ne- 
gotiate with  Vaca  de  Castro,  155  ; 
addresses  his  troops,  155  ; leaves 
Cuzco,  157  ; rejects  the  governor’s 
terms,  162  ; battle  of  Chupas,  165- 
170 ; his  bravery,  168-170  ; taken 
prisoner,  171  ; executed,  172  ; his 
letter  to  the  Royal  Audience,  Ap- 
pendix No.  XI. 

Alpacas.  See  Sheep,  Peruvian. 

Alva,  Duke  of,  ii.  235  n. 

Alvarado,  Alonso  de,  ii.  27  ; sent  to 
the  relief  of  Cuzco,  74  ; at  Xauxa, 
76  ; highly  trusted  by  the  Pizarros, 
76  n.  ; defeated  and  taken  prisoner 
by  Almagro,  77  ; escapes  from 
Cuzco,  81 ; at  the  battle  of  Las 
Salinas,  89  ; informs  Vaca  de  Cas- 
tro of  the  state  of  Peru,  148  ; at 
the  battle  of  Chupas,  j68  ; sent  to 
Panamd  by  Gasca,  245  ; leads  a 
force  to  Lima,  279. 

Alvarado,  Diego  de,  brother  of  Pe- 
dro, ii.  80 ; befriends  Hernando 
Pizarro,  80 ; maintains  the  cause 
of  Almagro  in  Spain,  104-106  ; his 
death,  107. 

Alvarado,  Garcia  de,  quarrels  with 
Sotelo,  ii.  153  ; puts  him  to  death, 
154  ; killed  by  Almagro,  154. 

Alvarado,  Geronimo  de,  ii.  169. 

Alvarado,  Pedro  de,  arrival  of,  in 
Peru,  ii.  20  ; his  terrible  passage  of 
the  Puertos  Nevados,  21  ; letter  of, 
24  n.  ; negotiates  with  Almagro  at 
Quito,  25  ; bonus  paid  to,  26  n.  ; 
visits  Pizarro  at  Pachacamac,  27; 
his  death,  28  «.  ; Pizarro's  letter 
to,  61. 

Alvarez,  sent  with  Blasco  Nunez  to 
Spain,  ii.  201  ; liberates  the  vice- 
roy, 208. 

Amautas,  Peruvian  teachers,  i.  102. 

Amazon,  the  river  of,  reached  by 


Gonzalo  Pizarro,  ii.  121 ; voyage 
of  Orellana  down,  121  ; adventures 
of  Madame  Godin  upon,  123  n. 

America,  the  name,  i.  52  tt.  ; effects 
of  discovery  of,  151  ; adventure  in, 
152 ; northern  and  southern  sec- 
tions of,  154  ; rapid  exploration  of 
the  eastern  coast  of,  154. 

American  civilization,  origin  of,  i. 
34  *■ , Si  134  n. 

American  mythologies,  traces  of 
monotheism  found  in,  i.  83  n. 

Anaquito,  ii.  2x8 ; battle  of,  219, 
222  n. 

Andagoya,  Pascual  de,  expedition 
of,  i.  158  ; memorial  of  his  advent- 
ures by,  158  n.  ; his  accounts  of  the 
Peruvian  empire,  162  n.  ; Pizarro 
learns  his  route  from,  166. 

Andaguaylas,  Gasca,  encamps  at,  ii. 
279. 

Andes,  Cordillera  of  the,  i.  28  «., 
29 ; cultivation  of  the  sides  of,  30, 
114,  322  ; salubrity  of  plateau  of, 
35 ; conjectures  respecting  the 
origin  of  the  name,  28  n. , 113  ; Pi- 
zarro's passage  of,  280 ; Alvarado’s 
passage  of,  ii.  20-23. 

Anglo-Saxon  race,  objects  sought 
by,  in  the  New  World,  i.  153 ; 
adapted  to  the  North  American 
continent,  154. 

Annals,  Peruvian,  how  kept  and 
transmitted,  i.  103,  105,  106 ; much 
tinged  with  fiction,  107. 

Apostles,  the  supposed  authors  of 
American  civilization,  i.  97  ?i. 

Apurimac,  passage  of,  by  Gasca’s 
army,  ii.  284-286. 

Aqueducts,  Peruvian,  i.  111,  112 ; 
remains  of,  113  ; seen  by  Spaniards, 
274,  285. 

Arch,  use  of,  unknown  to  Peruvians, 
i.  129. 

Architecture,  illustrates  national 
character,  i.  127  ; characteristics  of 
Peruvian,  128-130  ; inconsistencies 
in  it,  130 ; its  superiority  to  the 
Mexican,  131  n. 

Archives,  Peruvian,  how  constituted, 

i.  104. 

Arequipa,  Almagro  arrives  at,  ii. 
72  ; taken  possession  of  by  the  Al- 
magrian  faction,  147 ; memorial 
of  the  Municipality  of,  160  n.,  Ap- 
pendix No.  XIII.  ; Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro builds  galleys  at,  205  ; retires 
to  from  Lima,  264. 

Armor  of  the  Peruvians,  i.  73. 

Arms,  used  by  Peruvians,  i.  73  w.  ; 

ii.  45  n.  ; manufactured  at  Cuzco 


INDEX. 


371 


by  Almagro,  155  ; by  Blasco  Nu- 
nez at  Popayan,  215. 

Arms,  family,  of  Pizarro,  i.  232. 

Army,  number  of  Pizarro's,  i.  269 ; 
Gonzalo  Pizarro's,  ii.  258. 

Arquebuse,  astonishment  of  the  Pe- 
ruvians at,  i.  210. 

Art,  specimens  of  Peruvian,  i.  125. 

Artillery,  park  of,  possessed  by 
young  Almagro,  ii.  157. 

Astrology,  i.  no. 

Astronomy,  Peruvian,  i.  108-111  ; in- 
ferior to  that  of  other  American 
races,  109. 

Atacama,  desert  of,  crossed  by  Alma- 
gro, ii.  72. 

Atahuallpa,  i.  251  ; receives  half  his  I 
father's  kingdom,  251 ; his  restless 
spirit,  253  ; makes  war  on  his  broth- 
er, 253  ; ravages  Canaris,  254 ; 
is  victorious  at  Quipaypan,  255  ; 
takes  Huascar  prisoner,  256  ; story 
of  his  cruelty,  257  ; sole  Inca  of 
Peru,  259  ; sends  envoys  to  Pizarro, 
271,  281,  283  ; his  reception  of  Pi-  | 
zarro's  messengers,  283,  288  ; his 
camp,  285  ; interview  of  Hernando  1 
Pizarro  with,  290  ; visits  Pizarro  at 
Caxamalca,  298  ; his  interview  with 
Valverde,  301,  302;  taken  prisoner, 
306 ; contemporary  narratives  of 
his  seizure,  Appendix  No.  VIII.;  in 
captivity,  308,  309,  313,  327 ; his 
personal  appearance,  309,  350  ; his 
treatment  of  the  Christian  religion, 
303,  315,  348  ; ffers  a ransom,  313  ; 
expects  to  re.over  his  freedom, 
313  puts  Huascar  to  death,  316 ; 
accused  of  causing  a rising  of  his 
subjects,  319 ; his  interview  with 
Challcuchima,  326 ; state  main- 
tained by  him,  327  ; his  forebod- 
ings, 333  ; refused  his  liberty,  341  ; 
brought  to  trial,  345  ; accusations 
against  him,  346  n.\  sentenced  to  be 
burned,  347  ; his  emotion,  347;  led 
to  execution,  348  ; is  baptized,  349  ; 
perishes  by  the  garrote,  350 ; dif- 
ferent accounts  of  his  execution, 
Appendix  No.  X.;  his  character, 
350 ; funeral  obsequies,  350  ; his 
remains,  351  ; reflections  on  the 
treatment  of,  353  ; opinions  of 
chroniclers  respecting  it,  356  ; in- 
fluence of  his  death  in  Peru,  357  ; 
his  successor,  358  ; Pedro  Pizarro's 
account  of  his  personal  habits,  Ap- 
pendix No.  IX. 

Athenians,  marriage  custom  of,  i. 

bdo  n. 

Audience,  Royal,  first  appointment 


and  purpose  of,  i.  156 ; sent  to  Peru 
with  Blasco  Nunez,  ii.  183  ; arrive 
at  Lima,  198  ; differ  from  the  vice- 
roy, 198;  threatened  by  him,  200; 
take  him  prisoner,  202  ; send  an 
embassy  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  203  ; 
resign  their  power  into  his  hands, 
204,  206  ; judges  of,  characterized 
by  Blasco  Nunez,  223  «. 

Avila,  Pedro  Arias  de,  i.  156;  founds 
Panama,  157  ; discoveries  made 
by,  158  ; expeditions  of,  162  ; re- 
fuses to  aid  Almagro,  178  ; his  in- 
terview with  him,  Appendix  No.  V. ; 
resigns  his  interest  in  Pizarro’s  en- 
terprise, 180  ; subsequent  fate  of, 
181. 

Aztecs,  belief  of,  respecting  the  soul 
of  the  warrior,  i.  46  n.\  contrast  be- 
tween the  Peruvians  and,  ii.  16. 


B 

Balances  of  silver  used  by  Peru- 
vians, i.  127  ; for  weighing  gold, 
found  by  Spaniards,  188. 

Balboa,  Vasco  Nunez  de,  discovers 
the  Pacific,  i.  154,  161  ; hears  of  the 
Peruvian  empire,  155  ; Quintana's 
account  of,  157  n. 

Balsas,  Indian  vessels,  i.  139  s.  ; first 
seen  by  the  Spaniards,  188  n.  ; fleet 
of,  206. 

Banana,  i.  117 ; prolific  nature  of. 
117  ti. 

Banquet  given  to  Pizarro  by  an  In- 
dian princess,  i.  216. 

Barco  de  Avila,  birthplace  of  Gasca, 
ii.  236. 

Battles  of  Pizarro  with  Indians,  i. 
175,  194;  on  the  isle  of  Puna.  244 ; 
of  Ambato,  254 ; of  Quipaypan, 
255  ; of  Caxamalca,  303  ; of  the 
Abancay,  362  ; with  Quizquiz,  ii. 
20  ; on  the  Yucay,  44-47  ; at  Cuzco, 
53  ; at  Tambo,  55  ; of  Abancay,  76- 
78  ; of  Las  Salinas,  89  ; of  Chupaz, 
167  ; of  Anaquito,  219  ; of  Huarina, 
273  ; of  Xaquixaguana,  292. 

Benalcazar  conquers  Quito,  ii.  24  ; 
appointed  Governor  of  Quito,  27 ; 
goes  to  Castile,  103  ; joins  Vaca  de 
Castro,  149  ; his  advice  to  him,  150 
n.\  sent  by  him  to  Popayan,  158  ; 
writes  a letter  to  the  emperor  on 
the  ordinances,  184  takes  sides 
with  Blasco  Nunez,  208  ; reinforces 
him,  215  ; advises  against  a battle 
with  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  218  ; wound- 
ed and  taken  prisoner,  220;  re- 


372 


INDEX. 


stored  to  his  government  by  Pi- 
zarro,  221  ; joins  Gasca’s  army, 
279- 

Betel,  chewing  of,  i.  117  «. 

Bilcas,  Almagro  halts  at,  ii.  86. 

Biru  river,  accounts  of  Peru  obtained 
at,  i.  162  n.\  Pizarro  enters,  165. 

Body,  the  Peruvians  believed  in  the 
resurrection  of  the,  i.  83  ; embalmed 
by  them,  84. 

Boiardo,  quotation  from,  i.  201  n. 

Boundary,  dispute  respecting,  be- 
tween Pizarro  and  Almagro,  ii. 
73  «• 

Bovadilla  arbitrates  between  Alma- 
gro and  Pizarro,  ii.  81,  83  n. 

Bricks,  manufacture  and  use  of,  in 
Peru,  i.  128. 

Bridges,  suspension,  i.  68  «.,  360,  ii. 
76  ; constructed  over  the  Apurimac 
by  Gasca,  283,  284. 

Brinton,  Dr.  Daniel  G.,  his  view  of 
the  tradition  of  Manco  Capac,  i. 
33  ; on  the  sacredness  of  the 

number  four,  as  connected  with  the 
cardinal  points,  52  n.\  on  the 
American  mythologies,  83  n. , 84  n. 

Buena  Ventura,  Vaca  de  Castro 
lands  at,  ii.  148. 

Buildings,  Peruvian,  materials  and 
construction  of,  i.  128,  274,  287,  j 
322,  371  ; adaptation  of,  to  climate, 
130 ; remains  of,  131  ; royal,  at 
Quito,  137. 

Burial,  i.  84  ; of  treasure  and  utensils 
with  the  dead,  85  and  n. 

Burnt  offerings,  a form  of  sacrifice 
peculiar  to  the  Peruvians,  i.  86. 


O 

Cacao,  i.  192. 

Calatayud,  emperor’s  court  at,  ii. 
30- 

Calendar,  Peruvian,  i.108-110  ; of  the 
Muyscas,  109. 

Canaris,  ravage  of,  i.  254. 

Candia,  Pedro  de,  one  of  Pizarro’s 
thirteen  companions,  i.  201  ; visits 
Tumbez,  210 ; fable  concerning, 
210  n. ; accompanies  Pizarro  to 
Spain,  220  ; rewarded  by  Charles, 
229  ; superintends  the  casting  of 
cannon  for  Almagro,  ii.  155  ; di- 
rects artillery  at  the  battle  of  Chu- 
pas,  166  ; put  to  death  by  Almagro, 
166. 

Canelas,  or  Land  of  Cinnamon,  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro’s  expedition  to,  ii.  1x5; 
reached  by  him,  116. 


Cannibalism,  not  allowed  in  Peru,  i 
94  ; met  with  by  Pizarro,  173. 

Cannon,  manufactured  by  young  Al- 
magro at  Cuzco,  ii.  155. 

Capac.  See  Huayna  Capac  and  Man- 
co Capac. 

Capitulation  of  Pizarro  with  the 
crown,  i.  229,  230 n.,  Appendix  No. 
VII. ; Almagro's  dissatisfaction  with 
the,  235. 

Capture  of  Atahuallpa,  i.  305,  306, 
Appendix  No.  VIII. 

Caraques,  Alvarado  lands  at,  ii.  20. 

Caravantes,  manuscript  of,  i.  184 
account  of  Gasca’s  instructions  by, 
ii.  239  n.  \ opportunities  of  informa- 
tion possessed  by,  267  n. 

Carbajal,  Francisco  de,  ii.  165  ; his 
early  life,  165,  303  ; at  the  battle  of 
Chupas,  168 ; joins  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro, 193  ; desires  to  leave  Peru, 
193,  3°3  »- 1 urges  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
to  rebellion,  196 ; his  cruelties  at 
Lima,  203  ; surprises  Blasco  Nu- 
nez, 210 ; sent  against  Centeno, 
215  ; his  influence  with  Pizarro,  224, 
259 ; his  Serge  pursuit  of  Centeno, 

226  ; works  the  mines  of  Potosi,  227, 
248  ; his  extraordinary  adventures, 

227  n.\  urges  Gonzalo  to  cast  off 
his  allegiance,  228  ; his  opinion  of 
Gasca’s  letter,  256 ; his  sayings  to 
Cepeda,  257,  261,  262  ; his  military 
skill,  259,  305  ; his  practical  philos- 
ophy, 263,  299,  302,  303  ; his  corps 
of  musketeers,  270,  273 ; at  the 
battle  of  Huarina,  271 ; gains  the 
victory  for  Pizarro,  274-276 ; his 
energy  and  activity,  286  ; his  char, 
acteristic  letter  to  Gasca,  286  n. ; 
dissatisfied  with  Pizarro's  conduct, 
286  ; his  counsel  rejected,  287  ; re- 
fused the  defence  of  the  Apurimac, 
288  ; his  eulogium  on  Valdivia,  293; 
taken  prisoner  at  Xaquixaguana, 
299  ; his  sarcasm  on  Centeno,  299; 
sentenced  to  be  drawn  and  quar- 
tered, 301  ; his  indifference,  302  ; 
his  caustic  remarks,  302,  303  ; exe- 
cuted, 302 ; his  remarkable  charac- 
ter, 302  ; atrocities  reported  of  him, 
304  ; his  humorous  vein,  304. 

Carbajal,  Suarez  de,  assassinated  by 
Blasco  Nu&ez,  ii.  199. 

Casques  used  by  the  Peruvians,  i.  73, 
ii-  45- 

Castellano,  value  of  the,  i.  336  n. 

Castes,  division  into,  in  Peru,  i.  125; 
favorable  to  dexterity  in  the  arts, 
125  n. 

Cataract  of  the  Napo,  ii.  118. 


INDEX. 


373 


Causeways  on  the  great  Peruvian 
roads,  i.  60,  367. 

Caxatnalca,  the  Inca  encamped  at,  i. 
282,  283  ; hot-water  springs  at,  282; 
valley  of,  284  ; the  Spaniards  enter 
the  city,  287,  288  ; description  of  it, 
287  ; Atahuallpa  enters  square  of, 
301  ; attack  on  the  Peruvians  at, 
303  ; capture,  trial,  and  execution 
of  Atahuallpa  at,  306,  346,  350 ; 
arrival  of  Almagro  at,  332  ; pro- 
ceedings of  Pizarro  at,  358  ; he 
leaves  it  for  Cuzco,  359  ; the  ren- 
dezvous for  Gasca's  forces,  ii. 
261. 

Caxas,  De  Soto  sent  to,  i.  271 ; his 
proceedings  at,  273 ; valley  of, 
crossed  by  Blasco  Nunez,  ii.  211. 

Cement,  of  gold,  i.  45  n.\  used  by 
the  Peruvians,  129  n. 

Centeno,  Diego,  revolts  against  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro,  ii.  215,  225  ; pursued 
by  Carbajal,  226  ; hides  in  a cave, 
226  ; seizes  Cuzco,  258  ; intercepts 
Pizarro,  267  ; narrow  escape  of,  at 
the  battle  of  Huarina,  276  ; Carba- 
jal’s sarcasm  upon,  299  ; his  death, 
3ii- 

Cepeda,  ii.  198  ; made  head  of  royal 
audience,  201 ; adheres  to  Gonzalo 
Pizarro,  206 ; dictates  the  letter 
from  Lima  to  Gasca,  252 ; urges 
the  rejection  of  Gasca’s  offers,  256  ; 
accuses  Carbajal  of  cowardice, 
257 ; one  of  Pizarro’s  generals, 
259 ; his  process  against  Gasca, 
260  ; addresses  the  citizens  of  Lima, 
262 ; deserts  his  commander  at 
Xaquixaguana,  294  ; his  reception 
by  Gasca,  295  ; arraigned  for  high 
treason  in  Castile,  310 ; dies  in  - 
prison,  311. 

Chain  of  gold  of  Huayna  Capac,  i. 
250  n. 

Challcuchima,  i.  254  ; at  Xauxa,  325  ; 
goes  to  Caxamalca,  326  ; his  inter- 
view with  Atahuallpa,  326  ; accused 
by  Pizarro,  343,  365  ; brought  to 
trial,  367  ; burnt  at  the  stake,  368. 

Charcas,  reduced  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
ii.  104  ; he  explores  the  silver-mines 
at,  185  ; revolts  from  him,  225. 

Charles  V.,  at  Toledo,  i.  227;  much 
interested  in  Pizarro,  227  ; affected 
to  tears  by  his  narrative,  228  ; his 
queen  executes  the  capitulation 
with  Pizarro,  229 ; treasure  sent 
home  to,  335  ; Hernando  Pizarro's 
interview  with,  ii.  31  ; his  grants 
and  letter  to  the -conquerors,  32; 
his  neglect  of  his  transatlantic  pos- 


sessions, 176 ; returns  to  Spain, 
181 ; memorial  of  Las  Casas  to, 
181 ; sanctions  the  ordinances,  184  ; 
appoints  Blasco  Nunez  viceroy, 
185  ; writes  a letter  to  Vaca  de 
Castro,  187  ; in  Germany,  235 ; 
writes  to  Gasca  confirming  his  ap- 
pointment, 239  ; grants  his  request 
for  unlimited  powers,  241 ; sends 
for  him  to  come  to  Flanders,  321 ; 
his  gracious  reception  of  him,  322. 

Chasquis,  Peruvian  runners,  i.  70  n. 

Chaves,  Francisco  de,  ii.  134. 

Chicamd,  i.  177. 

Chicha,  a Peruvian  drink,  i.  283,  292, 
ii.  16. 

Chili,  Inca  Yupanqui  penetrates  to, 

i.  34,  247  ; Almagro’s  expedition  to, 

ii.  68-72 ; the  men  of,  105,  128 ; 
Valdivia  sent  to,  113;  he  returns 
from,  279. 

Chimborazo,  i.  28 ; first  seen  by  Pi- 
zarro, 205 ; battle  at  the  foot  of, 
254- 

Chinese,  establishment  of  posts 
among,  i.  71  n. 

Chivalry,  order  of,  in  Peru,  i.  38- 
40. 

Christianity,  resemblance  to  the  rites 
of,  in  Peruvian  customs,  i.  96-98  ; 
attempts  to  convert  Atahuallpa  to, 
301,348;  efforts  of  missionaries  to 
convert  the  natives  to,  ii.  18,  19. 

Chronology  of  the  Peruvians,  i.  108 ; 
indifference  of  ancient  chroniclers 
to,  189  n. , 206  n. 

Chupas,  plains  of,  ii.  162 ; battle  of, 
165-170 ; Gonzalo  Pizarro  at,  196. 

Churches  erected  by  the  Spaniards 
in  Peru,  i.  91,  339,  ii.  18,  30,  88  n. 

Cieza  de  Leon,  Pedro,  representa- 
tions of  Satan  in  the  book  of,  i.  96 
n.  ; critical  notice  of,  ii.  231 ; iden- 
tified as  the  author  of  the  MS. 
attributed  to  Sarmiento,  i.  142  n. , 
ii.  233  «.  ; a valuable  authority, 
281  n. 

Civilization,  origin  of  the  Peruvian,  i. 
30 ; marks  of,  in  the  Peruvian  insti- 
tutions, 51,  108,  121 ; Spaniards, 
meet  tokens  of,  192,  206,  215 ; see 
American  civilization,  and  Peru- 
vian race  and  civilization. 

Climate,  great  varieties  of,  in  Peru, 
i.  116. 

Cloth  manufactured  by  the  Peru- 
vians, i.  143,  188,  228. 

Coaque,  Spaniards  sack  a village  in, 
i.  239. 

Coca,  i.  1 17;  baneful  effects  of  use 
of,  1 18  n. 


374 


INDEX. 


Code  of  laws  for  the  colonies,  ii. 
183  n. 

Colonial  governments,  character  of 
the  Spanish,  i.  156. 

Colonial  officers,  policy  of  the  crown 
toward,  i,  181. 

Colonies  planted  by  Pizarro,  i.  264, 
ii.  29,  112. 

Columbus,  error  of,  as  to  the  nature 
of  his  discoveries,  i.  151 ; jurisdic- 
tion of,  in  New  World,  156, 

Commerce,  not  engaged  in  by  the 
Peruvians,  i.  119,  127  ; of  ancient  na- 
tions, 149  ; of  the  Middle  Ages,  149. 

Condor,  i.  122,  281,  ii.  23,  69. 

Conquerors  of  Peru,  excesses  com- 
mitted by,  ii.  40,  144,  177-179;  of  a 
lower  stamp  than  those  of  Mexico, 
177. 

Cbnquest  of  Mexico,  History  of,  il- 
lustrations of  coincidences  between 
Christian  and  pagan  rites  in,  i.  97  n. 

Conquests,  of  Huayna  Capac,  i.  34; 
Peruvian  mode  of  dealing  with, 
like  Roman,  75  ; manner  of  secur- 
ing, employed  by  Peruvian  princes, 
79-80 ; account  of  the  Inca's  policy 
toward,  Appendix  No.  II. 

Conspiracy  against  Pizarro,  ii.  130. 

Contract  between  Pizarro,  Almagro, 
and  Luque,  i.  181,  Appendix  No. 
VI. 

Convents  of  Virgins  of  the  Sun,  i.  99  ; 
at  Tumbez,  2x2 ; at  Caxamalca, 
287  ; at  Cuzco,  330,  ii.  40  n.  ; es- 
cape the  conflagration  of  Cuzco, 
49  ; broken  into  by  the  Spaniards, 
178- 

Copper,  instruments  made  of,  i.  126. 

Coricancha,  temple  of  the  Sun,  i.  88. 

Cortes,  Hernando,  prevented  from 
accompanying  Ojeda,  i.  161  ; in 
Spain  with  Pizarro,  228  ; aids  Pi- 
zarro, 234,  ii.  78  ; example  of,  be- 
fore Pizarro,  i.  246,  267,  294,  ii.  143. 

Cotapampa,  Gasca  crosses  the  Apuri- 
mac  at,  ii.  282. 

Cotopaxi  first  seen  by  the  Spaniards, 
i.  206. 

Cotton,  tunics  of,  i.  73,  ii.  168  ; cul- 
tivation of,  in  Peru,  i.  120 ; sails 
made  of,  188. 

Council  of  the  Indies,  Pizarro  eludes 
the  search  of,  i.  234. 

Council,  for  government  of  the  Pe- 
ruvian provinces,  i.  52  ; summoned 
by  Philip  II.  to  consider  the  state 
of  the  colonies,  ii.  235. 

Couriers,  Peruvian,  i.  70,  71  n.,  313. 

Crime,  punishment  of,  by  the  Peris- 
vians,  i.  53-56. 


Crown,  Pizarro  resolves  to  apply  to 
the,  i.  219  ; policy  of  the,  230 ; ef- 
forts of  the,  to  reform  abuses  in 
the  colonies,  ii.  180  n. 

Crusader,  religion  of  the,  i.  153. 

Cubagua,  Isle  of,  Orellana  sails  to, 
ii.  122. 

Cupay,  or  evil  principle,  i.  83. 

Currency,  ancient  and  modern  value 
of,  i.  336  n. 

Cuzco,  valley  of,  source  of  Peruvian 
civilization,  i.  30  ; meaning  of 
word,  30  n. ; city  of,  35,  370  ; fortress 
of.  35-37  ». . 372 ; temple  of  the 
Sun  at,  35,  87,  329,  373  ; division 
of  the  city  of,  52  ; the  Peruvian 
Mecca,  91  ; obsequies  of  Huayna 
Capac  at,  252 ; Atahuallpa's  gen- 
erals take  possession  of,  256  ; Ata- 
huallpa  orders  gold  from,  313 ; 
emissaries  sent  to,  by  Pizarro,  319  ; 
their  accounts  of,  329,  358  ; their 
rapacious  conduct  at,  330;  treasure 
obtained  at,  330,  373  ; Pizarro’s 
march  to,  360  ; his  entrance  into, 
370 ; description  of,  371  ; Manco 
crowned  Inca  at,  ii.  16  ; quarrel 
between  Almagro  and  the  Pizarros 
at,  36  ; compact  between  Almagro 
and  Pizarro  at,  36 ; Manco  escapes 
from,  43;  besieged  by  him,  47; 
conflagration  of,  48 ; distress  of  the 
Spaniards  in,  51,  52,  58  ; they  at- 
tack the  fortress  of,  55,  56  ; chiv- 
alrous combats  around,  62  ; Alma- 
gro claims  jurisdiction  over,  73  ; he 
seizes,  75  ; conceded  to  him  by  Pi- 
zarro, 83  ; Almagro  seized  and  im- 
prisoned at,  92,  95  ; condemned 
and  executed  at,  96,  98;  Pizarro 
enters,  102  ; Almagrian  faction  at, 
147;  young  Almagro  seizes,  153; 
marches  from,  157;  Vaca  de  Cas- 
tro enters,  172 ; Almagro  executed 
at,  173 ; Gonzalo  Pizarro  enters, 
x'p;  his  proceedings  there,  190; 
musters  forces  at,  192  ; leaves,  193  ; 
Centeno  seizes,  258 ; Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro enters,  277  ; his  careless  life 
at,  286 ; leaves  for  Xaquixaguana, 
289 ; Gasca  takes  possession  of, 
300  ; executions  at,  304,  307,  311  ; 
Gasca  leaves,  312  ; distribution  of 
repartimientos  at,  313  ; mutiny  of 
soldiers  at,  315. 


D 

Dancing,  a favorite  amusement  bS 
the  Peruvians,  i.  96. 


INDEX.  37  S 


Dead,  embalming  of,  i.  84 ; burial 
of  the,  85,  86  tt. 

Deities  worshipped  in  Peru,  i.  85-88. 

Deluge,  tradition  respecting  the,  i. 
83  n. 

Despatches,  addressed  to  the  court 
from  the  colonies,  ii.  288  n. 

Despotism,  great  efficiency  of,  in 
Peru,  i.  37,  135 ; its  oppressive 
character,  136. 

Discovery,  efforts  in,  by  European 
nations,  i.  150 ; great  object  of,  in 
fifteenth  century,  151 ; expeditions 
of,  from  Panama,  157 ; impulse 
given  to,  by  the  conquest  of  Mexi- 
co, 159 ; Pizarro's  first  voyage,  165; 
uncertainty  of  the  objects  of,  172. 

Divination  by  inspection  of  entrails, 
i.  95  n. 

Domestic  animals,  use  of,  in  Peru,  1. 
iai. 

Dramatic  compositions  of  the  Peru- 
vians, i.  108. 

Dress,  of  the  Inca,  i.  41,  289,  300, 
328  ; different  races,  under  Peru- 
vian empire,  distinguished  by,  79  ; 
of  the  Inca  sacred,  328. 

E 

Ears,  ornaments  for,  i.  39  n. 

Eating,  habits  and  times  of,  among 
the  Peruvians,  i.  42  n. 

Eclipses  not  understood  by  the  Peru- 
. vians,  i.  no. 

Education,  forbidden  to  the  people 
in  Peru,  i.  101  ; of  the  Inca  blood- 
royal,  102  ; schools  and  amautas, 
102  ; Pizarro’s  want  of,  160,  355,  ii. 
141,  146. 

Embalming,  Peruvian  process  of,  i. 
47,  84- 

Emeralds,  used  by  the  Peruvians,  i. 
126 ; river  of,  193  ; mines  of,  193  n.  ; 
region  of,  240 ; broken  by  Span- 
iards, 240. 

Emigration  to  the  New  World,  fever 
for,  in  Spain,  i.  152  n.,  ii.  33  ; en- 
couraged by  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment, i.  230. 

Encampment  of  Atahuallpa,  i.  288. 

Enciso,  Bachelor,  Pizarro  imprisoned 
by,  i.  226. 

Epidemic,  Spaniards  attacked  by  an, 
i.  241. 

Equinoxes,  how  determined  by  the 
Peruvians,  i.  108  ; importance  of, 
to  them,  109, 

Ercilla,  the  Araucana  of,  ii.  89  n. 

Escobar,  Maria  de,  first  introduced 
wheat  into  Peru,  i.  119  tt. 


Escutcheon  of  the  Pizarro  family,  i. 
232. 

Espinosa,  Gaspar  de,  advances 
money  for  Pizarro’s  expedition,  i. 
184  ; his  share  of  the  Inca’s  ransom, 
340  ; brings  aid  to  Pizarro,  ii.  77  ; 
sent  on  a mission  to  Almagro,  79  ; 
his  death,  79. 

Estete,  i.  322  n. 

Europe,  condition  of,  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  i.  150  ; effect  of  the  discovery 
of  America  upon,  151. 

Evil  spirit,  believed  in  by  the  Peru- 
vians, i.  83. 

F 

Fairs,  i.  116. 

Famine,  sufferings  of  the  Spaniards 
from,  i.  166,  169,  171,  191,  199,  200, 
ii.  69,  118,  126,  an. 

Fanega,  i.  57  n. 

Felipillo,  Pizarro's  interpreter,  i.  217  ; 
his  hostility  to  Atahuallpa,  309,  342  ; 
intrigue  of,  342  n.  ; perverts  the 
testimony  of  witnesses  against  the 
Inca,  346 ; hanged  by  Almagro, 
356  n. 

Fernandez,  loyalty  of,  ii.  213  n.  ; re- 
marks upon,  265  n.  ; critical  notice 
of,  328. 

Festivals,  religious,  i.  93 ; feast  of 
Raymi,  94-97. 

Fish  brought  from  the  Pacific  to  Cuz- 
co by- runners,  i.  70  n. 

Forests,  Spaniards  entangled  in,  i. 
167,  169,  190. 

Fornication,  punishment  of,  in  Peru, 
i.  54  n. 

Fortresses,  massive  work  of,  at  Cuzco, 
i.  36,  372  ; a part  of  the  Peruvian 
military  policy,  37  ; for  the  accom- 
modation of  the  Inca’s  armies,  68, 
74  tt. , 269  ; seen  by  the  Spaniards 
280,  287. 

Future  Life,  Peruvian  ideas  respect- 
ing, i.  83  ; intended  only  for  the 
higher  classes,  84  n. 


G 

Gallo,  Isle  of,  Ruiz  anchors  at,  i. 
187  ; Pizarro  lands  at,  192  ; Span- 
iards left  on,  196  ; Tafur  arrives  at, 
199. 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  not  trust- 
worthy in  his  geography,  i.  28  tt.  ; 
fulness  of,  52  n.  ; authority  of,  con- 
tradicted, 86  n. , 95  n.  ; critical  no- 
tice of,  221 ; defects  of,  as  an  his- 


37<5 


INDEX. 


torian,  249  n.  ; probably  imposed 
upon,  272  n.  ; fond  of  romancing, 
306  n.  ; a Peruvian  by  birth,  357  n.  ; 
is  partial  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  ii.  282 
n. , 253  n. , 305  n.  ; the  father  of,  271 
n. , 273  n.,  296;  an  eye-witness  of 
Gonzalo's  proceedings  in  Lima,  278 
n.,  305  n. 

Gardens  of  Yucay,  i.  45. 

Garrote,  i.  349  n.  ; Atahuallpa  dies  by 
the,  349. 

Gasca,  Pedro  de  la,  ii.  236  ; birth  and 
early  life  of,  236,  237  n.  ; his  able 
conduct  at  Valencia,  237 ; ap- 
pointed to  the  Peruvian  mission, 
239 ; demands  unlimited  powers, 
240  ; writes  to  the  emperor,  240  ; 
his  request  granted,  241  ; refuses  a 
mitre,  242  ; arrives  at  Santa  Marta, 

243  ; crosses  to  Nombre  de  Dios, 

244  ; politic  conduct  of,  245-247  ; 
gains  over  Mexia,  246  ; sends  mani- 
festoes through  the  land,  247 ; sends 
to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  247  ; writes  to 
him  and  Cepeda,  248,  249  n. , 252  n., 
287  «.  ; refuses  to  seize  Hinojosa, 
249  ; gains  over  Aldana,  253 ; re- 
ceives the  fleet  from  Hinojosa,  254  ; 
raises  levies,  255  ; condemned  by 
Cepeda,  260 ; sails  from  Panama, 
265  ; quiets  the  apprehensions  of 
the  seamen,  266  ; fixes  his  head- 
quarters at  Xauxa,  267  ; his  vigor- 
ous proceedings,  279  ; marches  to 
Andaguaylas,  280 ; compliments 
Valdivia,  281  ; his  army,  281 ; 
crosses  the  Abancay  and  Apuri- 
mac,  282,  284,  285  ; offers  terms  to 
Pizarro,  287  n. , 290 ; arrives  at 
Xaquixaguana,  291  ; his  reception 
of  Cepeda,  295  ; of  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
297,  298  n.  ; of  Carbajal,  300;  rela- 
cion  of,  300  n.  ; enters  Cuzco,  31 1 ; 
his  difficulties  in  making  reparti- 
mientos,  312  ; enters  Lima,  315  ; his 
care  of  the  natives,  316  ; his  wise 
reforms,  317 ; his  wisdom  and 
economy,  318 ; refuses  presents, 
320 ; leaves  Peru,  320  ; arrives  in 
Spain,  321  ; visits  the  emperor,  and 
appointed  bishop  of  Siguenza,  321 ; 
dies,  322  ; his  character,  323-326. 

Geography,  knowledge  of,  by  the 
Peruvians,  i.  108  ; causes  of  the 
slow  advance  in,  149  ; of  ancient 
nations,  149 ; of  Middle  Ages, 
ISO- 

Gnomon,  used  for  determining  the 
equinoxes,  i.  108 ; in  Florence, 
109  n. 

God,  elevated  conceptions  of,  on  the 


American  continent,  i.  83.  See 
Religion. 

Gold,  ornaments  of,  in  the  royal 
palaces,  i.  44  ; monopolized  by  the 
Inca,  46  ; cement  of,  45  n.  ; in  the 
temple  of  the  Sun,  88  ; exclusive 
use  of,  in  the  services  of  the  Peru- 
vian religion,  90  ; concealed  by  the 
Peruvians,  91,  137  325,  357; 

ornaments  of,  at  Quito,  125  n.  ; 
manner  of  procuring,  126  ; the  great 
object  sought  by  the  Spaniards, 
153,  170,  173,  178,  365,  ii.  145,  178  ; 
gained  by  the  Spaniards,  i.  173, 174, 
177,  186,  240,  265  ; at  Caxamalca, 
312,  318,  336  ; at  Pachacamac,  325  ; 
at  Cuzco,  330,  374  ; division  of,  240, 
338,  374,  h-  313  ; sent  to  Panama 
by  Pizarro,  i.  240 ; sent  to  Spain, 
335,  ii.  30,  104  ; profusion  of,  among 
the  Spaniards,  i.  376,  ii.  113,  198  ; 
carried  home  by  Gasca,  318. 

Gomara,  critical  notice  of,  ii.  231. 

Gomera,  Isle  of,  i.  235. 

Granite,  use  of,  in  Peru,  i.  128. 

Greeks,  skilled  in  the  art  of  naviga- 
tion, i.  149. 

Guaitara,  passes  of,  ii.  85. 

Guamanga,  ii.  161  ; dead  interred  at, 
171 ; Almagro's  followers  taken, 
tried,  and  executed  at,  171,  172  ; 
inhabitants  of,  take  sides  with 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  196. 

Guancabamba,  i.  274. 

Guano,  account  of,  i.  it\. 


H 

Haravecs,  Peruvian  poets,  i.  106  n. 

Heir-apparent  of  Incas,  education  of 
the,  i.  38  ; insignia  of  the,  40. 

Helps,  Sir  Arthur,  his  version  of 
the  story  of  “ crossing  the  line,"  i. 
230  n. 

Herrera,  value  of  the  testimony  of, 
ii.  102  n.  ; anachronisms  of,  ex- 
posed by  Quintana,  217  n.  ; critical 
notice  of,  229. 

Hinojosa,  governor  of  Panama,  ii. 
245  ; suspicions  of  Gasca,  246  ; sur- 
renders the  fleet  of  Pizarro  to  him, 
254  ; highly  confided  in  by  Pizarro, 
256  ; commands  Gasca's  army,  281, 
292 ; assassinated,  311. 

Holguin,  Alvarez  de,  dispossesses  the 
Almagrians  of  Cuzco,  ii.  147  ; his 
jealousy  of  Alvarado,  158  ; recon- 
ciled to  him,  159  ; killed  at  Chupas, 
168. 

Horse,  terror  of  Indians  at  the,  f.  194, 


INDEX.  377 


Horsemanship,  exhibition  of,  by  De 
Soto,  i.  291. 

Hoyas,  i.  114. 

Huacas,  i.  87  n. 

Huanacas.  See  Sheep,  Peruvian. 

Huarina,  battle  at,  ii.  217-275. 

Huascar,  meaning  of  the  word,  i.  250 
n.  ; heir  of  Huayna  Capac,  251  ; 
gentle  disposition  of,  252  ; remon- 
strates with  Atahuallpa,  253  ; at 
war  with  Atahuallpa,  253  ; defeated 
by  him,  254  ; battle  of  Quipaypan, 

255  ; taken  prisoner  by  his  brother, 

256  ; his  efforts  to  procure  his  lib- 
erty, 315  ; put  to  death  by  Atahu- 
allpa, 3x6. 

Huaura,  ii.  153 ; Vaca  de  Castro 
joins  Alvarado  at,  158. 

Huayna  Capac,  anecdote  of,  i.  58  n.  ; 
reign  of,  247  ; impression  made  on, 
by  arrival  of  Spaniards,  248,  249  ; 
prosperity  of,  250 ; his  bequest  of 
the  crown,  251.;  his  death,  252  and 
n.  ; his  liberality  to  females,  252  n.  ; 
his  obsequies,  252. 

Hudibras,  quotation  from,  i.  195  n. 

Human  sacrifices,  on  the  death  of  the 
Inca,  i.  47  n.  ; evidence  that  they 
existed  in  Peru,  95  n. 

Humboldt,  M.  de,  excellent  descrip- 
tion of  scenery  of  the  Cordilleras 
by,  i.  29  n.  ; account  of  the  Peru- 
vian bridges  by,  69  n.  ; analysis  of 
the  Muysca  calender  by,  109  n.  ; 
analysis  of  a Peruvian  chisel  by, 
126  n. 

Hunts,  great  annual,  i.  122-124. 


I 

Ica,  Pizarro  at,  ii.  86. 

Idleness,  punished  as  a crime  in 
Peru,  i.  60. 

Imagination,  earlier  and  later  works 
of,  i.  148. 

Inca,  the  meaning  of  the  word,  i.  31 
n. ; sceptre  of,  37  ; queen  of,  38  n. ; 
heir  of,  38  n. ; despotic  power  of, 
37,  41,  100,  iox,  135,  357  ; elevated 
character  of,  41,  313,  327  ; dress 
and  insignia  of,  41,  289,  300,  328  ; 
royal  progresses  of,  43,  44,  Ap- 
pendix No.  I. ; palaces  of,  44,  45  ; 
household  of,  45,  289  ; wealth  and 
revenues  of,  46,  56 ; obsequies  of, 
46  ; singular  custom  respecting  the 
bodies  of,  48  ; commanded  armies, 
73,  81  ; reverence  paid  to,  135,  326, 
357  : policy  of,  136  ; throne  of,  300, 
338.  See  Atahuallpa  and  Manco. 


Inca  chief,  visits  Pizarro,  i.  208 ; 
bravery  of  an,  ii.  57. 

Inca  nobility,  i.  49 ; little  spoken  of 
by  chroniclers,  57  n. ; exempt  from 
taxation,  64  ; importance  of,  135. 

Inca  race , uncertainty  as  to  the  ori- 
gin and  annals  of,  i.  33  ; progress 
of,  34  ; crania  of,  51. 

Indians,  Pizarro  traffics  with,  i.  162  ; 
his  intercourse  with,  170,  174,  276  ; 
battles  with,  174,  175,  177,  245  ; 
conversation  of,  181,  230 ; met 

by  Ruiz,  188,  189  ; hospitality  of, 
to  the  Spaniards,  211,  2x3,  269 ; 
their  dread  of  the  Spaniards,  242  ; 
efforts  of  Las  Casas  in  behalf  of 
the,  ii.  182  ; ordinances  in  favor  of, 
182  ; employed  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
192,  204  n. 

Inns.  See  Tambos. 

Interpreters  employed  by  Pizarro,  i. 
272,  290. 

Iron,  not  known  to  the  Peruvians,  i. 
126,  209  ; their  substitute  for,  126  ; 
silver  used  instead  of,  by  the 
Spaniards,  326. 

Irrigation,  admirable  system  of, 
among  the  Peruvians,  i.  111,  269. 

Irving,  Life  of  Balboa  by,  i.  157  n. 

Isle  of  Pearls,  i.  165  ; Pizarro  sends 
Montenegro  to,  169 ; Almagro 
touches  at,  177. 

J 

EWELS,  i.  41,  48,  88,  94. 
udea,  laws  of  property  of,  compared 
with  Peruvian,  i.  58. 

Justice,  provisions  for  the  adminis- 
tration of,  in  Peru,  i.  53  ; Mexican 
and  Peruvian  provisions  for,  com- 
pared, 55  ; its  cheap  and  efficient 
administration,  55  n. 


K 

Knighthood,  Peruvian  order  of,  i. 
38,  40. 

L 

Labor,  distribution  and  rotation  of, 
in  Peru,  i.  65. 

Laboring  classes,  care  for,  under 
Peruvian  Government,  i.  65. 

Lands,  remarkable  division  of,  in 
Peru,  i.  56  ; cultivation  of,  58. 

Language,  secret  Inca,  i.  49  n.;  Qui» 
chua,  77,  107. 


378 


INDEX, 


La  Plata,  foundation  of,  ii.  112  ; takes 
sides  with  the  crown,  215  ; Carba- 
jal at,  227. 

Las  Casas,  efforts  of,  in  behalf  of 
Indians,  ii.  181,  182,  184  «. 

Las  Salinas,  Almagro's  army  takes 
position  at,  ii.  87  ; battle  of,  89-92. 

Lasso  used  as  a weapon  by  Peruvi- 
ans, ii.  51. 

Laws,  simplicity  and  severity  of  Pe- 
ruvian, i.  54  ; passed  by  Vaca  de 
Castro  for  the  colonies,  ii.  175. 

Lawyers  forbidden  to  go  to  the  New 
World,  i.  230. 

Lejesama,  panegyric  of,  on  Peruvian 
institutions,  i.  138  career  of, 
376  «.;  will  of,  quoted  in  Appendix 
No.  IV. 

Liberty,  the  great  object  sought  by 
settlers  in  North  America,  i.  153. 

Lima,  foundation  of,  ii.  29,  30  ; Pizar- 
ro's  zeal  in  building  up,  38,  112, 
127  ; besieged  by  the  Peruvians, 
51  ; Pizarro  marches  from,  against 
Almagro,  78  ; Hernando  leaves, 
for  Spain,  105  ; Pizarro  at,  112 ; 
assassination  of  Pizarro  at,  134- 
136  ; taken  possession  of  by  the 
Almagrians,  147,  150;  Vaca  de 
Castro  enters,  159  ; Blasco  Nunez 
arrives  at,  191  ; arrival  of  the 
Royal  Audience  at,  198 ; Blasco 
Nunez  imprisoned  at,  201  ; en- 
trance of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  into, 
204 ; his  operations  at,  206  ; he 
leaves,  209 ; his  triumphal  entry 
into,  225;  he  sends  Aldana  from, 
251 ; arrival  of  Paniagua  at,  256  ; 
proceedings  of  Gonzalo  at,  257- 
260 ; the  president's  fleet  anchors 
at,  263  ; departure  of  Pizarro 
from,  264;  taken  possession  of  by 
Gasca,  265;  his  entry  into,  315; 
his  proceedings  at,  3x6,  317 ; he 
leaves,  320. 

Linen,  substitute  for,  i.  120. 

Litter  of  the  Inca,  i.  43,  300. 

Llamas,  i.  30  ; appropriated  to  the 
Sun  and  the  Inca,  59  ; grants  of,  59 
n.\  care  of,  60;  use  of,  as  beasts  of 
burden,  120,  121  ; herds  of,  kept 
by  government,  121  ; first  seen  by 
Pizarro,  207  ; exhibited  to  the  em- 
peror, 227  ; destruction  of,  by  the 
Spaniards,  311,  ii.  179 1,  immense 
flocks  of,  seen  by  them,  i.  311,  321. 

Llorente,  first  publisher  of  La  Casas's 
argument,  ii  182  n. 

Loaysa,  sent  on  an  embassy  to  Gon- 
zalo Pizarro,  ii.  197. 

Luque,  Hernando  de,  i.  163 ; associ- 


ated with  Pizarro  and  Almagro, 
164;  influences  Pedrarias,  179; 
administers  the  sacrament  to  his 
associates,  182  ; epithet  applied  to, 
1831V.;  signs  the  contract  for  Es- 
pinosa, 184 ; writes  to  encourage 
Pizarro,  200  ; pleads  his  cause  with 
the  governor,  204  ; distrusts  Pizar- 
ro, 220  ; rewarded  by  the  crown, 
229;  his  death,  340. 


M 

Magazines,  i.  62,63;  for  military 
stores,  74,  275  ; works  of  art  found 
in,  125  ; discovered  and  used  by  the 
Spaniards,  312,  322,  360,  ii.  279  n. 

Magistrates,  Peruvian,  stimulus  to 
fidelity  of,  i.  53  ; their  character 
and  authority,  53. 

Maize,  cultivated  and  used  in  Peru, 
i.  117,  118  ; liquor  made  from,  118 
n. ; fields  of,  seen  by  the  Span- 
iards, 192,  269,  322. 

Mala,  interview  of  Pizarro  and  Al- 
magro at,  ii.  82. 

Mama  Oello  Huaco,  i.  30  ; meaning 
of  word,  31  n. 

Manco  Capac,  tradition  respecting, 
i.  31,  33  n. ; regarded  by  some 
writers  as  an  historical,  by  others 
as  a legendary,  character,  33  n. ; 
meaning  of  word,  32  n. 

Manco,  Inca,  i.  250  ; claims  the  pro- 
tection of  Pizarro,  368;  crowned 
Inca  by  him,  ii.  15;  lofty  spirit  of, 
41  ; escapes  from  the  Spaniards, 
42 ; retaken,  42 ; escapes  again, 
43  ; beleaguers  Cuzco,  47  ; attacked 
at  Tambo,  62 ; defeated  by  Al- 
magro, 73  ; pursued  by  Orgonez, 
80;  his  hostilities  with  the  Span- 
iards, no,  194,  195  ; Pizarro  at- 
tempts to  negotiate  with,  in  ; 
death  of,  194  ; his  character,  194, 
195- 

Manes,  wives  and  domestics  sacri- 
ficed to,  in  Peru,  i.  85. 

Manufactures,  superintended  by  the 
Inca  government,  i.  61-63 1 of 
cloths  for  the  Inca,  59  ». ; connec- 
tion between  agriculture  and,  119  ; 
advantages  for,  in  Peru,  75  ; skill 
of  the  Peruvians  in  woollen,  123, 
124  ; stores  of,  found  by  the  Span- 
iards, 312  ; specimens  of,  sent  to 
the  emperor,  ii.  30. 

Manures,  used  by  the  Peruvians,  i. 

1 14. 

Markham,  Clements  R.,  theory  of,  in 


INDEX.  379 


regard  to  Pachacamac,  i.  85,  n.\ 
his  denial  of  human  sacrifices  by 
the  Peruvians,  95  his  error  in  re- 
gard to  the  men  who  “ crossed 
the  line”  at  Gallo,  229  n. 

Marmontel,  i.  94  n. 

Marriage,  Peruvian  provisions  for,  i. 
57  n. ; of  the  Incas  and  nobles,  99  ; 
of  the  people,  99  ; no  freedom  in, 
100. 

McCulloh,  error  of,  ).  32  n.\  on 
proofs  of  refinement  in  Peruvian 
institutions,  55  n.\  high  authority 
of,  on  American  antiquities,  86  n. 

Mechanical  arts  in  Peru,  i.  61,  62. 

Memorials  of  colonial  officers  to  the 
government,  ii.  180  n. 

Men  of  Chili,  Pizarro  cautioned 
against,  ii.  105  ; destitute  condition 
of,  128  ; conspire  against  Pizarro, 
130;  assault  him,  134;  put  him  to 
death,  135 ; proceedings  of,  136, 
147  ; attachment  of,  to  young  Al- 
magro,  156  ; severity  of  Vaca  de 
Castro  toward,  172. 

Mendoza,  releases  Hernando  Pizarro, 
ii.  105  ; prudent  conduct  of,  in  re- 
spect to  ordinances,  192. 

Mexia,  Hernan,  governor  of  Nombre 
de  Dios,  ii.  244,  245  ; his  interview 
with  Gasca,  245  ; gives  his  alle- 
giance to  him,  246  ; sent  by  Gasca 
to  Hinojosa,  246. 

Mexicans,  established  currency 
among,  i.  127. 

Middle  Ages,  geographical  science 
in,  i.  150. 

Military  weapons  and  tactics  of  Peru- 
vians, i.  72,  73  ; expeditions,  73. 

Milk,  use  of,  not  known  on  the 
American  continent,  i.  121  n. 

Mines,  working  of,  i.  46, 61,  62*, ; ex- 
clusive property  of  the  Incas,  60 ; of 
Potosi,  ii.  104  and  n. , 185,  227. 

Minstrelsy,  Peruvian  national,  i.  59, 
106. 

Missionaries,  ii.  18,  179  ; twelve  com- 
memorated by  Naharro,  180  n. 

Mitimaes,  i.  79,  80,  and  n. 

Molina,  Alonso  de,  visits  Tumbez,  i. 
209  ; is  left  there  by  Pizarro,  217. 

Money,  use  of,  unknown  to  Peru- 
vians, i.  127. 

Montenegro  sent  for  aid  to  Panamd,  i. 
169 ; returns  to  Pizarro,  171  ; res- 
cues him  from  Indians,  175. 

Montesinos,  critical  notice  of,  ii.  66 ; 
a poor  authority,  88  n. 

Monuments  of  the  dead,  i.  85  ; treas- 
ure concealed  in,  85  tt. , 374. 

Moon,  temple  to,  i.  89. 


Morales,  Luis  de,  memorial  of,  ii. 
179  n. 

Morasses  crossed  by  the  Spaniards,  L 
165,  166,  190. 

Morton,  work  of,  on  skulls,  i.  51  n. 

Motupe,  Pizarro  halts  at,  L 275. 

Mummies  of  Peruvian  princes,  i.  47 
n. , 374  ; brought  out  at  the  corona- 
tion of  Manco,  ii.  16. 

Muskets,  manufactured  from  the 
church-bells  of  Lima,  ii.  197. 

Muyscas,  legend  of,  personifying  the 
sun  and  moon,  i.  33  n.\  astronomy 
of,  109  ; Piedrahita's  account  of, 
109  n. 

N 

Naharro,  i.  302  n. 

Napo,  river  of,  discovered  by  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro,  ii.  118  ; his  difficult 
passage  of,  119. 

Nasca,  ii.  86. 

Navigation,  improvements  in  the  art 
of,  i.  150  ; of  the  first  discoverers, 
172. 

New  World,  emigration  to,  i.  152  n.. 
ii.  33  ; romantic  adventure  in,  i. 

152- 

Nombre  de  Dios,  Pizarro  sails  from, 

i.  226  ; returns  to,  235  ; sufferings 
of  Hernando  Pizarro's  followers  at, 

ii.  34  ; Blasco  Nunez  lands  at,  187  ; 
secured  for  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  227  ; 
given  up  to  Gasca,  245. 

Nunez  Vela,  Blasco,  appointed  vice- 
roy of  Peru,  ii.  186 ; arrives  at 
Nombre  de  Dios,  187  ; his  high- 
handed measures,  188  ; goes  to 
Tumbez,  188  ; at  Lima,  191  ; de- 
termines to  enforce  the  ordinances, 
192  ; confines  Vaca  de  Castro,  197  ; 
prepares  for  war  with  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro, 197 ; assassinates  Carbajal, 
198  ; his  unpopularity,  199 ; made 
prisoner  by  the  Royal  Audience, 
201  ; sent  to  Panamd,  201  ; escapes 
to  Tumbez,  208  ; musters  an  army, 
208  ; pursued  by  Gonzalo,  210,  211  ; 
driven  to  Popayan,  215  ; moves 
south,  216  ; gives  battle  to  Pizarro, 
218  ; defeated  and  killed,  2x9-221  ; 
his  character,  223.  See  GonzaP 
Pizarro,  and  Carbajal. 


O 

Ojeda,  Alonso  de,  i.  161. 

Olmedo,  Father,  ii.  151. 

Omens,  at  Feast  of  Raymi,  i.  95,  96' 


38o 


INDEX. 


seen  in  Peru  on  the  arrival  of  the 
white  men,  248,  249  ; at  Quito,  ii. 
218  re. 

Ondegardo,  ingenious  views  of,  re- 
specting the  property  laws  of  Peru, 
i.  65,  66  re. ; conscientiousness  of, 
69,  70  re. ; critical  notice  of,  144  ; 
notice  of,  ii.  261  re. 

Ordinances,  code  of,  respecting  In- 
dians, ii.  181, 184  re.;  Blasco  Nunez 
resolves  to  enforce,  192. 

Ore,  Peruvian  method  of  smelting,  i. 
127. 

Orejones,  i.  39  re. 

Orellana,  Francisco  de,  ii.  119 ; sails 
down  the  Napo,  120,  121 ; his  ex- 
traordinary expedition  down  the 
Amazon,  122,  123  re.;  his  death, 
123. 

Orgonez,  Rodrigo  de,  ii.  71  ; sent 
to  seize  the  Pizarros,  75  ; urges 
Almagro  to  behead  them,  76,  80, 
83  ; wounded  on  the  Abancay,  76  ; 
pursues  the  Inca  Manco,  79-81  ; his 
distrust  of  the  Pizarros,  83  ; com- 
mands Almagro’s  army,  85  ; at  the 
battle  of  Las  Salinas,  88  ; his 
bravery,  91 ; killed  on  the  field  of 
battle,  91. 

Oriental  nations,  resemblance  of,  to 
the  Peruvians,  i.  120. 

Outrages  perpetrated  by  the  conquer- 
ors of  Peru,  ii.  40,  178,  179. 

Oviedo,  account  of  the  Pizarros  by,  i. 
233  re. ; copies  Xerez,  283  re.  ; au- 
thority of,  352  re.;  hardness  of  feel- 
ing shown  by,  ii.  69  re.;  information 
of,  74  re.;  critical  notice  of,  230. 


P 

PACHACAMAC,  Peruvian  deity,  5.  85, 
86 ; meaning  of  the  word,  85  re. ; 
remains  of  the  temple  of,  32  re. , 85 
re.,  320;  town  of,  319;  Hernando 
Pizarro  at,  322  ; he  destroys  idol 
at,  323 ; festivities  of  Pizarro  and 
Alvarado  at,  ii.  27.  See  Mark- 
haTn , and  Peruvia.71  religion. 

Pacific  Ocean,  first  discovered,  i.  154, 
161 ; discoveries  on  coast  of,  162, 
163. 

Pajonal,  i.  281. 

Palaces  of  the  Incas,  i.  44  ; account 
of,  by  Velasco,  44  re. ; at  Bilcas,  45 
re. ; at  Yucay,  45. 

Paltos,  desert  of,  crossed  by  Blasco 
Nunez,  ii.  212. 

Panama,  founded,  i.  157  ; expeditions 
fitted  out  at,  157,  158  ; Pizarro  at, 


159;  his  first  voyage  from,  165; 
Almagro  sails  from,  176;  returns 
to,  178  ; Pedro  de  los  Rios  governor 
of,  181 ; contract  for  discovery 
made  at,  181, 182  ; Pizarro's  second 
voyage  from,  186  ; Almagro  returns 
to,  191,  198  ; Tafur  sent  from,  199  ; 
Pizarro  returns  to,  218 ; sails  to 
Spain  from,  220;  his  final  depart- 
ure from,  238  ; that  of  Almagro, 
330 ; followers  of  Hernando  Pizarro 
at,  ii.  34  ; Pizarro  sends  to,  for  aid, 
60  ; Espinosa  leaves,  77  ; Vaca  de 
Castro  sails  to,  206 ; Hinojosa, 
Pizarro’s  governor,  at,  227,  245  ; 
Gasca  at,  248  ; fleet  surrendered  to 
him  at,  253  ; he  sends  Aldana  from, 
255  ; he  sails  from,  265 ; his  nar- 
row escape  at,  320. 

Paniagua,  sent  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
with  despatches,  ii.  256;  his  report 
of  his  mission,  258  re. 

Papa,  use  of  the  word,  i.  31  re. 

Pastos,  Blasco  Nunez  at,  ii.  214. 

Payta,  i.  213. 

Pearls,  Peruvians  not  allowed  to  fish 
for,  i.  126  re. ; collected  by  Pizarro, 
162. 

People,  Peruvian,  distribution  of,  i. 
53  ; burdens  laid  upon,  64  ; condi- 
tion of,  64-66,  102  ; regard  for,  in 
the  Peruvian  laws,  136 ; national 
character  of,  138,  139. 

Peru,  extent  of,  at  time  of  the  con- 
quest, i.  28  ; topographical  aspect 
of,  28  ; coast  of,  28  ; probable  ori- 
gin of  the  empire  of,  33,  34  ; un- 
certainty of  early  history  of,  33  re. ; 
the  name,  51,  52,  and  re.;  division 
of  the  empire  of,  52,  53  ; the  Span- 
iards first  hear  of,  154  ; rumors 
about,  158,  170,  177 ; expedition 
for  the  discovery  of,  159  ; Pizarro 
learns  of  the  empire  of,  216,  262, 
265,  266  ; his  ideas  about,  deemed 
visionary,  218 ; history  of,  previ- 
ous to  the  conquest,  247 ; Pizarro 
marches  into,  267  ; state  of,  on  the 
death  of  the  Inca,  357  ; the  Span- 
iards complete  masters  of,  ii.  16, 
40,  108 ; disorderly  state  of,  108, 
177  ; commotion  produced  in,  by 
the  ordinances,  188,  192  ; Gonzalo 
Pizarro  master  of,  227  ; reduced  to 
a state  of  tranquillity  by  Gasca, 
318. 

Peruvian  institutions,  artificial  char- 
acter of,  i.  51,  52  ; adapted  to  the 
people's  character,  65,  66  ; reflec- 
tions on,  131,  132;  compared  with 
Aztec,  131,  132;  resemblance  of. 


INDEX. 


381 


to  those  of  Eastern  Asia,  134,  and 
n.}  141 ; opinions  of  early  Spaniards 
respecting,  138 ; compared  with 
those  of  United  States,  139,  140; 
good  results  of,  140. 

Peruvian  race  and  civilization,  the- 
ories in  regard  to  origin  of,  i.  34  n., 
51  and  n. 

Peruvian  religion,  obscurity  of,  i. 
108  n. 

Peruvians,  political  condition  of,  i. 
S3.  56,  58,  60,  61,  64-66  ; military 
provisions  of,  75  ; religion  of,  83  ; 
education  of,  101,  102  ; agriculture 
of,  in,  112;  mechanical  skill  of, 
123,  124 ; refinement  of  the  intellec- 
tual character  of,  108 ; mind  of, 
imitative,  not  inventive,  125  ; first 
intercourse  of,  with  Spaniards,  207, 
208  ; Pizarro's  policy  toward,  263  ; 
their  kind  treatment  of  the  Span- 
iards, 269  ; massacre  of,  at  Caxa- 
malca,  304,  307  ; excesses  of,  on 
the  Inca’s  death,  357 ; battle  of 
Soto  with,  363  ; mild  and  submis- 
sive character  of,  ii.  16,  39  ; efforts 
to  Christianize,  18,  179  ; outrageous 
treatment  of,  by  the  Spaniards,  40 
144,  177,  178  ; rise  against  Pi- 
zarro,  41,  attack  Juan  Pizarro,  44, 
45  ; besiege  Cuzco,  46 ; set  fire  to 
the  city,  47  ; use  Spanish  arms,  53, 
54 ; cut  off  supplies  from  Pizarro, 
60  ; withdraw  from  Cuzco,  61  ; 
chivalrous  contests  with  the  Span- 
iards, 62  ; defeat  them  at  Tambo, 
62-64 ; battle  of,  with  Almagro, 
72 ; watch  the  battle  between  the 
Spanish  armies,  88 ; efforts  of 
Gasca  in  behalf  of,  316. 

Peso  de  oro,  value  of,  i.  336  n. 

Peso  ensayado,  value  of,  ii.  313  n. 

Petition  of  the  Indians  for  immuni- 
ties, i.  258  n. 

Picado,  Pizarro's  secretary,  ii.  129 ; 
insults  the  men  of  Chili,  130;  dis- 
closes their  conspiracy  to  Pizarro, 
131  ; thrown  into  prison,  136  ; put 
to  the  torture,  150;  beheaded,  150. 

Pits  employed  in  Peruvian  husband- 
ry, i.  114. 

Pizarro,  Francisco,  i.  159  ; his  birth 
and  early  life,  159,  160  ; at  Hispa- 
niola, 161  ; employed  by  Pedrarias, 
162 ; accompanies  him  to  Panama,  j 
192  ; associates  himself  with  Alma-  ] 
gro  and  Luque,  162-164  1 sails  on  | 
his  first  expedition,  165  ; his  diffi-  { 
culties,  167  ; encounters  the  natives,  j 
170,  174  ; his  dangerous  adventure,  j 
175  ; lands  at  Chicamri,  176 ; dis-  j 


trusts  Almagro,  179,  195 ; his  fa- 
mous contract  with  Almagro  and 
Luque,  181,  182,  Appendix  No. 
VI.  ; sails  on  his  second  voyage, 
186  ; lands  his  forces,  187  ; marches 
into  the  country,  189  ; his  sufferings 
and  losses,  191  ; receives  brilliant 
accounts  from  Ruiz,  191  ; sails  along 
the  coast,  192  ; sees  proofs  of  wealth 
and  civilization,  193,  195,  215 ; 
quarrels  with  Almagro,  196  ; on  the 
Isle  of  Gallo,  198  ; ordered  to  return 
to  Panama,  199 ; draws  the  line  on 
• the  sand,  200,  201  ; abandoned  with 
thirteen  companions,  201,  202  ; ves- 
sel sent  to  him,  204  ; sails  south, 
204,  205  ; at  Tumbez,  206  ; his  in- 
tercourse with  the  natives,  207, 
209,  211,  213,  214 ; suffers  from  tem- 
pests, 213 ; receives  distinct  ac- 
counts of  the  Peruvian  empire,  214  ; 
entertained  by  an  Indian  prin- 
cess, 216,  218  ; returns  to  Panamfi, 
coldly  received  by  the  governor, 
219 ; sets  out  for  Spain,  220  ; his 
reception  there,  226  ; interview  with 
Charles  V.,  227  ; capitulation  with 
the  crown,  229,  Appendix  No.  VII.  ; 
his  greediness  of  honors,  230  ; visits 
his  family,  233  ; sails  from  Seville, 
234 ; arrives  at  Panama,  235  ; his 
difficulty  with  Almagro,  236 ; fits 
out  vessels,  237  ; sails  for  the  con- 
quest of  Peru,  238  ; lands  on  the 
coast,  238  ; plunders  an  Indian 
town,  239  ; his  exhausting  march, 
242  ; reaches  Puerto  Viejo,  243 ; at 
the  Isle  of  Puna,  244 ; receives  re- 
inforcements, 246  ; learns  the  state 
of  the  Peruvian  empire,  246,  265  ; 
crosses  to  Tumbez,  260  ; marches 
into  the  country,  263  ; his  liberal 
policy  toward  the  natives,  263,  264  ; 
founds  San  Miguel.  265  ; his  de- 
signs, 266  ; sets  out  for  Caxamalca, 
267  ; his  firmness  and  courage,  268, 
278,  293  ; stops  disaffection  in  his 
army,  270 ; receives  envoys  from 
the  Inca,  271,  282,  283  ; his  mes- 
sage to  him,  273 ; continues  his 
march,  275  ; his  anxieties,  276 ; 
sends  an  envoy  to  Atahuallpa,  277  ; 
his  stirring  eloquence,  278  ; crosses 
the  Andes,  280  ; distrusts  the  Inca's 
designs,  284  ; his  first  view  of  Ata- 
huallpa's  camp,  285  ; enters  Caxa- 
malca, 287 ; reanimates  his  fol- 
lowers, 293  ; his  daring  plan,  295  ; 
prepares  for  Atahuallpa's  recep- 
tion, 297  ; urges  his  entrance  into 
the  town,  299  ; gives  the  signal  of 


382 


INDEX. 


attack,  303  ; protects  Atahuallpa's 
life,  306  ; takes  him  prisoner,  306  ; 
entertains  him  after  the  battle,  307, 
308  ; pays  him  every  attention,  309, 
313  ; addresses  his  troops,  310  ; re- 
leases his  Indian  prisoners,  310; 
sends  for  reinforcements,  312  ; ac- 
cepts the  Inca’s  offer  of  ransom, 
313;  endeavors  to  convert  him, 
3x5 ; sends  Hernando  to  Pachaca- 
mac,  319  ; hears  accounts  of  Cuzco, 
329  ; receives  a reinforcement  with 
Amalgro,  332,  333  ; sends  Hernando 
to  Spain  with  treasure,  335  ; melts 
down  the  gold,  336  ; divides  it,  338  ; 
equity  of  his  division,  340  ; refuses 
to  liberate  Atahuallpa,  341  ; ac- 
cuses him  of  treason,  343  ; appre- 
hensions of  the  Peruvians,  344 ; 
brings  the  Inca  to  trial,  345  ; con- 
sents to  his  execution,  348  ; goes 
into  mourning  for  him,  330 ; up- 
braided by  De  Soto,  352  ; his  re- 
sponsibility, 353-355  ; story  of  his 
ignorance,  355  ; appoints  a new 
Inca,  358  ; sets  out  for  Cuzco,  358  ; 
arrives  at  Xauxa,  361  ; charges 
Challcuchima  with  conspiracy, 
365 ; condemns  him  to  the  stake 
and  executes  him,  367,  368 ; re- 
ceives Prince  Manco,  368  ; enters 
Cuzco,  369  ; forbids  dwellings  to  be 
molested,  373  ; is  disappointed  in 
the  amount  of  treasure,  374 ; crowns 
Manco,  ii.  16  ; organizes  a govern- 
ment for  Cuzco,  17  ; attends  to  reli- 
gious interests,  17,  18  ; sends  Al- 
magro  against  Quizquiz,  20  ; learns 
the  arrival  of  Alvarado,  20  ; his  in- 
terview with  him  at  Pachacamac, 
27  ; founds  Lima,  29  ; grants  to  him 
from  Charles  confirmed,  31  ; checks 
a feud  between  his  brothers  and 
Almagro,  36  ; enters  into  a com- 
pact with  Almagro,  36,  37,  Appen- 
dix No.  XI.  ; establishes  settle- 
ments, 37  ; his  treatment  of  Manco, 
41 ; repels  the  Peruvians  from 
Lima,  59  ; his  anxiety  about  Cuzco, 
59  ; his  letters  for  aid,  59  ; at  Lima, 

77  ; his  controversy  with  Almagro, 

78  ; negotiates  with  him,  79,  82,  84  ; 
his  treachery  toward  him,  85,  101  ; 
sends  Hernando  against  him,  86 ; 
hears  of  his  death,  102  ; affected  by 
it,  102  ; instructions  to  his  brother 
about  it,  X02  ; his  partiality  to  his 
own  family,  103  ; his  deference  for 
Hernando,  105  ; his  unlimited  au- 
thority in  Peru,  108  ; his  troubles 
with  the  Indians,  no,  112;  his  cru- 


elty to  Manco's  wile,  111 ; founds 
Arequipa,  1x2;  appoints  Gonzalo 
governor  of  Quito,  113 ; his  treat- 
ment of  the  Almagrian  faction,  127  ; 
conspiracy  against  him,  130 ; dis- 
closed to  him,  131  ; his  indifference, 
132  ; attacked  in  his  house,  133  ; 
killed,  135  ; treatment  of  his  re- 
mains, 137  ; his  descendants,  138  ; 
his  personal  appearance,  139 ; his 
want  of  education,  140,  and  n.  ; his 
courage,  142  ; his  inflexibility,  142, 
143  ; his  perfidy,  144  ; his  treatment 
of  the  Indians,  144;  his  want  of  re- 
ligion, 145  ; his  ruling  motives,  146. 

Pizarro,  Gonzalo,  i.  233  ; at  the  siege 
of  Cuzco,  ii.  52,  63  ; confined  there 
by  Almagro,  75,  81 ; makes  his  es- 
cape, 81 ; at  the  battle  of  Las  Sali- 
nas, 89  ; sent  to  Charcas,  103  ; early 
life  and  character  of,  113,  114  ; ap- 
pointed governor  of  Quito,  115 ; his 
expedition  to  the  “ Land  of  Cin- 
namon," 116  ; reaches  the  Amazon, 
121 ; reassures  his  followers,  124  ; 
his  generous  spirit,  125  ; returns  to 
Quito,  126  ; learns  the  assassination 
of  his  brother,  127  ; offers  his  ser- 
vices to  Vaca  de  Castro,  161 ; goes 
to  Lima,  173  ; summoned  to  Cuzco, 
173  ; withdraws  to  La  Plata,  174 ; 
works  the  mines  of  Potosi,  185  ; ap- 
pealed to  against  the  viceroy,  186, 
189 ; repairs  to  Cuzco,  190  ; obtains 
military  command,  190;  musters  an 
army,  192  ; leaves  Cuzco,  193 ; fa- 
vored by  the  people,  196 ; ap- 
proaches Lima,  202 ; enforces  his 
demands  on  the  Audience,  203  ; his 
letter  to  Valdivia,  204  n.  ; enters 
Lima  in  triumph,  204  ; proclaimed 
governor  of  Peru,  205  ; his  proceed- 
ings at  Lima,  205  ; marches  against 
Blasco  Nunez,  209  ; pursues  him  to 
Quito,  211 — 214  ; his  stratagem, 
215  ; battle  of  Anaquito,  218  ; his 
clemency  to  his  prisoners,  221 ; his 
ideas  respecting  battle,  223  n.  ; his 
mild  administration,  224 ; his  tri- 
umphal progress  to  Lima,  225 ; state 
assumed  by  him,  227,  228  ; hesitates 
to  throw  off  his  allegiance,  229, 
230;  communications  to  him  from 
Gasca,  247  ; his  anxiety,  250 ; sends 
Aldana  to  Spain,  251  ; his  opinion 
of  Gasca,  251  n. , 252  n.  ; his  bold 
self-confidence,  256 ; rejects  Gasca’s 
offers,  257 ; prepares  his  forces, 
258 ; his  design  to  assume  the 
crown,  259  n.  ; his  trust  in  Carbajal, 
259 ; his  change  of  temper,  26c ; 


INDEX.  383 


his  distress,  264;  marches  to  Are- 
quipa,  264 ; resolves  to  retire  into 
Chili,  267  ; arrives  at  Huarina,  269  ; 
battle  of  Huarina,  272  ; his  danger-  I 
ous  situation,  273  ; his  victory,  275  ; | 
marches  to  Cuzco,  277  ; his  careless  I 
indifference,  286  ; rejects  Carbajal's  J 
advice,  287 ; takes  position  at  Xa-  j 
quixaguana,  288  ; sends  spies  to 
Gasca's  camp,  290 ; prepares  for 
battle,  293 ; his  fine  appearance, 
293  ; desertion  of  his  followers,  294 
-296  ; surrenders  himself  prisoner, 
297  ; his  interview  with  Gasca,  297  ; 
sentenced  to  death,  301,  Appendix 
No.  XIV.  ; his  execution,  306,  307  ; 
his  character,  308. 

Pizarro,  Hernando,  i.  233  ; character 
of,  233  ; accompanies  his  brother, 
235 ; his  hostility  to  Almagro,  236, 
335;  is  wounded,  245;  rescues  Span- 
iards at  Tumbez,  260 ; accounts 
of  Atahuallpa  obtained  by,  277 ; 
sent  on  an  embassy  to  him,  287 ; 
interview  with  him,  290,  291,  and  n.  ; 
reconnoitres  the  country,  319;  sent 
to  Pachacamac,  319;  forces  open 
the  temple,  322  ; destroys  the  idol, 
324;  brings  Challcuchima  to  Pi- 
zarro, 326 ; sent  with  treasure  to 
Spain,  335  ; kindness  toward  Ata- 
huallpa, 343 ; arrives  at  Seville,  ii. 
30  ; interview  with  the  emperor,  31  ; 
rewards  conferred  on  him,  32 ; fits 
out  an  armament,  33  ; arrives  at 
Panama,  34  ; governor  of  Cuzco, 

42  ; suffers  Manco  to  escape,  43  ; 
besieged  in  Cuzco,  45-61 ; attack 
of  the  fortress,  56;  repulsed  at 
Tambo,  63  ; taken  prisoner  by  Al- 
magro, 75  ; his  danger,  76,  80,  81  ; 
set  at  liberty,  83  ; his  pursuit  of  Al- 
magro, 85  ; battle  of  Las  Salinas, 

89  ; takes  Almagro  prisoner,  92  ; his 
perfidy  toward  him,  94,  95;  his  in- 
terview with  him,  96,  97;  puts  him 
to  death,  98  ; his  warnings  to  his 
brother,  105 ; embarks  for  Spain, 
105  ; coldly  received  at  court,  106 ; 
imprisoned  for  twenty  years,  106 ; 
his  release  and  death,  106,  107  ; his 
remarkable  character,  107,  108. 

Pizarro,  Juan,  made  Regidor  of  Cuz- 
co, ii.  16  ; sent  in  pursuit  of  Manco, 

43  ; at  the  battle  of  Yucay,  44  ; en- 
tangled in  the  mountains,  45  ; 
leads  the  attack  on  the  fortress  at 
Cuzco,  55  ; is  killed,  55. 

Pizarro,  Pedro,  his  ignorance  of  Pe- 
ruvian institutions,  i.  139  n.  criti- 
cal notice  of,  ii.  64  ; loyalty  of,  205 


n.  ; life  of,  spared  by  Carbajal,  304 

rt. 

Pizarro  y Orellana,  memorial  of,  ii. 
138  n. 

Plough,  Peruvian  substitute  for,  i. 

ns- 

Plutarch,  i.  95  n. 

Poetry  and  poets  in  Peru,  i.  106. 
Poor,  anecdote  respecting  the  culti- 
vation of  the  lands  of,  i.  58  n.  ; 
provisions  for,  under  the  Peruvian 
Government,  65  and  n. 

Popayan,  Vaca  de  Castro  arrives  at, 
ii.  148  ; Benalcazar,  governor  at, 
157  ; Blasco  Nunez  retreats  to,  215; 
he  abandons,  2x6. 

Porphyry  used  as  a building  material 
by  the  Peruvians,  i.  128. 

Portugal,  efforts  of,  in  the  cause  of 
discovery,  i.  150. 

Posts,  Peruvian  system  of,  i.  69,  70 ; 
houses  for,  69  n. , 360  ; system  of, 
in  eastern  nations,  71  n. 

Potato,  cultivated  in  Peru,  i.  118,  119, 
191,  192;  unknown  in  Mexico,  118 
n. 

Potosi,  hills  of,  given  to  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro, ii.  104  ; discovery  of  mines 
of,  104  n.  ; mines  of,  worked  by 
Pizarro,  185;  by  Carbajal,  227; 
immense  riches  drawn  from,  227 
n. 

Pottery,  Peruvian,  excellence  of,  i. 

131  ». 

Poverty,  unknown  in  Peru,  i.  65, 
138- 

Present  sent  to  Pizarro  by  Atahuall- 
pa, i.  271,  282. 

Priesthood,  Peruvian,  i.  92  ; how 
composed,  92  ; how  supported,  93 
n.  ; duties  of,  93.  See  Religion. 
Progresses,  royal,  of  the  Incas,  i.  42, 
Appendix  No.  I. 

Property,  regulation  and  distribution 
of,  in  Peru,  i.  55-64. 

Provinces,  Peruvian,  i.  49,  52. 
Puelles,  joins  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  ii. 
196 ; left  by  him  at  Quito,  215, 
225. 

Puerto  de  la  Hambre,  i.  171,  176. 
Puerto  de  Pinas,  i.  165. 

Puerto  Viejo,  the  Spaniards  reach,  i. 
243- 

Puna,  Isle  of,  Pizarro  arrives  at,  i. 
243  ; battle  with  the  inhabitants  of, 
244 ; warriors  of,  check  Atahuallpa, 
254- 

Punta  de  Pasado,  Ruiz  reaches,  i 
189. 

Punta  Quemada,  i.  173. 


3»4 


INDEX. 


Q 

Queen  of  the  Inca,  i.  38  n. 

Quichua  dialect,  i.  107. 

Quintana,  account  of  Balboa  by,  i. 
157  n. ; impartiality  of,  356  n. 

Quipaypan,  battle  of,  i.  255. 

Quipucamayus,  i.  63,  103. 

Quipus,  i.  61,  103  ; uses  of,  103,  104  ; 
defects  of,  as  a symbol  of  thought, 
105  ; skill  of  the  Peruvians  in  the 
use  of,  103,  106 ; present  use  of, 
104  n.  ; resemblance  of,  to  wam- 
pum, 105  n. 

Quito,  elevation  of  the  plains  of,  i. 
30  n.  ; subjection  of,  77  n.  ; con- 
quest of,  by  Huayna  Capac,  140 
«. , 247 ; reached  by  Pizarro,  193  ; 
kingdom  of,  given  to  Atahuallpa, 
25 1 ; Atahuallpa’s  remains  carried 
to,  351 ; Alvarado’s  march  to,  ii. 
20-23  I Benalcazar  seizes,  24  ; Al- 
magro  arrives  at,  25  ; Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro appointed  governor  of,  113; 
he  arrives  at,  115  ; leaves,  on  his 
expedition  to  the  Amazon,  116 ; 
his  return  to,  126 ; Vaca  de 
Castro  at,  149 ; Blasco  Nunez 
marches  to,  209  ; he  is  pursued  to, 
by  Pizarro,  2x3 ; Gonzalo  Pizarro 
at,  214 ; he  leaves,  215  ; and  re- 
enters,, 216;  Blasco  Nunez  at, 
218  ; Pizarro's  proceedings  at,  221, 
225  ; he  leaves,  225. 

Quixos,  territory  of,  ii.  115. 

Quizquiz,  i.  254  ; his  battles  with  Al- 
magro,  ii.  20  ; put  to  death  by  his 
own  soldiers,  20. 


R 

Rada,  Juan  de,  heads  the  conspir- 
acy against  Pizarro,  ii.  131 ; saying 
of,  133  ; at  Pizarro's  assassination, 
13S  ; chief  counsellor  of  young  Al- 
magro,  150  ; death  of,  152. 

Rainbow,  worshipped  by  the  Peruvi- 
ans, i.  86,  90. 

Ransom  of  Atahuallpa,  i.  313,  336. 

Raymi,  feast  of,  i.  94. 

Registers,  statistical,  kept  by  the 
Inca,  i.  61,  63,  104. 

Religion,  revenues  for  the  support  of, 
in  Peru,  i.  56 ; a pretext  for  war, 
71 ; of  foreign  nations,  how  treated 
by  the  Peruvians,  75,  87  ; provi- 
sions for,  among  Indian  nations, 
83;  the  basis  ot  the  Inca  govern- 
ment, 85  ; Peruvian  ideas  of  God, 
83 ; worship  of  the  sun  and  moon, 


86,  87 ; inferior  deities,  87  ; only 
precious  metals  used  for  the  pur- 
poses of,  90;  temples  of,  91,  92; 
ministers  of,  92  ; festivals  of,  93  ; 
cruelties  practised  in  the  name  of, 
153  ; of  the  conquerors,  297,  301, 
302,  309,  312,  324,  348,  368,  ii.  18, 
180. 

Religious  men,  Pizarro  bound  to 
take  with  him,  i.  230. 

Remains  of  Peruvian  architecture,  i, 
44  n. , 102  n.  ; of  Peruvian  industry, 
66  ; of  aqueducts,  112. 

Repartimientos  made  by  Pizarro,  ii. 
37,  103 ; ordinances  respecting, 
183;  distribution  of,  byGasca,  313, 
3i9- 

Resurrection,  Peruvian  belief  in,  i, 
83- 

Retreat  of  Blasco  Nunez,  ii.  215  n.  ; 
of  Diego  Centeno,  226. 

Revenues  of  the  Inca,  from  lands,  i, 
56  ; from  herds  and  manufactures, 
59,  60  ; from  mines,  61. 

Rios,  Don  Pedro  de  los,  governor  of 
Panama,  i.  181 ; favors  Almagro, 
191 ; orders  Pizarro  to  return,  199; 
his  anger  at  his  refusal,  204 ; re- 
fuses to  aid  the  confederates,  219. 

Roads,  in  Peru,  i.  66  ; from  Cuzco  t<5 
Quito,  66-68,  274,  278,  320 ; de- 
scription  of,  by  a Spaniard,  67  n.  • 
care  of,  68 ; remains  of,  69  ; mili- 
tary uses  of,  71  ; macadamized,  125 
n.  ; Sarmiento’s  account  of,  Ap- 
pendix No.  II.  ; traversed  by  Pi- 
zarro, 359  ; by  Almagro,  ii.  68. 

Robertson,  manuscript  of,  i.  36  n. 

Romans  not  a maritime  nation,  i. 
149- 

Room  where  Atahuallpa  was  con- 
fined, i.  313  n. 

Ruins  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Titi- 
caca, i.  32,  33,  34  n. 

Ruiz,  Bartholomew,  i.  186  ; exploring 
voyage  of,  187;  discoveries  of,  188  ; 
goes  with  Pizarro,  201  ; returns  to 
Panamd,  202  ; accompanies  Pizarro 
on  his  southern  voyage,  204  ; honor 
conferred  on,  by  the  crown,  229. 


8 

Sacrifices,  of  wivas  and  domestics, 
on  the  tombs  of  wobles,  i.  85,  351  ; 
of  burnt  offerings,  86,  95  ; human, 
rare  in  Peru,  94 , at  the  feast  01 
Raymi,  95-97. 

Sancho,  Pedro,  high  authority  of,  L 

369  »- 


INDEX. 


385 


San  Juan,  Rio  de,  Spaniards  land  at,  | 

i.  186  ; Almagro  returns  to,  192. 

San  Lucar,  Gasca  embarks  at,  ii. 

243- 

San  Miguel,  origin  of  the  name,  i. 
245  n.  ; founded  by  Pizarro,  265 ; 
he  marches  from,  against  Atahu- 
allpa,  267;  Almagro  arrives  at, 
331 ; Benalcazar  made  governor  of, 

ii.  24. 

Santa,  port  of,  i.  2x5  ; place  where 
Peruvian  mummies  were  pre- 
served, 215. 

Santa  Clara,  isle  of,  i.  206. 

Santa  Cruz,  Pizarro  visits  an  Indian 
princess  at,  i.  216. 

Santa  Marta,  i.  235  ; Gasca  lands  at, 
ii.  243. 

Santiago,  order  of,  conferred  on 
Francisco  Pizarro,  i.  232  ; on  Her- 
nando, ii.  32. 

Santiago,  Rio  de,  northern  limit  of 
Almagro 's  jurisdiction,  ii.  73,  74, 

Sarabia,  ingenious  device  of,  i.  197. 

Sarmiento,  Juan  de,  high  authority 
of,  i,  77  n.  ; critical  notice  of,  141 ; 
not  the  author  of  the  work  ascribed 
to  him,  28  n. , 142  n.  ; and  see  Cieza 
de  Leon. 

Satan  believed  by  chroniclers  to 
counterfeit  rites  of  Christianity,  i. 
96  n. 

Saxon  law  of  hundreds  and  tithings, 

>•  S3  «• 

Science,  engrossed  by  the  amautas,  i. 
102  ; the  Peruvian  mind  not  adapted 
to,  108  ; modern,  superior  to  an- 
cient, 147  ; progress  of,  compared 
with  that  of  the  fine  arts,  148. 

Sculpture,  remarkable  specimens  of, 
i.  126. 

Sechura,  desert  of,  crossed  by  Pi- 
zarro, i.  213. 

Seneca,  remarkable  prediction  of,  i. 
149  n. 

Seville,  almost  depopulated  by  emi- 
gration, i.  152  n.  ; Pizarro  arrives 
at,  226  ; he  sails  from,  235  ; Her- 
nando Pizarro  reaches,  ii.  30 ; 
Gasca  returns  to,  320. 

Sheep,  Peruvian,  i.  120  ; the  llama, 
120,  121 ; alpacas,  121  ; huanacos 
and  vicunas,  122 ; mode  of  taking, 
122-124 ; wool  of,  123,  124.  See 
Llama. 

Silver,  exclusively  used  in  worship  of 
the  moon,  i.  90 ; twelve  vases  of, 
90  and  n.  ; mines  of,  at  Porco,  126  ; 
used  for  shoeing  horses,  instead  of 
iron,  326;  mines  of,  at  Potosi,  ii. 
104,  and  ».,  185,  227  n.  ; city  of, 


112  ; mingled  with  copper  in  mak- 
ing arms,  155  ; a vessel  laden  with, 
sent  to  Spain,  187. 

Slavery  of  Indians,  laws  respecting, 
ii.  183 ; abolished  by  Gasca  in 
Peru,  317. 

Sora,  an  intoxicating  liquor,  i.  117  «, 

Sotelo,  Christoval  de,  ii  152  ; his 
jealousy  of  Alvarado,  153  ; assassi- 
nated by  him,  134. 

Soto,  Hernando  de,  i.  246  ; sent  to 
Caxas,  271,  273  ; goes  on  an  em- 
bassy to  Atahuallpa,  287 ; exhibi- 
tion of  horsemanship  by,  291  ; 
friendly  to  Atahuallpa,  341,  352 ; 
sent  to  Huamachuco,  345 ; re- 
proves Pizarro,  352  ; entangled  in 
the  sierra,  362  ; his  battle  with  the 
Indians,  362,  363. 

Soul,  separate  existence  of,  believed 
in  by  the  Peruvians,  i.  83. 

Southey,  epitaph  on  Pizarro  by,  ii. 

I46  71. 

Spain,  one  of  the  first  nations  in 
making  discoveries,  i.  150 ; emigra- 
tion from,  to  the  New  World,  151 ; 
colonial  domain  of,  156 ; Pizarro 
goes  to,  226  ; Hernando  Pizarro  in, 
ii.  30,  105  ; commotion  produced 
in,  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro's  rebellion, 
234.  235. 

Spaniards,  in  the  New  World,  i.  153- 
155  ; hear  rumors  of  Peru,  154, 
158,  177,  178  ; omens  and  prodigies 
respecting,  248, 333  ; unwillingness 
of,  to  engage  with  Pizarro,  165, 185, 
198,  233,  237 ; sufferings  of,  166, 
169,  171,  191,  199,  241,  ii.  34,  1x6, 
117,  121,  124-126,  212 ; losses  of, 
i.  170,  185,  191,  ii.  126 ; discontent 
and  murmurs  of,  i.  168,  269  ; bat- 
tles of,  with  the  natives,  175,  245, 
303,  362,  ii.  20,  44,  50,  51,  53,  55, 
61,  62,  63,  72 ; impressions  pro- 
duced by,  in  Peru,  i.  207,  213,  245, 
249  ; division  of  treasure  among, 
240.  338,  375 ; anxiety  of,  262 ; 
pleasant  march  of,  269 ; number 
of,  with  Pizarro,  269  ; their  enthu- 
siasm, 278 ; their  severe  march 
over  the  Andes,  280 ; their  en- 
trance into  Caxamalca,  287 ; their 
gloomy  forebodings,  292  ; Pizarro’s 
address  to,  293  ; their  religious  en- 
thusiasm, 293,  297,  365;  their  at- 
tack on  Atahuallpa,  303  ; Atahuall- 
pa's  impression  respecting,  308 ; 
their  rapacity,  330  ; their  march  to 
Cuzco,  358  ; enter  Cuzco,  369,  370 ; 
effect  of  wealth  on,  376 ; with  Al- 
varado, ii.  21,  22  ; cruelty  of,  to  the 

Vol.  2 


Peru  33 


386 


INDEX. 


natives,  40,  69,  178  ; ?'  iue  siege  of 
Cuzco,  48,  51,  57,  50  ; desire  to 
abandon  the  city,  52  ; on  the  Chili 
expedition,  69-72 ; their  battles 
among  themselves,  89,  90,  167,  2x9, 
272 ; on  the  Amazon  expedition, 
115,  117 ; their  deep  feelings  of 
loyalty,  150 ; attached  to  young 
Almagro,  157 ; their  passion  for 
gold,  178 ; their  improvidence, 
179 ; thrown  into  consternation  at 
the  ordinances,  184,  188 ; appeal 
to  Vaca  de  Castro  against  them, 
185  ; and  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  185, 
189  ; take  sides  with  Gonzalo,  196  ; 
influence  of  Gasca’s  proclamation 
on,  255  ; desert  from  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro, 263,  296 ; their  discontent 
with  the  repartimientos,  314.  See 
Gold  and  Peruvians. 

Spanish  colonies,  the  mode  of  their 
acquisition,  unfavorable  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  natives,  ii.  177. 

Springs  of  warm  water  at  Caxamal- 
ca,  i.  282. 

Stars,  objects  of  Peruvian  worship,  i. 
86,  89. 

Stevenson,  description  of  the  River 
of  Emeralds  by,  i.  193  n. ; of  Caxa- 
malca,  287  n. 

St.  Matthew,  Bay  of,  Ruiz  enters,  i. 
187;  Pizarro  reaches,  192;  he  dis- 
embarks his  forces  at,  238. 

Stone,  tools  made  of,  i.  126. 

Sun,  tradition  respecting,  i.  30;  tem- 
ple of,  at  Cuzco,  35,  88,  329,  373  ; 
lands  assigned  to,  56;  peculiar 
sanctity  of,  86  ; temples  of,  87-89, 
91,  92  ; virgins  of,  95,  97,  99,  100. 
See  Religion  and  Temples. 


T 

Tacamez,  i.  193 ; touched  at  by  Pi- 
zarro, 205. 

Tambo,  the  royal  buildings  at,  i.  45 
n. ; the  Inca  Manco  at,  ii.  61 ; at- 
tacked by  Hernando  Pizarro,  62. 

Tambos,  or  inns,  1.  43. 

Tangarala,  settlement  made  at,  i. 
264  ; Almagro's  camp  at,  ii.  85. 

Tempests  suffered  by  Spaniards,  i. 
166,  173,  192,  2x3. 

Temples,  to  Pachacamac,  i.  85  and 
«.,  322,  323  ; to  thunder  and  light- 
ning, 86 ; to  the  rainbow,  87 ; of 
the  sun,  35,  87,  88,  329  ; of  inferior 
deities,  91. 

Ternaux-Compans,  elegance  of  his 
translations,  ii.  67. 


| Terraces  on  the  Cordilleras,  i.  30, 
113- 

Theatrical  exhibitions  in  Peru,  i.  108. 

Theft,  punishment  of,  in  Peru,  i.  54 n. 

Thirteen  companions  of  Pizarro,  i. 
201,  229. 

Thought,  symbols  for  the  expres- 
sion of,  i.  105. 

Thunder,  Peruvian  word  for,  i.  86  «. ; 
an  object  of  worship  in  Peru,  86, 
90- 

Time,  Peruvian  method  of  measur- 
ing, i.  108. 

Titicaca  lake,  i.  30 ; ruins  on  the 
borders  of,  32,  34;  Centeno  en- 
camps on  the  borders  of,  ii.  258; 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  approaches,  269; 
battle  of  Huarina  on,  271. 

Titucussi,  memorial  of,  i.  231  n. 

Tobacco,  cultivation  of,  i.  117. 

Toledo,  Pizarro  visits  the  emperor 
at,  i.  227. 

Tomebamba,  Blasco  Nunez  passes 
through,  ii.  213. 

Tools  of  the  Peruvians,  i.  126  n. 

Toparca,  Inca,  crowned  by  Pizarro, 
i.  358  ; death  of,  366. 

Traditions,  respecting  the  origin  of 
the  Peruvian  empire,  i.  30 ; puerile 
character  of,  in  Peru,  31,  83;  im- 
portance of,  as  sources  of  history, 
32  n. ; respecting  a hidden  treasure 
at  Cuzco,  130  n. 

Treachery,  commonness  of,  among 
the  conquerors,  ii.  196. 

Treasure,  found  in  Peruvian  mon- 
uments, i.  85  and  n.  ; hidden  at 
Cuzco,  126  n. ; sent  by  Pizarro  to 
Panamd,  240  ; relinquished  by  the 
Spaniards,  265 ; division  of,  336, 
338,  339 ; shown  by  Manco  to  Her- 
nando Pizarro,  ii.  43.  See  Gold. 

Tribunals,  account  of  Peruvian,  very- 
meagre,  i.  54  n.  See  Justice. 

Trinity,  Peruvian  knowledge  of,  in- 
ferred, i.  86  n. 

Truxillo,  Pizarro's  native  place,  i. 
233 ; visited  by  him,  233. 

Truxillo,  in  Peru,  foundation  of,  ii. 
37 ; besieged  by  the  Peruvians, 
51 ; Gonzalo  Pizarro  musters  his 
forces  at,  209 ; reception  of  Aldana 
at,  261 ; of  Gasca,  266. 

Tumbez,  natives  of,  seen  by  Ruiz, 
i.  188;  visited  by  Pizarro,  207  ; his 
intercourse  with  the  inhabitants  of, 
208 ; visit  of  Molina  to,  209 ; ol 
Pedro  de  Candia,  210 ; temple  at, 
211 ; gardens  and  convents  of,  211; 
Luque  appointed  bishop  of,  229; 
the  Spaniards  take  possession  o^ 


INDEX. 


38  7 


a6i ; deserted  and  dismantled  by 
its  inhabitants,  261  ; Pizarro  leaves 
a force  at,  263 ; Gasca  arrives  at, 
ii.  266. 

Tumults  in  Peru,  occasioned  by  the 
royal  ordinances,  ii.  184. 

Tylor,  Edward  B.,  his  remarks  on 
the  historical  value  of  myths,  i.  32 
re.  ; identifies  Manco  Capac  and 
Mama  Oello  with  the  sun  and 
moon,  33  re.;  his  explanation  of  the 
sister-marriage  of  the  Incas,  38  re.; 
his  views  of  primitive  monotheism 
and  dualism,  83  re. , 84  ; on  the  Pe- 
ruvian religion,  101  re. 


U 

Umu,  Villac,  high  priest  of  Peru,  ii. 
37 ; urges  the  rising  of  the  Peru- 
vians, 41. 

Urcos,  Almagro’ s army  at,  ii.  72. 


V 

Vaca  de  Castro,  ii.  108 ; embarks 
for  Peru,  109 ; arrives  at  Buena  [ 
Ventura,  148 ; difficult  position  and 
boldness  of,  148,  149  ; goes  to  Quito 
and  assumes  the  government,  149, 
marches  south,  157 ; takes  com- 
mand of  the  army,  159  ; reconciles 
his  generals,  159 ; arrives  at  Lima, 
160 ; his  army,  160 ; declines  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro's  assistance,  161 ; ne- 
gotiates with  Almagro,  162 ; ad- 
vances to  Chupas,  163;  addresses 
his  troops,  165;  battle  of  Chupas, 
166  ; decides  the  action,  168  ; his 
severity  toward  the  vanquished, 
171,  172;  his  mode  of  life  at  Cuzco, 
172 ; puts  to  death  Almagro,  173  ; 
his  treatment  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
174 ; his  judicious  proceedings, 
175,  176 ; his  efforts  to  quiet  dis- 
content with  the  ordinances,  185  ; 
letters  of  the  emperor  to  him,  187  ; 
prevents  an  insurrection  at  Lima, 
188 ; his  reception  of  Blasco  Nu- 
nez, 191 ; suspected  and  put  in 
confinement  by  him,  196  ; endeav- 
ors to  dissuade  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
from  rebellion,  196  re.;  returns  to 
Spain,  206 ; his  subsequent  fate, 
207. 

Valdivia,  Pedro  de,  ii.  89  ; bravery 
of,  at  Las  Salinas,  90 ; letter  of 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  to,  252  re.;  joins 
Gasca,  280;  his  self-glorification, 


281  «.;  Gasca’s  opinion  of  him, 
280  re.,  281  re. ; at  the  passes  of 
the  Apurimac,  284 ; his  letter  to 
the  emperor,  288  re.  ; killed  by  the 
Araucans,  311. 

Valencia,  Gasca  at,  ii.  237,  238. 

Valverde,  Pizarro’s  chaplain,  i.  301  ; 
his  interview  with  Atahuallpa,  301, 
303  re. ; his  efforts  to  convert  Chall- 
cuchima,  368 ; performs  mass  at 
the  coronation  of  Manco,  ii.  16 ; 
made  bishop  of  Cuzco,  17  ; his  let- 
ter to  the  emperor,  49  re. ; inter- 
cedes for  Almagro,  97  re.  ; inter- 
poses in  behalf  of  Picado,  150  ; his 
death,  151 ; his  fanatical  charac- 
ter, 151  ; his  efforts  in  behalf  of 
the  Indians,  181  re. 

Vargas,  Fray  Juan  de,  i.  238. 

Vargas,  Sanchez  de,  opposes  Orel- 
lana’s voyage,  ii.  123. 

Vases  of  silver  in  the  temple  of  the 
Moon,  i.  90  re. 

Vattel,  on  the  trial  of  Atahuallpa,  i. 
247  re. 

Venus,  Peruvian  worship  of,  i.  86. 

Viceroys  of  the  provinces  of  the  Pe- 
ruvian empire,  i.  52. 

Vicunas,  habits  of,  i.  122. 

Viracocha,  a Peruvian  deity,  i.  85; 
meaning  of  the  word,  85  re. 

Virgins  of  the  Sun,  i.  98  «.,  99; 
houses  of,  211,  287,  ii.  17;  chastity 
of,  17  re.  ; outrages  upon,  40,  and 
re.,  178. 

W 

War,  Peruvian  method  of  conduct- 
ing, i.  73-75 ; religious  character 
of,  among  the  Peruvians,  81. 

Weights  used  by  the  Peruvians,  i. 
127. 

Wheat  first  introduced  into  Peru,  i. 
1 19  re. 

Wilson,  Professor  Daniel,  theory  of, 
in  regard  to  the  original  settlement 
of  America,  i.  134  re. 

Wives  of  the  Peruvian  Monarchs,  i. 
38,  49  re. 

Wool,  the  distribution  and  manu- 
facture of,  i.  59  ; of  llamas,  120  ; of 
huanacos  and  vicunas,  122 ; how 
obtained  and  used  by  the  Peru- 
vians, 122-124. 


X 

Xaquixaguana,  valley  of,  Francisco 
Pizarro  halts  at,  i.  367 ; Challcu- 


388 


INDEX. 


chima  burnt  at,  368 ; selected  as 
a battle-ground  by  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro,  ii.  288  ; arrival  of  Gasca’s 
army  at,  291 ; rout  of,  296. 

Xauxa,  i.  326  ; the  Spaniards  arrive 
at,  361 ; they  leave  treasure  at, 
366  ; letter  of  municipality  of,  369 
n.  ; battles  with  Quizquiz  at,  ii.  20  ; 
great  Indian  hunt  at,  26  ; besieged 
by  the  Peruvians,  60 ; Pizarro  at, 
101  ; Vaca  de  Castro  musters 
forces  at,  159  ; Gasca’s  quarters  at, 
266,  278  ; he  leaves,  282. 

Xerez,  mistake  of,  as  to  the  Inca's 
name,  i.  272  n.  ; error  in  Temaux’s 
translation  of,  322  ». 


Y 

Year,  how  divided  by  the  Peruvians, 
i.  108. 

Yucay,  valley  of,  a favorite  residence 
of  the  Incas,  i.  44 ; battles  with 
the  Peruvians  at,  ii.  44,  72. 

Yupanqui,  meaning  of  the  term,  i. 
31  n.  ; conquests  by  Topa  Inca, 
34  ; his  maxim,  101. 

Z 

Zaraw,  i.  271. 

Zarate,  -vigor  and  spirit  of,  ii.  167  n.  ; 
royal  comptroller  to  the  audience, 
206  n.  critical  notice  of,  327. 


T3B  BStffi, 


DUKE  UNIVERSITY 


DURHAM,  NORTH  CAROLINA 
27706 


